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1
Álvarez, Justo Elías. "El Eurocomunismo y su influencia en el PSUC (1975-1982)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671841.
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La presente tesis aborda el estudio del eurocomunismo y de su influencia en el PSUC, el principal partido del antifranquismo en Catalunya.
Coincidiendo con el desarrollo de la transición a la democracia, el partido de los comunistas catalanes oficializó en su IV Congreso (1977) importantes cambios organizativos, estratégicos y doctrinales que fueron expresión, simultánea, de la culminación de las experiencias de los años sesenta y de una reflexión crítica respecto a la experiencia de los países del denominado socialismo real.
El abandono definitivo del partido de vanguardia, la nueva concepción del partido de masas, la aproximación a problemáticas sociales inéditas como el ecologismo o la amenaza de la marginalidad entre la juventud serán, entre otros elementos, aspectos que el PSUC tratará de integrar en una estrategia coherente de avance al socialismo. Cabe destacar igualmente que, el desarrollo de la democracia (democracia político-social) y una revalorización de los derechos políticos, se convierten en los principales ejes de una línea política que se reclama autónoma en tiempos de la Guerra Fría y enfrentamiento de bloques.
Con el ánimo de analizar la influencia del eurocomunismo en la organización del partido y su militancia, el estudio del V Congreso (1981) aparece como un acontecimiento clave. El congreso era, según las normas estatutarias, la máxima autoridad del partido, así como era también la expresión de la voluntad general de la militancia. Por ello reflejó en numerosa documentación congresual, los debates que tuvieron lugar en las distintas agrupaciones del partido.
El V Congreso debía, bajo la óptica de la dirección, sancionar la línea política seguida desde el anterior congreso y oficializar definitivamente el eurocomunismo. No obstante, el congreso mostró la división del PSUC, que conoció un debate que afectaría a los principales pilares de la organización; naturaleza del partido, objetivos e identidad.
En suma, la presente tesis trata de analizar el desarrollo del PSUC en el periodo entre 1975 y 1982 y su repercusión en los debates que abrirían la crisis de la organización, comprendiendo que la organización de los comunistas catalanes experimentó una particular transición, que teóricamente, debía capacitarla para mantener el alto grado de influencia social alcanzado durante la fase final de lucha contra la dictadura franquista y adaptarse al nuevo- e inestable- marco democrático.The present thesis focuses on the influence of Eurocommunism on the PSUC, one of the main Catalan political parties during the 1970s. While the 4th Congress of the Party, held in 1977, set down the core ideas related to Eurocommunism and led to many changes within the organization, the 5th Congress (1981) was conceived by the party leadership, as its ultimate consecration. Nonetheless the debates that took place on the aforementioned congress revolved, precisely, around the legitimacy of the term Eurocommunism a fact that eventually opened up the crisis -and the looming split- when it was decided its definitive suppression. In a few words, our aim is to study which were the changes undertaken by the party and how they intertwined with the officialization of a new political line -under the banner of Eurocommunism- that gave room to new insights and approaches but also created internal instability when some portions of the rank and file members felt that core elements of the party were being eroded.
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Balthrope, Robin Bernice. "Lawlessness and the new deal : congress and antilynching legislation, 1934-1938." Connect to resource, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1269368027.
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Boyle, Robert Alexander. "Tortured words : the first Soviet Writers Congress, Moscow 1934 : socialist realism and Soviet reality in Stalin's Russia, 1934-1939." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11371.
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Both the academic and the fiction element of the thesis concerns events in the Soviet Union and elsewhere in Europe in the 1930s. The first element informs the second. The academic portion is based on the first Soviet Writers Congress of 1934, the only such gathering allowed by Stalin in his lifetime and an event following which many of its delegates were murdered. Primary research sources include the stenographic verbatim record of the Congress itself and an addendum consisting of biographical material published by the Writers Union of the USSR in 1990 as Russian Communism tottered towards its end. This part of the thesis examines aspects of Soviet reality against the background of the Purges, and includes consideration of the writer's world, the significance of the Red Army to literary life, the position of foreigners and the doctrine of Socialist Realism, officially sanctified at the Congress. Other sources include memoir, histories of the period and material from the Thirties Soviet press. The fiction element comprises an excerpt from a novel, The Eastern Bow, which takes its title from Auden's poem A Summer Night. It is a story of espionage set in Moscow, Paris and London from 1937 to 1939. The plot involves the writing of a book in Russia by an unknown writer of genius who tells the truth about Stalin, the Purges and what the Revolution has become –a perversion of its earlier ideals. The secret police, the NKVD, hunt for the book, its author and all connected with it. This sub-plot combines with another centred in London and Paris in which a Soviet spy within MI6 is also being sought by elements within British intelligence. The two strands combine in France at the climax of the novel.
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LaLande, Jeffrey M. ""It can't happen here" in Oregon : the Jackson County rebellion, 1932-1933, and its 1890s-1920s background /." View full-text version online through Southern Oregon Digital Archives, 1993. http://soda.sou.edu/awdata/030911e1.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1993.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 329-341). Also available via Internet as PDF file through Southern Oregon Digital Archives: http://soda.sou.edu. Search Bioregion Collection.
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Miladinović, Ana. "La arquitectura de los museos en Yugoslavia : 1945–1965." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/316587.
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This study investigates modern Yugoslav architecture in the 1945-1965 period, taking an analysis of museum projects as a basis.
Rebuilding of the country and urban development in Yugoslavia after the World War II enabled planning the construction of a significant number of museums. This period is also characterized by the fact that, in addition to seven museums that were built, there were a significan! number of projects that have never been realized. Ali of them, the realized and those which were only designed, made a significant contribution to the development of museum architecture. Moreover, some of them are pointed out as the culmination of a period rich in architectural construction and represent the best Yugoslav architecture.
The intention is to thoroughly analyze the criteria and ideas that govern the development of the architectural language of all these projects and to explain, on the basis of that, whether there are or not the original features defining the museum architecture of the mentioned historical period in Yugoslavia. In particular, we do not intend to limit our analysis to the study of specific types of
buildings, nor to those museums that are historical examples, but rather to emphasize and insist on influences and relationships that are reflected, within the subject we are dealing with, within the Yugoslav context. ldentification of these complex relationships occurring within a specific modernity is analyzed based on four approaches. The first approach consists of a museum study observed under the prism of socio-political reality of the newly founded socialist state. The second principle describes the environment, evolution and consequences of architectural competitions for museums. The third principle focuses on museum
buildings and puts them in the framework of the general context of intense urban transformation. Finally, the fourth principle analyzes the characteristics of functional and formal aspects. Now, we can conclude that the mutual relationships that exist among the different approaches create a common place and specific characteristics of the museum architecture. Also, they cause that the principles and strategies of the international architecture in this period, which were very well known then, obtained in Yugoslavia a personal touch that sets them apart from others.
lntending to place these specific issues in the appropriate ideological, cultural and geographical context, this study presents opinions of the protagonists of these events and of the period (architects, commissioners. panelists, politicians). Thus. this study presents a text that serves as a "choral'' thinking about this period of Yugoslav architecture, while maintaining a critical spirit of
this group of opinions.La presente tesis analiza la arquitectura moderna yugoslava entre 1945 y 1965 tomando como eje vertebrador el estudio de los proyectos museísticos. La reconstrucción del país y el desarrollo urbano que tiene lugar en Yugoslavia tras la guerra, hacen posible planificar la construcción de un importante número de museos. Este período es también característico porque, además de los siete museos que se construyen, hay un significativo número de proyectos que no se llegan nunca a realizar. Todos ellos, los construidos y los únicamente proyectados, contribuyen en gran manera al desarrollo de la arquitectura de los museos. Es más, algunos de ellos destacan como la culminación de un período rico en construcciones arquitectónicas y son representativos de la mejor arquitectura yugoslava. El propósito es conocer en profundidad los criterios y las ideas que rigen el desarrollo del lenguaje arquitectónico de todos estos proyectos y en base a ello dilucidar si existen, o no, rasgos genuinos que definan la arquitectura museística de dicho período histórico en Yugoslavia. En concreto, no se trata de limitar nuestro análisis al estudio de un tipo determinado de edificio. ni al de aquellos museos que sean ejemplos históricos, sino más bien resaltar e insistir en las influencias y conexiones que se reflejan, en el tema que nos ocupa, dentro del ámbito yugoslavo. La identificación de estas complejas relaciones que acontecen en el marco de una contemporaneidad específica, se analiza a partir de cuatro enfoques. El primero consiste en el estudio de los museos contemplado bajo el prisma de la realidad político social del recién fundado Estado Socialista. El segundo describe el ambiente, la evolución y las consecuencias de los concursos arquitectónicos para museos. El tercero centra su atención en los edificios museísticos enmarcándolos dentro de un contexto general de intensas transformaciones urbanas. Finalmente el cuarto enfoque analiza las características de los aspectos funcionales y formales. Y así podemos concluir que son precisamente las interrelaciones que se dan entre estos diferentes enfoques, las que crean el discurso común y los rasgos específicos de la arquitectura museística. También influyen en que los principios y estrategias de la arquitectura internacional de aquel momento, que por entonces son ya bien conocidos, adquieran en Yugoslavia el acento personal que los distingue. La tesis con el propósito de encuadrar estas cuestiones específicas en su adecuado contexto ideológico, cultural y geográfico da voz a las opiniones de los protagonistas de aquellos hechos y época (arquitectos, comisarios, miembros de los jurados, políticos). Así, la tesis, manteniendo un espíritu critico sobre este conjunto de opiniones, construye un texto que funciona como reflexión "coral" sobre este periodo de la arquitectura yugoslava.
