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Journal articles on the topic 'Congress Party'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 May 2024

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1

Manion, Melanie. "When Communist Party Candidates Can Lose, Who Wins? Assessing the Role of Local People's Congresses in the Selection of Leaders in China." China Quarterly 195 (September 2008): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000799.

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AbstractThis article draws on Party and government documents, Chinese-language books and articles, interviews and firsthand observation, and electoral outcome data to contribute to the emerging literature on the changing role of people's congresses in mainland China. It focuses on the crucially important but neglected relationship between local congresses and local Communist Party committees in the selection of congress and government leaders. It analyses the 1995 reforms to Party regulations and the law, which resulted in electoral losses of more than 17,000 Communist Party candidates in the first set of elections after 1995. It concludes that the reforms created the conditions for local congress delegates to matter – and delegates responded. More broadly, it concludes that congressional assertiveness has significant (although not radical) implications for the relationship between the congresses and Party committees. The winners in the broader (not narrowly electoral) sense of the term are both the congresses and the ruling Communist Party, strengthened as an organization with selection of leaders opened up to more players.

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2

Morgan, Kevin. "Bolshevization, Stalinization, and Party Ritual: The Congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-1943." Labour History Review: Volume 87, Issue 2 87, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 141–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2022.6.

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This paper examines the national congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the period of the Communist International (1919- 43). Both in Britain and internationally, communist party congresses in this period lost any independent decision-making role and became a mechanism activated and controlled from above. Not surprisingly, they have attracted little serious scholarly notice in their own right, but this paper identifies three themes deserving consideration: first, that of the congress as a field of tension between inherited notions of delegatory democracy and the Comintern’s top-down version of democratic centralism; second, that of its growing importance as a site of symbolic demonstration and ritualized group action; and third, that of bolshevization and Stalinization as processes that can be traced through these changing conceptions of the congress’s role. Each theme is considered here in a separate section. These employ a three-party periodization that supports an argument of the CPGB’s early but protracted bolshevization. Further watershed moments in the late 1920s and the mid-1930s can both in different ways be identified with Stalinization. These, however, did not so much resolve as displace the tensions with wider labour movement practices.

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3

Lowry, William R., and Charles R. Shipan. "Party Differentiation in Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 1 (February 1, 2002): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298002x200495.

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4

DiSalvo, Daniel. "Party Factions in Congress." Congress & the Presidency 36, no. 1 (March 23, 2009): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460802683125.

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5

Lowry, William R., and Charles R. Shipan. "Party Differentiation in Congress." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 1 (February 2002): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3598518.

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6

Holloway, David. "The Soviet Party Congress." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42, no. 5 (May 1986): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1986.11459368.

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7

Curry, James M., and Frances E. Lee. "Non-Party Government: Bipartisan Lawmaking and Party Power in Congress." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002128.

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Majority leaders of the contemporary Congress preside over parties that are more cohesive than at any point in the modern era, and power has been centralized in party leadership offices. Do today’s majority parties succeed in enacting their legislative agendas to a greater extent than the less-cohesive parties of earlier eras? To address this question, we examine votes on all laws enacted from 1973–2016, as well as on the subset of landmark laws identified by Mayhew. In addition, we analyze the efforts of congressional majority parties to pass their agendas from 1985 to 2016. We find that enacting coalitions in recent congresses are nearly as bipartisan as they were in the 1970s. Most laws, including landmark enactments, continue to garner substantial bipartisan support. Furthermore, majority parties have not gotten better at passing their legislative programs. Contemporary congressional majorities actually fail on their agenda items at somewhat higher rates than the less-cohesive majority parties of the 1980s and 1990s. When majority parties succeed on their agenda priorities, they usually do so with support from a majority of the minority party in at least one chamber and with the endorsement of one or more of the minority party’s top leaders.

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8

Frank, Peter. "The Twenty-Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: A Personal Assessment." Government and Opposition 25, no. 4 (October 1, 1990): 472–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00398.x.

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TO PARAPHRASE ALEXANDER YAKOVLEV, THE ONLY predictable thing about the 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) would be its utter unpredictability.Twice brought forward from its original planned date (February 1991), it began its deliberations in Moscow's Palace of Congresses on 2 July 1990. Little optimism attended the opening. Instead, the mood was nervous and jittery, angry and spiteful. Gone were the self-congratulation, unanimity and routinized ovations of previous congresses. Society at large was stubbornly indifferent to what was happening in the Kremlin; the Party was riven with dissent, while the Congress delegates themselves were in a fractious, belligerent mood.

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Kierasiński, Mariusz. "Sino-North Korean Ideological Relations in Face of 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.33790.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the most important aspects of the ideological relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the face of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Policy Brief is divided into four parts: Reactions of the Workers' Party of Korea to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party CPC; Mention of Korea during the 20th CPC Congress; The role of CPC in People's Republic of China according to WKP and the Significance of Sino-North Korean ideological relations after 20th Congress of the CPC. The methodology included media and literature review, which were collected through Korean Central News Agency, Rodong Sinmun and documents of the 20th Congress of the CPC. This study makes evident the importance of ideological relations between China and North Korea.

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10

Chhibber, Pradeep K., and John R. Petrocik. "The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.

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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.

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11

Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.

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12

Wightman, Gordon. "Czechoslovakia: The seventeenth party congress." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 3 (September 1986): 304–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414826.

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13

Dickson, Barney. "Groen links' first party congress." Capitalism Nature Socialism 3, no. 2 (June 1992): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455759209358483.

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14

Poole, Keith T., and Howard Rosenthal. "on party polarization in Congress." Daedalus 136, no. 3 (July 2007): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed.2007.136.3.104.

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15

Gainsborough, Martin. "From Patronage to "Outcomes": Vietnam's Communist Party Congresses Reconsidered." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 2, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2007.2.1.3.

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The article offers a revisionist approach to assessing the significance of Communist Party congresses in Vietnam. Analysis to date has focused on the presumed policy significance of a particular congress. The article argues that much more important than policy are outcomes, or what actually happens on the ground. Consequently, it is suggested that a more fruitful way to assess the significance of Vietnam's congresses is to view them first and foremost as occasions when access to patronage and political protection are circulated and then consider how outcomes emerge as a result of this.

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16

Aldrich, John H., Jacob M. Montgomery, and David B. Sparks. "Polarization and Ideology: Partisan Sources of Low Dimensionality in Scaled Roll Call Analyses." Political Analysis 22, no. 4 (2014): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt048.

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In this article, we challenge the conclusion that the preferences of members of Congress are best represented as existing in a low-dimensional space. We conduct Monte Carlo simulations altering assumptions regarding the dimensionality and distribution of member preferences and scale the resulting roll call matrices. Our simulations show that party polarization generates misleading evidence in favor of low dimensionality. This suggests that the increasing levels of party polarization in recent Congresses may have produced false evidence in favor of a low-dimensional policy space. However, we show that focusing more narrowly on each party caucus in isolation can help researchers discern the true dimensionality of the policy space in the context of significant party polarization. We re-examine the historical roll call record and find evidence suggesting that the low dimensionality of the contemporary Congress may reflect party polarization rather than changes in the dimensionality of policy conflict.

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17

Lebo, Matthew J., Adam J. McGlynn, and Gregory Koger. "Strategic Party Government: Party Influence in Congress, 1789?2000." American Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (July 2007): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00262.x.

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18

Fiers, Stefaan. "Partijgebeuren en rolverwachtingen t.a.v. de verkiezing of selectie van de partijvoorzitter in de Parti Socialiste (1981-1995)." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (March 31, 1996): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18657.

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This article deals with the process through which party leaders in the Parti Socialiste were selected in the eighties and the nineties. Despite theparty congress's entitlement to elect leaders, the critical factor in winning the leadership has been endorsement by predecessors. G. Spitaels and Ph. Busquin are cases in point.The congress merely serves as a ritual, as a consequence of which the outcome of the vote is highly predictable, influenced as it is by party events and role-expectations. Socialist party leaders have a wide arsenal at their disposal to rule the party in a rather autoritarian way; a classic example being the plebisciteBusquin provoked in 1994 to expand bis power. How, by whom and to what extent they obtain and enforce this autoritarian power are key questions in this study.

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19

Burakowski, Adam, and Krzysztof Iwanek. "India’s Aam Aadmi (Common Man’s) Party." Asian Survey 57, no. 3 (May 2017): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.3.528.

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The Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man’s Party, AAP) has taken over part of the program of the Indian National Congress. The AAP was able to include new solutions within the traditional political repertoire. In Delhi the AAP took over the traditional Congress electorate but was also able to reach out to the middle-class voter.

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20

Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.

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The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.

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21

Saint-Martin, Denis. "Gradual Institutional Change in Congressional Ethics: Endogenous Pressures toward Third-Party Enforcement." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 2 (October 2014): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000066.