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Gendron, Étienne. "The people's keepers : le discours néo-populiste et le New Deal au Congrès des États-Unis, 1933-1935." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17950.
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Brulin, Rémi. "Le discours américain sur le terrorisme : Constitution, évolution et contextes d’énonciation (1972-1992)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030163/document.
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Depuis les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 contre New York et Washington, D.C. le terme de « terrorisme » a pris une place prépondérante dans le discours politique américain. Profondément péjoratif et s’accompagnant indéfectiblement d’une forte condamnation morale, il a été utilisé afin d’expliquer et justifier le recours à la force armée dans de multiples régions de monde et l’imposition de limites aux libertés civiles des citoyens américains, et ce malgré l’absence de définition claire de ce concept au niveau américain comme au niveau international. Le discours américain sur le terrorisme fit son apparition sur la scène politique durant la dernière décennie de la Guerre froide, l’Union Soviétique et ses alliés « totalitaires » étant décrits par Ronald Reagan comme recourant au « terroriste international » afin d’assouvir leurs velléités hégémoniques et de mener une véritable guerre contre l’ensemble du monde civilisé, d’abord en Amérique centrale puis, de plus en plus souvent, au Moyen-Orient. Le président américain, s’exprimant dans un contexte d’énonciation protégé, n’eut jamais à proposer de définition explicite de ce terme. Les débats devant le Congrès, l’Assemblée Générale et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies révèlent eux par contre que ce concept était à l’époque fortement contesté au sein du pouvoir américain tout comme au niveau international, et que les représentants du gouvernement américain défendirent non pas un mais de multiples discours très différents les uns des autres et adaptés aux contextes d’énonciation propre à chacun de ces forums. Grâce à cette compartimentation rendue possible par l’absence d’une définition claire et acceptée par tous du « terrorisme », mais aussi au rôle joué par les experts et les médias, le discours américain put ainsi s’imposer malgré ses contradictions flagrantes, et après l’interlude des années 1990, faire son retour triomphant après le 11 septembre 2001Since the attacks of September 11, 2001 against New York and Washington, D.C., the term of « terrorism » took a dominating place in the American political speech. Deeply pejorative and always accompanied by a strong moral judgment, it has been used to explain and justify the use of force in several regions around the world and curbs on the civil liberties of American citizens, all in spite of the absence of a clear definition of this concept at the American as well as at the international level. The American discourse on terrorism made its appearance on the political scene during the last decade of the Cold war, the Soviet Union and its « totalitarian » allies being described by Ronald Reagan as resorting to « international terrorism » in order to fulfill their hegemonic goals and as waging a war against the whole civilized world, initially in Central America and then, more and more often, in the Middle East.The American president, expressing himself in a protected context, never had to put forth an explicit definition of the term. However, the debates in Congress, at the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations reveal that this concept was strongly disputed at the time both within the American government and at the international level, and that the representatives of the American government defended not one but multiple and very different discourses, each adapted to its specific context of enunciation. Through this process of compartmentalization, made possible by the absence of a clear and widely-accepted definition of « terrorism » but also by the role played by experts and the media, the American discourse was able to impose itself on the political scene in spite of its internal contradictions and, after the interlude of the 1990s, to complete its triumphant comeback after September 11, 2001
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Toro, Zequera Luz Helena. "Historia da educação em debate : as tendencias teorico-metodologicas nos Congressos Ibero-Americanos (1992-1998)." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253640.
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Orientador : Olinda Maria NoronhaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Doutorado
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Skolaude, Mateus Silva. "Ra?a e na??o em disputa : Instituto Luso-Brasileiro de Alta Cultura, 1? Exposi??o Colonial Portuguesa e o 1? Congresso Afro-Brasileiro (1934-1937)." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2016. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/6784.
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This thesis rises from the coincidence of three scientific and political events that happened in 1934, which established intellectual relationships between Brazilian and Portuguese: The Luso-Brazilian Institute of High Culture, founded in June in Rio de Janeiro, the First Portuguese Colonial Exhibition, occurred during the months of June to September in the city of Porto and the First Afro- Brazilian Congress, held in November in Recife. Considering the intense flow of ideas and the exchange of Portuguese and Brazilian literates who were being constituted as scientific reference in different areas, the thesis addresses special interest to the configuration of intellectual networks articulated around the authors Mendes Correia and Gilberto Freyre in order to analyze the racial and national debates mobilized within the three studied events.
A presente tese parte da coincid?ncia de tr?s eventos cient?fico-pol?ticos acontecidos em 1934 e que articularam rela??es intelectuais formadas por brasileiros e portugueses: o Instituto Luso-Brasileiro de Alta Cultura (ILBAC), fundado no m?s de junho no Rio de Janeiro, a 1a Exposi??o Colonial Portuguesa (1? ECP), organizada entre os meses de junho e setembro na cidade do Porto e o 1? Congresso Afro-Brasileiro (1? CAB), realizado em novembro na cidade do Recife. Tendo em vista a intensa circula??o de ideias e o interc?mbio de letrados portugueses e brasileiros que se constitu?am em refer?ncia cient?fica nestes diferentes espa?os, a tese toma com especial interesse a configura??o de redes intelectuais articuladas em torno dos autores Mendes Correia e Gilberto Freyre para, a partir deles, analisar os debates raciais e nacionais mobilizados no ?mbito dos tr?s eventos estudados.
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Markley, Gregory Michael Gerber Larry G. "Senators Hill and Sparkman and nine Alabama congressmen debate national health insurance, 1935-1965." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1469.
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Avent, Glenn James. "Representing revolution: The Mexican Congress and the originsof single-party rule, 1916-1934." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280671.
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This dissertation provides an institutional history of the Mexican Congress, exploring the origins of single-party rule in Mexico. The investigation offers a revised interpretation of the evolution of Mexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, originally known as the National Revolutionary Party, or PNR), the development of executive power over the legislative branch, and the emergence of a new political elite. The research demonstrates that, contrary to conventional explanations, the official revolutionary party did not result from a momentary crisis provoked by the 1928 assassination of President-Elect Alvaro Obregon. Instead, it evolved over the previous decade through a process of development occurring within and around the Congress. Alliances between political parties and congressional blocs negotiated during the formative era of the 1920s created the foundation for the later emergence of the official revolutionary party. The rapid spread of the PNR, and its overwhelming success in the 1930 elections, occurred because the party was built upon these pre-existing structures. The study also demonstrates that Presidential dominance of the Congress, or "Presidentialism," did not derive entirely from law or the structure of the republican system of government, as has often been argued, but rather developed incrementally in conjunction with the evolution of party organization. In effect, the party became the mechanism for executive dominance. The investigation concludes with an examination of the role of honour and extra-legal privilege in the creation and definition of a new political elite.
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Alves, Plauto Daniel Santos [UNESP]. "O fazer intelectual brasileiro (1930-1946): Rachel de Queiroz e o Congresso de 1946." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134155.