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Ethics reform in Congress is expected to display extensive instability and “cycling.” Members hold conflicting views about ethics, and parties have weak capacities to order their preferences. The trend is for legislators to resist change until a scandal erupts and forces them to act. As a result, ethics reforms in Congress have typically developed through a layering of short-term and piecemeal institutional responses to the scandal of the moment. But the accumulation over time of seemingly small adjustments to the ethics process has been more path-dependent than anticipated in theories of disjointed pluralism. Legislators have had to commit to more open and collaborative forms of self-enforcement because of the feedback effects of ethics rules on Congress and the “tight-coupling” of standards of conduct between the executive and legislative branches of government. With each new scandal and partisan abuse of the process, pressures for a more independent mechanism to enforce ethics rules has grown stronger over time. The more ethics became governed by impersonal rules, the more it undermined Congress's past trajectory of political self-discipline. It is in this changing balance between positive and negative feedback effects that we can locate the mechanism that is gradually transforming ethics self-regulation in Congress into a new form of “co-regulation” with outsiders in the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE).

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22

Gang, Chen. "From 17th to 18th Party Congress: Implications for Intra-Party Democracy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (March 9, 2015): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i2.4757.

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Growing intra-party pluralism and intensified factional rivalry have pressured the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to adjust the authoritarian official-selection system by resorting to an 'intra-Party democracy' mechanism based on informal polls among influential party officials and retirees. The progress, albeit slow and opaque since the 17th Party Congress in 2007, is increasingly seen as the CPC's only solution to intensified factional rivalry at various levels and the decline of legitimacy associated with the corrupt and inept officialdom. With backroom straw polls setting new norms for the CPC to settle factional infighting over power transfer at the 18th Party Congress, this intra-party democracy procedure has been gradually routinized at both the central and local levels to make the appointment process more consultative and to fend off democratic outcries from the public. In the past few years, cautious but substantial experiments with contested polls have been introduced by CPC's organizational departments to the monolithic political system, in which key party/government officials are facing increasingly competitive voting tests before they can be promoted to higher levels.

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23

Verma, Vijay. "The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’." Research Expression 6, no. 8 (March 31, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.

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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.

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24

Domes, Jürgen. "The 13th Party Congress of the Kuomintang: Towards Political Competition?" China Quarterly 118 (June 1989): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017847.

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The Kuomintang (KMT) held its 13th Party Congress from 7 to 13 July 1988 on Taiwan. The Congress departed from its predecessors in several significant ways: a majority of its delegates had been directly elected by party members; a local-born Taiwanese was officially confirmed as Party leader; the Central Committee was elected at the Congress by secret ballot; after which it appointed its own Standing Committee, the majority of whom were local-born Taiwanese and for the first time included a woman.

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25

Soikham, Piyanat. "Revisiting a dominant party: Normative dynamics of the Indian National Congress." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (October 16, 2018): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118805157.

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Previous scholarship has established that the Indian National Congress (INC) is widely regarded as India’s dominant party due to its consecutive victories in winning the majority of the vote share in elections, its ability to manage and embrace internal conflict through strong organizational structures and the dominant capacity to set the public agenda and political order. To deepen understanding of this party, this article adopts a norm-based framework to define norms, a social understanding of social groups, which determines and shapes actions and behaviour. Building upon this framework, despite the electoral setbacks and even decline in electoral fortunes of Congress after Indira Gandhi since 1977, the INC has been able to maintain a significant presence in Indian party politics due to certain key norms, allowing it to adapt to a changing context. This article concludes that the INC’s set of norms on self-autonomy, social and national inclusivity, nationwide organization, social justice and peaceful and democratic resolution has over time shaped the Congress’s aspirations and achievements to become a dominant party. Regardless of the relative decline of electoral performance, these norms continue to set the INC as India’s dominant party, with a strong organizational structure and the ability to frame India’s political order.

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Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.

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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting levels over time. The study models the time series for party voting and demonstrates striking differences between the House and Senate in the correlates of partisan cleavage.

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27

Latell, Brian. "Cuba after the Third Party Congress." Current History 85, no. 515 (December 1, 1986): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.515.425.

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28

Frankland, Mark. "Gloomy signal from the Party Congress." Index on Censorship 15, no. 6 (June 1986): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534112.

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29

Winter, R. P. "Sudan and the National Congress Party." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2007-005.