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000857665.pdf: 1056093 bytes, checksum: 29a041961c7d850f1a2e6880d6bfa769 (MD5)Este trabalho enseja estudar duas modalidades do fazer-se, ou, caso se prefira, da formação do intelectual brasileiro, a partir de uma análise das autoconcepções dos sujeitos históricos que as aborda como uma hibridização - ou seja, a fusão de elementos alienígenas com outros, internos à realidade dos atores - marcada por expedientes de convencimento (retóricos) engendrados pelos agentes para legitimar as suas próprias noções de intelectual. Na primeira modalidade, a ser estudada a partir dos romances e da trajetória de Rachel de Queiroz, enseja-se acenar ao universo dos mediadores e produtores dotados de visibilidade nacional e às formas retóricas propriamente literárias do Romance de 30. Na segunda, se enfoca as vivências literárias de um grupo de escritores cearenses de pouco vulto nacional, o coletivo CLÃ. Estes letrados de pouca sorte realizaram no ano de 1946 um congresso de escritores cuja pauta principal se resume nos problemas do intelectual/escritor de província. Noção que ensejava aludir às limitações que restringiam suas obras e suas atividades à dimensão local
This work aims to study two types of make up, or, if you prefer, the construction of the Brazilian intellectual, from an analysis of the self-conceptions of historical subjects that refers to hybridization - or the fusion of alien elements with other, internal reality of the actors - marked by expedients of persuasion (rhetorical) engendered by the agents to legitimize their own intellectual notions. In the first mode, we study the novels by Rachel de Queiroz and her trajectory, by aiming to show the universe of mediators and producers endowed with national visibility and proper literary rhetorical forms of the Romance of 1930s. Second, we focus on the literary experiences of a group of writers from Ceará little, the collective CLÃ, These scholars of bad luck made in 1946 a congress of writers whose main agenda is summarized in the problems of intellectual/province writer. Notion that showed the limitations that restricted their works and activities to the local dimension
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Alves, Plauto Daniel Santos. "O fazer intelectual brasileiro (1930-1946) : Rachel de Queiroz e o Congresso de 1946 /." Franca, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134155.
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Orientador: Marcos Sorrilha PinheiroBanca: Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara
Banca: Adriano Luiz Duarte
Resumo: Este trabalho enseja estudar duas modalidades do "fazer-se", ou, caso se prefira, da "formação" do intelectual brasileiro, a partir de uma análise das autoconcepções dos sujeitos históricos que as aborda como uma hibridização - ou seja, a fusão de elementos alienígenas com outros, internos à realidade dos atores - marcada por expedientes de convencimento (retóricos) engendrados pelos agentes para legitimar as suas próprias noções de intelectual. Na primeira modalidade, a ser estudada a partir dos romances e da trajetória de Rachel de Queiroz, enseja-se acenar ao universo dos "mediadores e produtores" dotados de visibilidade nacional e às formas retóricas propriamente literárias do Romance de 30. Na segunda, se enfoca as vivências literárias de um grupo de escritores cearenses de pouco vulto nacional, o coletivo CLÃ. Estes letrados de pouca sorte realizaram no ano de 1946 um congresso de escritores cuja pauta principal se resume nos problemas do "intelectual/escritor de província". Noção que ensejava aludir às limitações que restringiam suas obras e suas atividades à dimensão local
Abstract: This work aims to study two types of "make up", or, if you prefer, the "construction" of the Brazilian intellectual, from an analysis of the self-conceptions of historical subjects that refers to hybridization - or the fusion of alien elements with other, internal reality of the actors - marked by expedients of persuasion (rhetorical) engendered by the agents to legitimize their own intellectual notions. In the first mode, we study the novels by Rachel de Queiroz and her trajectory, by aiming to show the universe of "mediators and producers" endowed with national visibility and proper literary rhetorical forms of the Romance of 1930s. Second, we focus on the literary experiences of a group of writers from Ceará little, the collective CLÃ, These scholars of bad luck made in 1946 a congress of writers whose main agenda is summarized in the problems of "intellectual/province writer". Notion that showed the limitations that restricted their works and activities to the local dimension
Mestre
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Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.
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This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint.
The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Damodaran, Vinita. "Unfilled promises : popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar, 1937-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272730.
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Masutha, Nkhumeleni A. "Spirituality in the African National Congress struggle for liberation in South Africa : 1912-1996." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14337.
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Bibliography: leaves 65-69.This thesis traces the influence of Spirituality on the African National Congress (ANC) struggle for liberation in South Africa (1912 - 1996). It therefore demonstrates how God has been operating in the South African conflict situation. Stories about Che Guevara's involvement in the struggle for freedom in Cuba and Bolivia and Dietrich Bonhoeffer's participation in the war against Nazism in Germany have been included in this work in order to expose the universality of spirituality. The main focus of this work is the practice of the ANC struggle for liberation between 1912 and 1996. When the history is read and synthesized from a Christian perspective it relates well to the biblical story about the liberation of the Israelites from the Egyptian bondage. The main source of information has been both primary and secondary documents. Content analysis as a research method has been mainly used in order to identify Christian traits such as selflessness, brotherly love, mercy, ability to forgive, gratuity and compassion as signs of the presence and influence of spirituality in the behaviour of the leadership of the ANC in this struggle for South Africa. Another preoccupation of this thesis is the ANC's need for national reconciliation and reconstruction of people's lives after the war of liberation in 1994.
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Watkins, Harold L. II. "Assessing the legislative agenda and legislative behavior of the Congressional Black Caucus from 1992-2012, the 102nd through the 112th Congresses." Thesis, Howard University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10189116.
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The interests of African Americans are underrepresented in Congress. The Congressional Black Caucus was formed to further the interests of African Americans. However, how effective the CBC may be in its congressional representation of the African American community is subject to dispute. It was hypothesized that throughout the 102nd through the 112th Congress (1992–2012), the CBC’s legislative behavior persuaded party leaders to advance the CBC’s legislative agenda. Archival data gathered by Scott Adler and John Wilkerson in their Congressional Bills Project 1947–2012 was utilized to complete the study. Linear regression T-tests and Chi-square tests were used to assess CBC members’ legislative behavior and the likelihood of the CBC introducing legislation that supported its legislative agenda. The results of the study show that the CBC demonstrated a robust legislative behavior of bill sponsorship, floor speeches and press conferences in support of its legislative agenda. The presence of the CBC in Congress is substantive, necessary to the success of legislation affecting African American interest and its’ legislative behavior is statistically significant compared to non-CBC members of Congress. The study validates, as essential, the presence of African American members of Congress.
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Gould, William. "Hindu nationalist ideologies in the politics of the Congress in the United Provinces, 1930-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273390.
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Khumalo, Thembinkosi Sibusiso. "From UPoqo to APLA : the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and its armed struggle: 1960-1982." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78787.
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Abstract
The Apartheid system can be categorised as one of the worst human rights violations of the last century. The total subjugation and oppression of the African race within South Africa (and in some cases Southern Africa) was as a result of one distinct pseudo belief. The belief was that the white race is superior to other races, particularly the “Black” African race. The policies of apartheid and the violence they promoted finally led to the African race standing up and fighting back. The most celebrated formation which stood against the oppressive regime is the African National Congress (ANC). Although the ANC contributed its share to the liberation struggle waged in South Africa, it is not the only movement to do so. In 1959 a little known faction of the ANC called the Africanist block broke away to form the Pan Africanist Congress. This group was disgruntled because of differing of approaches, with regards to the Programme of Action adopted by the ANC the previous year. The PAC quickly moved to adopt the Programme of Action as its own in rejection to the Freedom Charter, subsequently adopted by the ANC. The PAC boasts a long and bloody history within the struggle against oppression in South Africa. Today it stands as a forgotten memory of South Africa’s past. One of the roles of historians, ostensibly, is to bring the forgotten and significant voices out of the periphery. This study seeks to do this by focusing on the history of the PAC’s military formations, the UPoqo and the Azania People’s Liberation Army (APLA) , especially in the context of the African National Congress’ (ANC) tendency to present itself as the only movement which liberated South Africa from apartheid.Dissertation (MSoSci (History))--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Andrew Mellon Foundation Scholarship
Historical and Heritage Studies
MSoSci (History)
Unrestricted
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Silva, Sarah Calvi Amaral. "Africanos e afro-descendentes nas origens do Brasil : raça e relações raciais no II Congresso Afro-Brasileiro de Salvador (1937) e no III Congresso Sul-Riograndense de História e Geografia do IHGRS (1940)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/36931.