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30

Theriault, Sean M. "Party Polarization in the US Congress." Party Politics 12, no. 4 (July 2006): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806064730.

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31

Barrow, Lynda K. "Party On? Politicians and Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27, no. 3 (October 2007): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00296.x.

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The breakdown of Mexico's hegemonic party system raises questions about the nature of the new system and of the prospects of consolidating Mexican democracy. The concern addressed in this article is that, at the very same time that democratisation has made Mexicans' electoral choices more significant, frequently changing party allegiances among candidates and even elected officials renders these choices less meaningful. Since parties ‘matter’ in a democratic polity, party switching may prove an impediment to the development of a liberal and stable democracy. Partisan shifts within the state congress of Morelos illustrate this point.

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32

Hadley, Charles D. "Comment: Problems Analyzing Congress, Chronological Age, and Critical Elections." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.119-121.

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The above analysis by Whicker and Jewell suffers, in part, because the authors bring an extensive and very diverse literature-elections, economics, and congressional studies-to bear on the phenomenon of partisan change among congresses measured by various manipulations of the age of members of congress. While “critical elections” (Key 1955) denote periods of sharp partisan change, the authors use this terminology interchangeably with “realigning elections” (e.g., Key 1959; Chambers & Burnham 1967, 1975; Burnham 1969, 1970), even though control of the political system (in this case, congress) does not shift from one political party to another. Pomper (1967), in fact, contributed an important distinction between two types of critical elections: realigning elections, in which political control shifts from one major political party to the other, and converting elections, in which political control remains with the same political party, but derives from a different base of voter support. Taken together, realignments followed by conversions where the same political party maintains political dominance define broader sociopolitical periods tied to economic change-periods classified as the rural republic, industrializing nation, and industrial state (Ladd 1970). Whicker and Jewell”s analysis, then, calls for consistency in the terminology describing elections.

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Rakhmatov, Murod G. "ALL-TURKESTAN MUSLIM CONGRESS IN 1917." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 6 (June 30, 2021): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-6-22.

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Some peculiarities of the important changes of 1917 in the Turkestan region are shown on the basis of archival materials and historical sources. The article examines the focus on the 1917 All-Turkestan Muslim Congress.The main issues discussed at the congresses were the activities of Shura Islamia and Shura Ulamo, Turon and other political organizations, the activities of the political party Ittifoki Muslimin and the political system of Turkestan. He also analyzed the basic principles and norms of state structure based on a parliamentary republic called the Federal Republic of Turkestan.Index terms:Turkestan, Bolsheviks, assembly, committee, congress, Muslims, autonomy, branch, jadidism, federation, proletariat, party, revolution, deputy, press, government

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Otto, Aaron A. "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Lessons from the 103rd and the 104th Congresses, and What We May Expect in the 107th." Policy Perspectives 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2000): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v8i1.4221.

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The congressional elections of 1994 gave the GOP a unique opportunity: the chance to govern as the majority party in the House for the first time in 40 years. However, the balance of power in the House has narrowed with every election cycle since 1994, giving the Democrats the potential to retake the majority in 2000. Although either party may be in a position to serve in the majority, the more likely scenario is that both parties will probably be at parity with each other. This article compares the management styles and priorities of the last Democratic Congress (103rd, 1993-95) with the subsequent Republican Congress (104th, 1995-97) to discover which lessons can be learned about how, given the opportunity, either party would manage the House in the upcoming 107th Congress. This article will also review some of the transitional difficulties that took place the last time control of the House changed between the two parties in 1995.

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35

Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (April 1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal party institutions were weakened by corruption and factionalism during the ministry period, its grass-roots cadres were revitalized and mobilized opinion against compromises with the Raj, strengthening the ministers’ hands in any major clashes with the authorities. The latter were disturbed by links between the Congress ministers and party activity hostile to the Raj, even though a certain convergence of Congress and British interests kept the experiment of provincial autonomy going. The official response to this situation consisted, at one level, of making expedient concessions.But the authorities explored an alternative possibility as well. The Muslim League, which emerged as a mass party after 1937, was not exactly an ally, but it offered the most powerful resistance to the possibility of total mobilization under the Congress.

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36

McCarty, Nolan, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. "The Hunt for Party Discipline in Congress." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (September 2001): 673–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003069.

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We analyze party discipline in the House of Representatives between 1947 and 1998. The effects of party pressures can be represented in a spatial model by allowing each party to have its own cutting line on roll call votes. Adding a second cutting line makes, at best, a marginal improvement over the standard single-line model. Analysis of legislators who switch parties shows, however, that party discipline is manifest in the location of the legislator's ideal point. In contrast to our approach, we find that the Snyder-Groseclose method of estimating the influence of party discipline is biased toward exaggerating party effects.