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A presente dissertação possui, como problemática central, a percepção dos lugares sociais destinados a africanos e afro-descendentes em parte da produção escrita de intelectuais que se apropriaram de noções de raça com o objetivo de explicar a formação histórica e social do Brasil. A partir de uma metodologia que une análises conceituais a perspectivas teórico-metodológicas da História Social, foram analisadas algumas das comunicações apresentadas ao II Congresso Afro-Brasileiro de Salvador (1937) e ao III Congresso Sul-Rio-Grandense de História e Geografia do IHGRS (1940). Através da remontagem parcial das redes de relações sociais estabelecidas por Arthur Ramos, Dante de Laytano, Emílio Fernandes de Souza Docca e Alfredo Ellis Junior, tornou-se claro que os conceitos de “raça” operados naquelas comunicações resultaram não somente de teorias e métodos apreendidos institucionalmente, como também da circulação de escopos em disputa na própria montagem dos programas de trabalho desenvolvidos em Salvador e no Rio Grande do Sul. Por sua vez, tais perspectivas analíticas foram construídas e resignificadas de acordo com contextos sociais e políticos específicos da década de 30, cujos contornos buscamos considerar em nossos estudos.This project aims to clarify how the African and African-American people are portrayed by the intellectual written productions which use the idea of „race‟ as a means of explaining the social and historical development of Brazil. This study unites theoretical and methodological concepts from the area of Social History and analyzes a group of lectures presented during the Second African-Brazilian Congress of Salvador (1937) and the Third IHGRS History and Geography Congress of Rio Grande do Sul (1940). By partially assembling the social relations established by Arthur Ramos, Dante de Laytano, Emílio Fernandes de Souza Docca e Alfredo Ellis Junior, it was possible to clarify that the concepts of “race” then used in those lectures were not only a result of theories and methodologies institutionally learnt, but also from the circulation of ideas still in discussion during the very design of the work programs in Rio Grande do Sul and Salvador. These analytical perspectives, in turn, were built and newly signified according to the particular social and political context in the 30‟s, whose characteristics we seek to clarify in our studies.
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Cordeiro, Andrea Bezerra. "Luz e caminho aos pequenos : os primeiros Congressos Americanos da Criança e pan-americanização dos saberes sobre a infância (1916 a 1922)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/38203.
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Orientadora: Profª Drª Gizele de SouzaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação. Defesa: Curitiba, 24/03/2015
Inclui referências : fls. 347-377
Resumo: As discussões acerca da infância assumem crescente importância na agenda política e científica das nações no início do século XX. Esta tese se estrutura sobre a análise debates acerca das questões da infância na América, sobretudo na América Latina, a partir do estudo dos três primeiros Congresos Americanos del Niño, cujas primeiras edições ocorreram nos anos de 1916, 1919 e 1922. Busco prioritariamente analisando os registros das palestras, comunicações e conferências proferidas nestes eventos analisar de que modo através dos Congresos Americanos del Niño, se constituíram as representações sobre "el niño americano" do início do século - sua educabilidade e escolarização, sua vida social e familiar, seus direitos - dentro de uma perspectiva pan-americana de internacionalização de conceitos, projetos, modelos e referenciais sobre a infância. Para tanto a pesquisa se respalda em referenciais teóricos da História Cultural, ancorada principalmente em Chartier, com os conceitos de Representação, Apropriação, Lutas de Representação e Circulação. O aporte de pesquisadores da História da Infância, como Egle Becchi, Sandra Carli, Moysés Kuhlmann Jr., Irma Rizzini, Gizele de Souza, Susana Sosenski, entre outros, é igualmente essencial a esta pesquisa. Os Congresos Americanos del Niño, (que a partir de sua quarta edição em 1924 em Santiago do Chile, passam a se chamar Congresos Panamericanos del Niño) tornaram-se uma instituição longeva, tendo a mais recente de suas edições ocorrido em 2014 no Brasil. As análises desta tese estarão restritas às três primeiras edições por considerar fecundo um aprofundamento nos discursos germinais que consolidaram estes congressos e que sem dúvida constituíram parte importante desta mesma longevidade. Palavras-chave: História da Educação, História da Infância, América Latina, Congressos Pan-Americanos da Criança
Abstract: Discussions about childhood gained political and scientific importance during the early years of 20th century. This thesis is structured on childhood issues in America, specifically in Latin America, based on research and investigation about the first editions of the Congresos Americanos del Niño, which occurred between 1916 and 1922. Analyzing data from reports of seminars and conferences given on the mentioned events I intend to investigate how the representations about "El niño americano" have been constructed during the early years of the last century - its educability and schooling, its social and familiar life - through a panamerican perspective of internationalization of concepts, projects, models and refereces about childhood. To achieve this purpose, this research was fundamented on Cultural History, anchored mainly on Chartier, making use of the concepts of Apropriation, Representation Struggles and Circulation. The Congressos Americanos Del Niño (wich were renamed Congresos Panamericanos del Niño) became an enduring institution, and the most recent event happened in 2014, in Brazil. The analysis made to this thesis is restricted to the first 3 editions, for I consider a deeper investigation on these first speeches may contribute a better undestanding about the consolidation of these events: these speeches without any doubt contributed largely for its longevity. Key words: History of Education, History of Childhood, Latin America, Panamerican Congress of Children.
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Caygill, James Francis. "Failing Intelligence: Contesting Intelligence Estimates in the National Missile Defense Debate, 1992-2000 and the Consequences for US Intelligence and its Oversight." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/947.
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This thesis analyses the policy debate surrounding National Missile Defense in the US during the 1990s from the framework of strategic intelligence failure. It focuses on the Congressional reaction to the release of the national intelligence estimate "NIE 95-19: Emerging Missile Threats to North America During the Next 15 Years" and the establishment of a new interpretation of foreign ballistic missile threats to the continental US. The role that partisan politics plays in the oversight of the US intelligence community is a vital and inescapable one. Yet little academic investigation has been devoted to understanding the political nature of intelligence oversight and its potentially catastrophic impact on intelligence product. Instead most of the scholarly literature treats intelligence and its oversight as apolitical, objective processes and intelligence failures as 'sins' produced by human error or organisational dysfunction with little analysis of the essentially subjective nature of political debate. The debate between the Clinton Administration and the Republican Congress can be understood as a conflict between two competing policy frames, each giving their holders a subjective assessment of what threats the US faced from ballistic missiles. Both parties sought to use their competing power over the intelligence community to produce community support for their paradigm and undermine support for that of their rival. The production and release of NIE 95-19 highlighted these competing claims. The unambiguous nature of the NIE's threat projections caused Congress to wield its oversight powers in an ultimately successful attempt to overturn the findings of the NIE. This represented an unprecedented level of Congressional involvement in strategic intelligence interpretation. Most importantly however it highlights the inherent dichotomy produced by current conceptions of strategic intelligence failure. In building a system of oversight that protected US strategic intelligence from certain apparent sources of failure the ability for Congress to actively meddle in the production of strategic intelligence and arguably undermine the value of long-term projections such as the NIE were massively increased.
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Gomes, Arilson dos Santos. "A formação de oásis: dos movimentos frentenegrinos ao primeiro congresso nacional do negro em Porto Alegre-RS (1931-1958)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/3830.
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Previous issue date: 2008This research investigated the history of the First National Congress of Blacks, that was achieved in Porto Alegre (RS), in 1958. This Congress was organized by the Sociedade Beneficente Floresta Aurora. We found out that the first steps to the creation of the events on the Black community coincided with the date of creation of the Brazilian Black Front, in São Paulo (SP), in 1931. We research the paulista, pelotense, baiana and pernambucana Black Fronts and we identify a Frentenegrino Movement that was searching the social insertion of the Afro-Brazilian populations. We ask if their actions were similar to those proposals presented during the Afro- Brazilian and Black National meetings achieved in our country. We identify during the achievement of these activities the creation of an oasis that existed because of the efforts as well as the human perseverance of those fought by a better world. On the other hand, we call desert the intolerance, discrimination and prejudices in our society. The metaphor of “oasis” and “desert” came from the Hanna Arendt thought. This author uses these words to reflect the human condition that was mantained by these challenges. According to the author: the desert is the world where we move under its conditions and depending on the situation, perhaps the suffering is necessary as well as the vitue to bear or the courage to act. In these agglutinating foruns that were achieved in Brazil, from 1931 to 1958, the oasis were created searching a better country.