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Diwakar, Rekha. "Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 4 (November 25, 2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.

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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (June 2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.

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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither remained the consistently strongest electoral party nor has it won a parliamentary majority in any single election.

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Sarkin, V. G. "The XXVII Congress of the CPSU: the largest political event of our time." Kazan medical journal 67, no. 2 (March 15, 1986): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj65303.

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From February 25 to March 6, 1986, the XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow. The days of the Congress were special in the life of the Soviet country, the Leninist Party, and every communist and non-party worker: they summed up the results of the way covered, evaluated what had been achieved, and outlined the prospects for further development. The congress was an event of great historical significance for our comrades abroad and for all progressive mankind.

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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. "Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress." Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, no. 6 (June 25, 2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.

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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have witnessed Congress’ decline since 1980s while there has been some points of recoveries as well in between. The paper dwells upon the reasons for the decline of Congress, as well as the consequences of decline of Congress for Indian democracy at large.

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Ansolabehere, Stephen, Maxwell Palmer, and Benjamin Schneer. "Divided Government and Significant Legislation: A History of Congress from 1789 to 2010." Social Science History 42, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.42.

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This article presents and analyzes the most comprehensive database to date of significant acts of Congress—from 1789 to 2010—to test whether divided party control of government affects the number of important acts Congress passes. We find that unified control corresponds with one additional significant act passed per Congress in the nineteenth century and four additional such acts in the twentieth century. However, party control of government cannot explain the broad historical trends in the rate at which Congress passes significant legislation. Nixon in 1969 was far more successful with a Democratic Congress than was McKinley in 1897 with a Republican one.

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Krehbiel, Keith. "Where's the Party?" British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (April 1993): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400009741.

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Political parties are prominent in legislative politics and legislative research. Using data from the 99th Congress, this article assesses the degree to which significant party behaviour – defined and operationalized as behaviour that is independent of preferences – occurs in two key stages of legislative organization: the formation of standing committees and the appointment of conferees. Four hypotheses are developed and tested. When controlling for preferences and other hypothesized effects, positive and significant party effects are rare. A discussion addresses some criticisms of this unorthodox approach and attempts to reconcile some differences between these and previous findings.

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Gaido, Daniel. "Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 131–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341515.

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During its first four congresses, held annually under Lenin (1919–22), the Communist International went through two distinct phases: while the first two congresses focused on programmatic and organisational aspects of the break with Social-Democratic parties (such as the ‘Theses on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’, adopted by the first congress, and the 21 ‘Conditions of Admission to the Communist International’, adopted by the second), the third congress, meeting after the putsch known as the ‘March Action’ of 1921 in Germany, adopted the slogan ‘To the masses!’, while the fourth codified this new line in the ‘Theses on the Unity of the Proletarian Front’. The arguments put forward by the first two congresses were originally drafted by leaders of the Russian Communist Party, but the initiative for the adoption of the united-front policy came from the German Communist Party under the leadership of Paul Levi. This article explores the historical circumstances that turned the German Communists into the pioneers of the united-front tactic. In the documentary appendix we add English versions of two documents drafted by Levi: the ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ on the Kapp Putsch, dated 16 March 1920, and thekpd’s ‘Open Letter’ of 8 January 1921, which gave rise to the united-front tactic.

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Birch, Julian. "The 1986 Party Program and the National Minorities in the USSR." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 2 (1987): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408052.

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Since Gorbachev's accession to power in March 1985, his rule has been marked by a very visible concern for economic reforms and developments in international relations. Nationality and minority affairs within the USSR, which played such a prominent part previously with the mass emigration movements and open dissent of the 1970s, have not been at the forefront of his interests, in either his speeches or his travels. However, the local Party congresses and the 27th Congress of the CPSU as a whole provide an opportunity for a review of current thinking on this enduring and contentious issue. The All-Union Congress in particular witnessed the appearance of the final draft of the Party's new Program for the future, with its relatively recently adopted longer-term perspective on the question of the advent of full communism and the withering away of conflicting and antagonistic national minority allegiances. The limited prospects for this long awaited moving together of nations are likely to have been significant features in the readjustment of the time scale of Communist development and the emergence of a more realistic assessment of the possibility of producing a fully “Soviet” man divested of his narrower ethnic loyalties.