Esta pesquisa investigou a história do Primeiro Congresso Nacional do Negro, realizado em Porto Alegre, no ano de 1958, sob a organização da Sociedade Beneficente Floresta Aurora. Descobrimos que os primeiros passos para a formação de eventos sobre a comunidade negra coincidem com a data da origem da Frente Negra Brasileira, fundada em São Paulo em 1931. Pesquisamos a Frente Negra paulista, a pelotense, a baiana e a pernambucana, identificando um movimento frentenegrino em busca da inserção social das populações afro-descendentes e questionando se as suas ações iam ao encontro das propostas apresentadas nos encontros nacionais afro-brasileiros e negros realizados em nosso país. Identificamos, na realização destas atividades, a formação de oásis, já que somente passaram a existir em decorrência dos esforços e perseverança daqueles que lutaram por um mundo melhor. Em contrapartida, denominamos de deserto a intolerância, discriminação e preconceitos existentes em nossa sociedade. A metáfora de oásis e deserto foi pensada a partir da leitura de Hanna Arendt, que utiliza esses termos para refletir a condição humana, mantida através destes desafios. Segundo a autora: o deserto é o mundo sob cujas condições nós nos movemos e dependendo da situação, talvez sejam necessárias a capacidade de sofrer, a virtude do suportar ou a coragem para agir. Destes fóruns agrupadores que aconteceram em todo o Brasil, desde 1931 a 1958, formaram-se os oásis em busca de um país melhor.
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Zouari, Hend. "Les ornementations dans le ıba’ raıt el dhil : l’exemple du Congrès du Caire de 1932." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040276.
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L’originalité de la musique arabe tient dans la richesse mélodique et rythmique de ses multiplesinfluences. Toutefois, la particularité de son mode de transmission orale, ainsi que l’utilisationintensive et récurrente de l’improvisation, rendent difficile toute classification et archivage, pourtantindispensables à la sauvegarde de ce patrimoine culturel. Or, les tentatives de transcription musicale sesont soldées par de trop nombreuses simplifications, au point de sacrifier les nuances mélodiques etautres finesses techniques, spécifiques à cette musique.Il était nécessaire d’explorer une nouvelle voie, qui permettrait de la sauvegarder sur un support écrit,tout en respectant ses spécificités. A partir d’une oeuvre marquante de l’histoire de la musique arabe,la nūba raıt el dhil, présentée par la délégation tunisienne au Congrès du Caire de 1932, nousproposons un système original et inédit de codification, qui permettra de transcrire toutes les subtilitésdes oeuvres traditionnelles ou improvisées, redonnant ainsi aux interprètes leur liberté d'improvisation,tout en leur conservant la faculté de se référer à une partition simplifiée, mais plus fidèle à l'oeuvreoriginaleThe originality of Arabic music is due to its melodic and rhythmic richness, inheritedfrom many influences. However, the particulars of its oral mode of transmission, as well asthe intensive and recurrent usage of improvisation, render any classification and any archivingdifficult, as indispensable as they may be for the conservation of this cultural patrimony.Attempts at musical transcription resulted in excessive simplifications, or recorded onlyone single version, up to the point of sacrificing melodic nuances and other technical finessesspecific to this music. It appeared therefore necessary to try another solution that wouldallow safeguarding this music in writing, while preserving its specificities. On the basis of amemorable work in the history of Arabic music, the nūba raıt el dhil as presented by theTunisian delegation at the Cairo congress of 1932, we propose an original and novel systemof codification, writing down on the one hand the melodic framework resulting from areduction process and on the other hand the ornaments, in abridged form, as applied to thisreduced melody. This notation will allow transcribing all the subtleties of traditional orimprovised works, giving back to the performers their freedom of improvising, whileallowing them to refer to a simplified score more faithful to the original work
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Todd, Erin K. "Ballots Against the Backlash: Second-Wave Feminism, the Conservative Backlash Against it, and the 1992 Election." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1368102769.
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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Souza, João Vitor Campos de. "Congressos mundiais de parques nacionais da UICN (1962-2003) : registros e reflexões sobre o surgimento de um novo paradigma para a conservação da natureza." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2013. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/14174.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Sustentável, 2013.Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2013-09-16T15:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_JoaoVitorCamposSouza.pdf: 1567281 bytes, checksum: f47ce50a5d6109d8435db02f3be6756f (MD5)
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Os Congressos Mundiais de Parques Nacionais da União Internacional para a Conservação da Natureza (UICN), um dos principais organismos internacionais voltados para a conservação da biodiversidade e o uso sustentável dos recursos naturais, guardam registros sobre a recente história da conservação da natureza. A análise e reflexão sobre a documentação proveniente de tais reuniões, realizadas em Seattle (1962), Yellowstone (1972), Bali (1982), Caracas (1992) e Durban (2003), e sobre a literatura especializada permitem o entendimento de como percepções, motivações e disposições para a conservação foram sendo afirmadas e modificadas ao longo do período. Entre outros pontos, foi constatado o surgimento de um novo paradigma para a conservação da natureza, marcado pela inclusão de aspectos sociais, econômicos, culturais e políticos no contexto das áreas protegidas. Apesar de representar um avanço para uma efetiva conservação da natureza em nível mundial, o paradigma moderno não se apresenta como um substituto do modelo clássico, mas, sim, como complementar na busca pelo equilíbrio entre a manutenção da biodiversidade e o desenvolvimento humano. ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The World Congress on National Parks of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), one of the main international organizations concerned with the conservation of biodiversity and sustainable use of natural resources, keep records about the recent history of nature conservation. The analysis and reflection on the documentation from these meetings in Seattle (1962), Yellowstone (1972), Bali (1982), Caracas (1992) and Durban (2003), and the literature allow the understanding of how perceptions, motivations and provisions for conservation were being asserted and modified over the period. Among other points, it was noted the emergence of a new paradigm for the conservation of nature, marked by the inclusion of social, economic, cultural and political context of protected areas. Despite representing a breakthrough for effective nature conservation worldwide, the modern paradigma not presented as a substitute for the classic model, but rather as complementary in the search for a balance between maintaining biodiversity and human development.
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Munoz, Maria L. O. ""We Speak For Ourselves": The First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples and the Politics of Indigenismo in Mexico, 1968-1982." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194145.
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In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.
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Barbieri, Julie Laut. "Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, anti-imperialist and women's rights activist, 1939-41." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218456911.
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Gomes, Arilson dos Santos. "A forma??o de o?sis : dos movimentos frentenegrinos ao primeiro congresso nacional do negro em Porto Alegre-RS (1931-1958)." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2008. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/2259.
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Previous issue date: 2008-08-14Esta pesquisa investigou a hist?ria do Primeiro Congresso Nacional do Negro, realizado em Porto Alegre, no ano de 1958, sob a organiza??o da Sociedade Beneficente Floresta Aurora. Descobrimos que os primeiros passos para a forma??o de eventos sobre a comunidade negra coincidem com a data da origem da Frente Negra Brasileira, fundada em S?o Paulo em 1931. Pesquisamos a Frente Negra paulista, a pelotense, a baiana e a pernambucana, identificando um movimento frentenegrino em busca da inser??o social das popula??es afro-descendentes e questionando se as suas a??es iam ao encontro das propostas apresentadas nos encontros nacionais afro-brasileiros e negros realizados em nosso pa?s. Identificamos, na realiza??o destas atividades, a forma??o de o?sis, j? que somente passaram a existir em decorr?ncia dos esfor?os e perseveran?a daqueles que lutaram por um mundo melhor. Em contrapartida, denominamos de deserto a intoler?ncia, discrimina??o e preconceitos existentes em nossa sociedade. A met?fora de o?sis e deserto foi pensada a partir da leitura de Hanna Arendt, que utiliza esses termos para refletir a condi??o humana, mantida atrav?s destes desafios. Segundo a autora: o deserto ? o mundo sob cujas condi??es n?s nos movemos e dependendo da situa??o, talvez sejam necess?rias a capacidade de sofrer, a virtude do suportar ou a coragem para agir. Destes f?runs agrupadores que aconteceram em todo o Brasil, desde 1931 a 1958, formaram-se os o?sis em busca de um pa?s melhor.
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Uusitalo, A. (Ari). "Hyvästit, potkut vaiko lobbauksen hedelmä?:Yhdysvaltain suhtautuminen Filippiinien itsenäisyyskysymykseen ja sen ratkaisuun 1929–1934." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2015. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526208237.
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Abstract The research examines the U.S. approach to the independence of the Philippines and its stages at the end of the 1920's and in the early 1930's. The Philippines belonged to the United States from 1898 to 1946. The relationship between the two countries was quite controversial from the very beginning. Many of the different phases and factors resulted in the U.S. Congress passing a law in March 1934, which guaranteed full independence to the Philippines after a ten-year transition period. The birth of the law which led to Philippine independence was a complex political process, with a number of variables influencing the attitudes and the solution. These factors accounting for the formation of the solution changed as time progressed. One of the key variables in terms of the Act of Independence began when the Great Depression began in 1929, which affected especially agricultural producers. As the Philippines was administratively a part of the federal government, in these circles it was seen that only independence could be the solution to close the archipelago outside of the domestic market. In fact, the sugar and coconut imports from the Philippines were not a real competitor to the federal farmers. In addition to the domestic farmers the Cuban sugar producers, who were headed by U.S. investors, felt that Philippine duty-free import was challenging their share of the federal market. They were of the opinion that the independence of the Philippines could guarantee them better market positions in the federal sugar market, and strove to promote the Independence Act as soon as possible. As a result of the worsening unemployment situation Filipino migrant workers started competing for scarce jobs. As a part of the United States Filipinos had free immigration rights. In particular, on the west coast and in the employees' organizations, independence was seen as the easiest way to limit immigration. In addition to the economic cycle other significant factors were the changes in foreign policy, and in particular the rise of Japan as a powerful superpower in the Far East. The federal government and the majority of the Congress represented opposing views of the independence issue. The Congress was able to show strength in this confrontation. The main sources of the material consist of the U.S. government documents, the Congress document collections, foreign relations document collections, memoirs and other documentsTiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Yhdysvaltain suhtautumista Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen ja siihen liittyneisiin vaiheisiin 1920 -luvun lopulla ja 1930-luvun alkupuoliskolla. Filippiinit kuuluivat Yhdysvalloille vuosina 1898–1946. Maiden välinen suhde oli hyvin kiistanalainen alusta alkaen. Monien eri vaiheiden ja tekijöiden seurauksena Yhdysvaltain kongressi hyväksyi maaliskuussa 1934 lain, joka takasi Filippiineille täyden itsenäisyyden kymmenen vuoden siirtymäajan jälkeen. Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen johtaneen lain synty oli monimutkainen poliittinen prosessi, jossa oli useita suhtautumiseen ja ratkaisuun vaikuttaneita muuttujia. Näiden tekijöiden osuus ratkaisun muodostumiseen muuttui ajan edetessä. Yksi keskeisimmistä muuttujista itsenäisyyslain suhteen oli vuonna 1929 Yhdysvalloissa alkanut suuri lamakausi, josta kärsivät erityisesti maataloustuottajat. Koska Filippiinit oli hallinnollisesti osa liittovaltiota, näissä piireissä nähtiin, että ainoastaan itsenäisyys voisi saattaa saariston sisämarkkinoiden ulkopuolelle. Filippiineiltä tuotava sokeri ja kookosöljy eivät olleet todelliset kilpailijat liittovaltion viljelijöille. Kotimaan viljelijäväestön lisäksi Kuuban sokerintuotantoon investoineet amerikkalaiset sijoittajapiirit kokivat Filippiinien tullivapaan tuonnin vievän heiltä markkinoita. He katsoivat, että Filippiinien itsenäisyys takaisi paremmat markkina-asemat liittovaltion sokerimarkkinoilla ja pyrkivät edistämään itsenäisyyslain mahdollisimman pikaista säätämistä. Alati pahenevan työttömyyden seurauksen filippiiniläiset siirtotyöläiset kilpailivat hupenevista työpaikoista. Filippiiniläisille oli taattu vapaa maahanmuutto-oikeus. Etenkin länsirannikolla ja työntekijäjärjestöissä saarten itsenäistyminen nähtiin olevan helpoin tie maahanmuuton rajoittamiseen. Taloudellisten suhdanteiden ohella muita merkittäviä tekijöitä olivat muutokset ulkopolitiikassa ja etenkin Japanin nousu voimakkaaksi suurvallaksi Kaukoidässä. Liittovaltion hallinto ja kongressin enemmistö edustivat vastakkaisia näkemyssuuntia itsenäisyyskysymyksessä. Kongressi pystyi osoittamaan voimansa tässä vastakkainasettelussa. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Yhdysvaltain hallinnon asiakirjoista, kongressin asiakirjakokoelmista, ulkoaisainhallinnon asiakirjakokoelmista, muistelmista sekä lähdeteoksista
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Chilvers, C. A. J. "Something wicked this way comes : the Russian delegation at the 1931 Second International Congress of the History of Science and Technology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559801.
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The 1931 Second International Congress of the History of Science has acquired an iconic status in the modern discourse, yielding a plethora of misinterpretation and myth that serves to obscure the genuine significance and meaning of the event. While many historians have viewed the congress from the perspective of the present, assuming a 'quiet meeting of historians of science' of standard academic character, its context and construction were nothing of the kind. Following the philosophical motivations of the organizing committee, especially the crucial figure of Charles Singer, the congress was designed to launch a public intellectual movement for the history of science. Singer sought press exposure, public participation and the support of various pillars of the British establishment for a scientific congress devoted to enunciating the tenets of the 'new humanism'. The delegates were overwhelmingly eminent scientists from across the globe with members of the public also attending. The debates were carefully sequenced to demonstrate the contemporary and philosophical relevance of the history of science. This thesis outlines Singer's strategy and motivations. On the first day of the congress, a Russian delegation led by Nikolai Bukharin entered the arena. With a complex and multifaceted social background, the motives of the Russian delegation have been consistently underestimated in the subsequent decades. Its composition reflected the fluid and complicated political situation facing Russian science, politics and philosophy during this period. There followed a series of debates on the relevance of the history of science and clashes on the political and social significance of the subject between the congress 'mainstream', the scientific left and the Russian delegation. While some of this has been analysed in publication, there has never been detailed examination or even recourse to the proceedings record. The most serious historical reinterpretation occurred regarding the Special Session, allegedly dedicated to the Russian delegation's papers, which witnessed the crescendo of the confrontation between the Russians and Charles Singer. This thesis outlines the developing controversies of the congress and an alternative account of the clash. The final level that reveals the unique character and timing of the congress is the social context of the event. Britain in the summer of 1931 was in the grip of a political and economic maelstrom that affected every aspect of the congress. The presence of the Russian delegation exacerbated this tension and brought the political crisis to the floor of the Science Museum. The thesis analyses the stream of social contexts affecting the event and the political consciousness of those present.
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Sorbera, Lucia <1976>. "Tra nazionalismo, cosmopolitismo e internazionalismo: figure e idee femminili egiziane prima e dopo il congresso internazionale di Roma (12-19 maggio 1923)." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/511.
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Hermann, Konstantin. "Bibliotheksdirektoren im Nationalsozialismus." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-33118.
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Vom 7. bis 9. Dezember 2009 fand in Weimar die Tagung „Wissenschaftliche Bibliothekare in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Handlungsspielräume, Kontinuitäten, Deutungsmuster“ statt, die der Wolfenbütteler Arbeitskreis für Buchgeschichte initiierte. Die Konferenz zielte auf die Denk- und Handlungsmuster der leitenden Bibliothekare, vom Mitläufer bis zum Opponenten, ab und stellte die Frage, wie der Berufsstand sich anpasste und nach 1945 entwickelte. Dabei wurden auch die Unterschiede in der Entwicklung in Ost- und Westdeutschland nach dem Krieg thematisiert.
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Götz, Diether. "Analyse und Bewertung des I. Allunions-Kongresses der Sowjetschriftsteller in Literaturwissenschaft und Publizistik sozialistischer und westlicher Länder : von 1934 bis zum Ende 60er Jahre /." München : O. Sagner, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355299438.
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Stingel, Janine. "Social Credit and the Jews : anti-Semitism in the Alberta Social Credit movement and the response of the Canadian Jewish Congress, 1935-1949." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ37027.pdf.
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Pindur, Marcus [Verfasser]. "Die Globalisierung der Interessen: Der Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) und die Außenpolitik der USA : amerikanische Industriegewerkschaften, Politik und internationaler Wandel ; 1935 - 1955 / Marcus Pindur." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2004. http://d-nb.info/102158908X/34.