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Thornton, Patricia M. "Of Constitutions, Campaigns and Commissions: A Century of Democratic Centralism under the CCP." China Quarterly 248, S1 (September 28, 2021): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741021000758.

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AbstractDemocratic centralism, a hallmark of Leninist party organizations, has played a formative role in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet despite being hailed as an “inviolable” and “unchanging” Party principle, understandings of democratic centralism have shifted dramatically over the century of its existence. This study traces the long arc of the concept's evolution across successive Party Constitutions, focusing on three critical historical junctures: the Sixth Party Congress, which formally adopted democratic centralism into its Constitution as an organizational principle; the Seventh Party Congress, which adopted rectification as the Party's practice of democratic centralism; and the 19th Party Congress, which set a new milestone in codifying the system as a disciplinary tool. I argue that while democratic centralism exemplifies the CCP's institutional plasticity and adaptive governance and is critical to understanding Party-driven constitutionalism in contemporary China, it also highlights an irresolvable paradox inherent in Party rule. Adaptability does not necessarily impart resilience. I conclude that the CCP's normatively unconstrained extra-constitutional leadership under Xi Jinping highlights the essentially and increasingly irrationalist aspects of its illiberal governance project.

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Gueorguiev, Dimitar D., and Paul J. Schuler. "KEEPING YOUR HEAD DOWN: PUBLIC PROFILES AND PROMOTION UNDER AUTOCRACY." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2016): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.1.

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AbstractDuring recent party congresses in China and Vietnam, two highly anticipated candidates for promotion were sidelined. In China, Bo Xilai was arrested for corruption and stripped of his party membership. In Vietnam, Nguyen Ba Thanh remained a provincial leader with little opportunity for promotion to the Politburo. Existing arguments about promotions under authoritarian rule are unable to explain these outcomes. In particular, both candidates were competent and well connected. This cuts contrary to the expectations of both performance-based promotion and factional promotion theories. We argue that these candidates were sidelined due to a previously under-theorized factor in promotion contests—their ability to mobilize personal followings. Amidst a literature that has focused almost exclusively on intra-elite conflict, we argue that elite–mass linkages are critical. In particular, the public profile of top leaders is important for regime legitimacy and mobilization. However, when individuals become exceptionally well known they become threats to the single-party system. We test this argument on promotions in China's 18th Party Congress in 2012 and Vietnam's 11th Party Congress in 2011, using original data on Internet search queries and media coverage among contenders for promotion. Our approach offers new insights into the strategies authoritarian politicians use to stay afloat as well as the mistakes that sink them when competing for power under one-party rule.

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Manion, Melanie. "Chinese Democratization in Perspective: Electorates and Selectorates at the Township Level." China Quarterly 163 (September 2000): 764–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001465x.

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Progress in democratization is widely judged by how well elections function as instruments allowing ordinary citizens to choose political leaders to represent their preferences. In January 1999, I travelled to villages and towns in Chongqing as a member of a Carter Center delegation invited by the National People's Congress (NPC) to observe the electoral processes that produce delegates to people's congresses, chairmen and deputy chairmen of these congresses, and government leaders at the township level. The Carter Center is an American nongovernment organization associated with Emory University, with an executive board chaired by former President Carter. As part of its mission to enhance freedom and democracy, the Center has observed and reported on Chinese village elections in delegation visits that began in 1996. Ours was the first delegation to observe people's congress elections, however. Only weeks before we visited Chongqing, voters a hundred miles away, in Sichuan's Buyun township, elected a head of township government in an unprecedented exercise of authority vested constitutionally and legally in their people's congress delegates. Juxtaposing the experience of the Buyun elections with the normal processes by which township leaders emerge offers a useful perspective from which to consider electoral mechanisms of representation in China today. My main conclusion is that these mechanisms are designed to align voter preferences with the preferences of Communist Party committees. Ordinary voters and people's congress delegates have choices among candidates in elections at the township level, but these choices are normally constrained by Communist Party committee pre-selection of candidates designated for positions of leadership.

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Snowberg, Erik. "Party Influence in Congress and the Economy." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 2, no. 3 (August 8, 2007): 277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00006060.

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Shipan, Charles R., and William R. Lowry. "Environmental Policy and Party Divergence in Congress." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 2 (June 2001): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449156.

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Beinin, Joel. "Egypt's Left Opposition Party Holds Second Congress." MERIP Reports, no. 135 (September 1985): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3010937.

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