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Vidler, Elizabeth. "Regime survival in the Gambia and Sierra Leone : a comparative study of the People's Progressive Party (1965-1994) and the All People's Congress (1968-1992)." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1024.
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The People's Progressive Party of The Gambia and the All People's Congress of Sierra Leone provide two outstanding examples of regime survival. They form part of a select group of African states which, for many years, escaped the cycle of coup and counter-coup seen elsewhere on the continent. Africanist political scientists have neglected the phenomenon of political survival, concentrating instead on accounting for the frequency of military intervention. This study goes some way to redressing the imbalance. It explains the importance of studying survival and assesses the comparability of The Gambia and Sierra Leone. Despite the absence of an overarching theory of survival, elements of the conceptual literature (including the theory of personal rule, work undertaken on civilian control of the military, elections and international relations) provide a theoretical framework.
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Karawejczyk, Mônica. "As filhas de Eva querem votar : dos primórdios da questão à conquista do sufrágio feminino no Brasil (c. 1850-1932)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/72742.
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Esta tese procura compreender o processo que culminou com a conquista do voto feminino no Brasil em 24 de fevereiro de 1932. O objetivo é desvelar, analisar e compreender as articulações e os principais personagens que fizeram parte dessa conquista, tendo como limites temporais os anos de 1850 e 1932. A narrativa se centra em dois grupos principais. O primeiro grupo é representado pelos parlamentares brasileiros e as tentativas de inserção da mulher no pleito eleitoral, via legais, durante todo o período da Primeira República. O segundo grupo é representado pelas figuras de Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro à frente do Partido Republicano Feminino e de Bertha Lutz, líder da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, ambas responsáveis pela articulação do movimento organizado feminino e sufragista no Brasil. A vertente a que esse trabalho se vincula é a dos estudos de gênero e da história política, no sentido que trata da luta em prol do sufrágio feminino procurando dar ênfase tanto aos atores convencionais do jogo político como para as mulheres que se organizaram para reivindicar seus direitos. Através da análise de um conjunto heterogêneo de fontes, tais como: Anais do Congresso Nacional, correspondências, matérias de jornais e revistas, materiais bibliográficos diversos e pesquisas acadêmicas, procura-se também acentuar que mais do que uma concessão do governo de Getúlio Vargas, o sufrágio feminino foi o resultado de uma longa luta empreendida por homens e mulheres em prol da igualdade eleitoral.This thesis seeks to understand the process leading to the conquest of women’s suffrage in Brazil on February 24th, 1932. The objective is to uncover, analyze and comprehend the articulations and main characters that were part of these achievements, setting the years 1850 to 1932 as the timeframe for this investigation. The narrative is centered on two main groups. The first group is represented by Brazilian congressmen and the successive attempts to legally insert women in the electoral process during the entire period of the First Republic. The second group is represented by the figures of Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro, heading the Women’s Republican Party and Bertha Luz, leader of the Brazilian Federation for Women’s Progress, both responsible for the articulation of the organized feminist and suffragist movement in Brazil. This work is best understood as a piece on gender studies and political history, as it deals with the struggle for women’s suffrage, aiming to focus on the conventional actors in the political game as well as the women who organized to claim their rights. Through an analysis of a heterogeneous set of sources, such as the Annals of the Parliament, correspondence exchange, newspaper and magazine articles, and academic research this work seeks to stress that women’s suffrage in Brazil was the result of a long struggle by women and men for electoral equality, rather than a concession of Getulio Vargas’ government.
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Johnson, Adam A. Engstrom Eric J. "Re-examining the role of Southern Democrats an analysis of the southern advantage in Congress between 1947 and 1992 and its effect on conditional party government /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1891.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Parr, Rosalind Elizabeth. "Citizens of everywhere : Indian nationalist women and the global public sphere, 1900-1952." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33063.
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The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.
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Blasco, Peris Albert. "Barcelona Atracción (1910-1936). Una revista de la sociedad de atracción de forasteros." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7465.
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Aquesta Societat volia assolir l'objectiu d'incloure Barcelona i per extensió tota Catalunya dins dels circuits europeus de turisme. Creia que el turisme era una forma de modernitzar Catalunya, a més d'una manera d'enriquir-la cultural i econòmicament. I naturalment el referent era Europa perquè representa el desenvolupament industrial, i molt particularment França, que es el mirall on es vol que Catalunya es vegi reflectida, ja que era un dels països que més es preparava pel foment del turisme. Això provocà que conflueixin en aquesta Societat personatges molt compromesos amb aquesta idea de modernització i que bastants estiguessin propers a l'ideari de la Lliga Regionalista de Catalunya. La rellevància d'aquesta Societat es fomentar el turisme quan pocs creien en aquesta activitat, quan tot estava per fer, i emmarcar-la dins d'un projecte més global de modernització de l'economia catalana.
This society aimed at including Barcelona and, by extension, all of Catalonia, within European tours. It believed that tourism was a way to modernise Catalonia in addition to enriching it financially and culturally speaking. It goes without saying that the referent was Europe, envisaged as a symbol of industrial development, and particularly France, which became the mirror on which Catalonia wanted to reflect its own image as it was one of the countries that was already excelling in tourist promotion. This would explain why the society gathered together a number of important people that showed a commitment towards this idea of modernisation, some of them with ideas particularly close to the ideology of the Regionalist League of Catalonia. The importance of this society was the role it played in tourist promotion at a time when only a few believed in the power of this relatively-new practice and to include it within a more general project of modernisation of the Catalan economy.
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Bennour, Lotfi. "Les relations entre la Présidence et le Congrès aux Etats-Unis du Watergate à l'administration Reagan." Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040223.
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En étudiant le rapport entre la présidence et le congres aux Etats-Unis, il s'agit surtout de faciliter la compréhension de ce rapport fort complexe durant une période critique de l'Amérique contemporaine. Après une longue période de concentration de pouvoirs entre les mains de l'exécutif, l'abus de pouvoir a donne naissance a l'une des grandes crises constitutionnelles : l'affaire du Watergate. Courroucé par les pratiques de l'administration Nixon, le gel des crédits, le Watergate,. . . Le Congres allait donc essayer de repréciser ses prérogatives constitutionnelles afin d'accroitre ses pouvoirs et d'occuper a nouveau une partie du terrain qu'il avait cède a l'exécutif. A cet égard, le war power resolution act de 1973 et le budget and impoundment control act de 1974 ont été deux exemples concrets de ce que l'on a qualifie de "résurgence de l'institution législative" dans les années soixante-dix. Par ailleurs, une période d'activisme présidentiel a débute avec l'accession de Ronald Reagan a la présidence en 1981. Cependant, la logique qui préside aux rapports entre la présidence et le congres en matière de politique intérieure et extérieure semble en fait moins celle d'une succession cyclique de phases présidentielles et congestionnelles que celle d'une concurrence permanente. Les deux pouvoirs, présidence et congres, sont donc condamnes à rivaliser, à s'affronter, à coopérer et finalement à s'accommoderUnder the us constitutional system, the president and congress are different institutions with different interests and powers. If the struggle between them over the direction of American public policy is a familiar phenomenon, its scope and intensity, however, have increased in recent years and so has the rancour that it generates. The Watergate crisis and the first forced resignation of a president in American history aroused public concern about the role of congress. After a long period of presidential preponderance, the so-called post-Watergate reforms were an attempt for the legislative branch to redress the balance. The war powers resolution enacted in 1973 and the budget impoundment control act of 1974 were two concrete examples of the so-called "resurgence of congress" in the seventies. A new period of presidential activism was inaugurated with the reagan administration. But far from being a succession of cyclic phases, the relationship between congress and the president is a continuous struggle and cooperation over the direction of public policy
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Alsina, Galofré Esther. "La Societat Artística i Literària de Catalunya (1897-1935). Exposicions, crítica i col·leccionisme d’art." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/350794.
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És convenient focalitzar l’atenció a l’entorn de la Societat Artística i Literària de Catalunya perquè representa una institució fonamental per comprendre el dilatat i complex fenomen que van suposar les societats d’artistes a l’Europa de l’època. No només això, ja que l’entitat ens hauria de permetre analitzar en profunditat la seva notable trajectòria, les seves ambicions estètiques i tots aquells factors que la varen circumdar. Aquí rau el punt de partida del nostre projecte d’investigació, el qual representa la culminació d’un període acadèmic i l’inici d’un rigorós camí científic que avui pot veure la llum.
Tot i així, mai s’havia escrit sobre aquesta entitat de forma exhaustiva i monogràfica. I aquest fet sorprèn quan constatem la notable trajectòria que va tenir al llarg dels tres primers decennis del segle XX. Sorprèn encara més quan sabem que el seu instigador va ser el gran mestre paisatgista Modest Urgell, secundat per Enric Galwey i Lluís Graner, els quals precediren altres pintors i també escultors que arribarien a sumar al voltant d’un centenar de firmes. El nostre projecte d’investigació, ara materialitzat en la present tesi doctoral, esdevé la primera proposta per desvetllar d’una manera exhaustiva quins antecedents es van produir al voltant de la Societat Artística i Literària.
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Peterson, Gigi. "Grassroots good neighbors : connections between Mexican and U.S. labor and civil rights activists, 1936-1945 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10398.
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Santos, Fagner dos. "Bastidores da lei republicana : grupos, posições e divergências nas discussões da Comissão Especial do Congresso acerca do Código Civil (1900-02)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/31724.
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Este trabalho visa discutir o papel do Legislativo Federal no governo Campos Sales através das discussões ocorridas entre 1900 e 1902 nas reuniões da Comissão Especial da Câmara dos Deputados responsável pela análise do Código Civil de 1917. Esse processo polêmico, intentado desde a Independência, foi considerado como uma das metas mais importantes do governo. Em tempos de inauguração da “Política dos Governadores”, este recorte visa perceber os movimentos de parlamentares em torno de polos, procurando problematizar a relação de controle do Legislativo aventada pela bibliografia clássica do período. Através de ferramentas da prosopografia, algumas definições da análise de redes e considerando as intenções dos autores em seus discursos favoráveis ou contrários ao projeto apresentado, esta dissertação relaciona os Deputados em torno de ideias e demonstra a pluralidade de posições divergentes apresentadas, buscando demonstrar que a lógica que demarcava a tônica era ditada pelo uso dos repertórios, como conceituados por Tilly. Finalmente, expõe o papel desses agentes no processo de aprovação buscando mostrar a centralidade que alguns assumem durante os trabalhos.This work intent discusses the legislative role in the Campos Sales’ government by the meetings occurred between 1900 and 1902 in the Congress’ Special Commission for the analysis of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1917. This polemical process, wanted since the independence, was thought as one of the most important tasks for the executive. In the beginning of the “Politica dos Governadores”, this approach intent perceive the movements of the parliamentarians around deferments points of view, searching for questioning the control from the Legislative by the Executive, suggested by the classical works on this period. Using some prosopographical tools, some definitions on the network analysis and considering the actors intentions in theirs speeches for or against the Project, this work groups the parliamentarians on some different ideas and shows the range of divergences in positioning, showing that the logical for these was the same as the Repertoir, as conceived by Charles Tilly. In the end, expose the role of these actors in the aprovation process to show the centrality assumed by some parliamentarians during this works.
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
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Silva, Fábio Renato da. "A atuação de Darcy Ribeiro no Senado Federal." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/31766.
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O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar os diálogos e disputas travadas por Darcy Ribeiro para compreender a sua atuação como Senador. O trabalho foi baseado na compreensão de que as ações de Darcy Ribeiro estavam inseridas em um contexto sócio-histórico específico, concebido de modo ampliado e considerando aspectos como valores e temas em disputa na época. Inicialmente, foi construído um quadro de referência do contexto, abrangendo o período de 1990, ano da candidatura de Darcy Ribeiro ao Senado, até 1997, ano da sua morte. A partir desta interpretação, operou-se a análise do recorte do corpus empírico, compreendido por alguns discursos e apartes proferidos pelo Senador no Plenário, textos da Revista Carta – Falas, Reflexões, Memórias publicada pelo seu Gabinete, material de campanha eleitoral e artigos veiculados na imprensa. As ideias e projetos de Ribeiro analisados na dissertação demonstram a atualidade e permanência de suas realizações. O trabalho foi um resgate inacabado sobre a atuação de Darcy Ribeiro no Senado Federal e necessita ser aprofundado. Do mesmo modo, a abordagem teórico-metodológica da presente dissertação, que aproxima o referencial da Hermenêutica da Profundidade ao Contextualismo Linguístico, precisa ser debatida e aperfeiçoada, restando como sugestão para estudos futuros.The objective of this dissertation is to analyze conversations and disputes that took place by Darcy Ribeiro to better understand his role as Senator. The work was based on the assumption that the actions of Darcy Ribeiro were part in a specific socio-historical context, conceived as a whole and considering aspects such as values and issues in dispute at the time. Initially, we built a framework of context, covering the year of 1990, Darcy's candidacy for the Senate, until 1997, the year of his death. From this interpretation, it was operated the analysis of trimming the empirical corpus, comprised of some speeches and interventions delivered by Senator the Plenary, texts of the magazine Carta – Falas, Reflexões, Memórias published by his office, campaign material and articles published in press. The Ribeiro´s ideas and projects discussed in this dissertation demonstrate the relevance and permanence of his achievements. The on-going work was a rescue on the performance of Darcy in the Senate and needs to be deepened. Similarly, the theoretical and methodological framework of this dissertation, which approximates the reference Hermeneutics of the Depth and Linguistic Contextualism, must be debated and refined, remaining as future research.
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Robin, Cyril. "Du rôle de la caste en politique : la représentation des Other Backward Classes sur la scène politique de l'Etat du Bihar, 1952-2005." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0051.
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En Inde, principalement à partir des premières élections tenues au suffrage universel en 1951, la suprématie des hautes castes sur le parti dominant, le parti du Congrès, a largement contribué au maintien en marge du processus de décision des élus issus d’autres groupes et catégories de la société indienne. L’objectif de cette étude est alors de décrire et d’analyser les ressorts de la représentation politique aussi bien symbolique, descriptive que substantive des élus appartenant à la catégorie des Other Backward Classes (« autres classes défavorisées », OBC), catégorie située entre les deux pôles de l’espace social indien : la catégorie des Scheduled Castes (« castes répertoriées », ex intouchables, SC) et la catégorie des hautes castes qui peut être définie par son exclusion des bénéfices de la politique compensatoire. L’examen des élections régionales qui se sont tenues entre 1952 et 2005 à l’Assemblée législative du Bihar permet de suivre l’évolution des rapports de force entre les différents groupes d’élus et de s’interroger sur le lien entre représentation et démocratisation. Une première fois après les élections de 1967, puis une deuxième fois en 1977, des membres de la catégorie OBC vont être élus au poste de chef du gouvernement du Bihar. Toutefois, ce n’est qu’après les élections de 1990 qu’un changement plus radical se produit avec, pour la première fois dans un Etat du nord de l’Inde, un nombre d’élus de hautes castes inférieur à celui des élus OBC. Depuis, la scène politique du Bihar est largement dominée par les OBC dont la présence au pouvoir a révélé des intérêts divergents croissantsIn India, mainly from the first general elections held in 1951 by universal suffrage, the domination of upper castes over the main political party, the Indian National Congress, largely contributed to the marginalization from the decision making process of MLAs belonging to other sections of the Indian society. The objective of this study is therefore to describe and analyse the motivations - symbolic, descriptive as well as substantive - of elected members belonging to Other Backward Classes (OBC). The OBC category is placed between the two extremities in Indian society, namely the Scheduled Castes (SC), earlier treated as untouchable, and the upper castes who were not entitled to the advantages of compensatory politics. A study of the elections to the Bihar Legislative Assembly held between 1952 and 2005 allows us to follow the changes in the balance of power between elected representatives belonging to different castes and question the relationship between representation and the spread of democracy. For the first time after the 1967 elections and for the second time in 1977, OBC members were elected Chief Ministers of Bihar. However, it was only after the 1990 elections that a more radical change took place when, for the first time, there were fewer elected representatives from the upper castes than from the OBC in a North Indian state. Since then, politics Bihar has been mainly dominated by OBCs whose presence at the helm of affairs has increasingly brought to light their divergent interests
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Thorpe, Judith Mosier. "The role of persuasion for a corporate spokesman : an analysis of the arguments Lee Iacocca presented on behalf of Chrysler Corporation to the American consumer and to the Congress from 1979 to 1982 /." The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487267546984263.
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