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Banerjee, Champak Kumar. "Dynamics of West Bengal politics: a study of the changing dimensions of political strategies of the state congress party vis-a-vis the congress high command 1950-1966." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/212.
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Gabryszewska, Maria. "Gender, Party, and Political Communication in the 114th Congress." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3744.
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This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting.
I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.
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Cookson, Zöe Jane. "Experiments in responsible party government : Woodrow Wilson and Newt Gingrich." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325820.
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Takiguchi, Junya. "The Bolshevik Party Congress, 1903-1927 : orchestration, debate and experiences." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492835.
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The present thesis focuses on the Bolshevik Party congress, covering the period from its inception in 1903 to the beginning of the "Stalinist" Party congress in 1927. Within a quarter of a century, the Party congress which had started as an illegal and secret gathering with a small number of activists had evolved into a major "political spectacle".
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Toner, Brendan. "CONGRESS Y: How Party Leaders Manage The House Of Representatives." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/704.
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How do party leaders manage Congress? Congress (specifically, the U.S. Houseof Representatives) provides a limiting case of differing theories of public management,since Congress is populated by highly motivated members (employees) who do not needconstant urging from their party leaders (bosses) to meet the goals of the organization. As a result one would be likely to witness what organizational theorists call Theory Y behavior where leaders work to assure that their membership is able to achieve their personal goals. This leadership style has been discussed and employed over the last sixty years mainly in the private sector and in the bureaucracy. However, much of the congressional literature argues in contrast to theorganizational theorists. Instead it posits that party leaders have to pressure their rank-in file to take actions that are against their personal interests in order to assist the party and the leader without worrying about what the individual member wants or desires in a type of leadership style similar to what is known as Theory X by organizational theorists. This perspective is especially true in the historical case studies of individual leaders and their accomplishments. Believing that the organizational theorists can tell us more about congressional leadership than what we know from the congressional literature. I investigate this question by using qualitative detail and content analysis of over 5,000 newspaper articles on party leaders from 1990-2008 that come from the prominent Capitol Hill newspaperRoll Call in which I coded members of the House for Theory X and Y behavior. I show that in contrast to the congressional literature that most party leaders Democratic and Republican try to empower their rank-in file most of the time rather than trying to "strong arm" them into meeting party goals. In addition, party leaders are more collaborative and empowering when compared with other members of Congress who share many of the same background traits as they do including geography, race and occupational background but are not party leaders. These findings would be in agreement with those who would argue that leaders in the House of Representatives employ Theory Y type leadership in most situations. In the context of these findings, the evidence also provides insight into the occasions in which leaders will resort to a more Theory X, hierarchical leadership style. This has great implications not only for the study of the House of Representatives but could be expanded to look at other political institutions in the United States including the Senate and state legislatures along with parliamentary systems internationally. This dissertation will highlight a key link between organizational theory and political organizations such as Congress in a way that has never been examined before.
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Eames, Anna. "The Relationship Between Comprehensive Budgeting and Party Polarization in the U.S. Congress." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/570.
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The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 made the production of an annual comprehensive budgetary framework the central focus of the federal budget process. Before 1974, the budget process had allowed legislation from each of the revenue committees and each of the appropriations subcommittees to come to the floor separately. Congress judged the merits of individual programs without considering the overall budget. The 1974 budget act changed the organizational ethos of the budget process from incremental change to comprehensive review and from fragmented, ad hoc decision making to coordinated decision making. It helped sort members into ideologically homogenous groups by transforming many battles over separate policy priorities into one grand battle over the biggest question in American politics: What is the role of government? The 1974 shift to comprehensive budgeting, along with subsequent additional controls on budget practices, has magnified and accelerated the effects of the many polarizing forces that have characterized the last 40 years of American politics. With this conclusion come unanswered questions regarding the merits of a distinct two-party system, as well as the potential need for comprehensive budgeting despite its political challenges.
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Ansara, David. "The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.
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Includes abstract.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109).<br>This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.
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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
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Avent, Glenn James. "Representing revolution: The Mexican Congress and the originsof single-party rule, 1916-1934." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280671.
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This dissertation provides an institutional history of the Mexican Congress, exploring the origins of single-party rule in Mexico. The investigation offers a revised interpretation of the evolution of Mexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, originally known as the National Revolutionary Party, or PNR), the development of executive power over the legislative branch, and the emergence of a new political elite. The research demonstrates that, contrary to conventional explanations, the official revolutionary party did not result from a momentary crisis provoked by the 1928 assassination of President-Elect Alvaro Obregon. Instead, it evolved over the previous decade through a process of development occurring within and around the Congress. Alliances between political parties and congressional blocs negotiated during the formative era of the 1920s created the foundation for the later emergence of the official revolutionary party. The rapid spread of the PNR, and its overwhelming success in the 1930 elections, occurred because the party was built upon these pre-existing structures. The study also demonstrates that Presidential dominance of the Congress, or "Presidentialism," did not derive entirely from law or the structure of the republican system of government, as has often been argued, but rather developed incrementally in conjunction with the evolution of party organization. In effect, the party became the mechanism for executive dominance. The investigation concludes with an examination of the role of honour and extra-legal privilege in the creation and definition of a new political elite.
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Michel, Aaron. "Does background matter?: an examination of whether the background and party affiliation of members of Congress predict their environmental voting record." Thesis, Boston University, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27723.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>2031-01-02
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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.
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No<br>The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi.
A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties.
Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Ferranti, Michael Robert. "The FAIR Act of 1996: Party, Production and Practicality in the Passage of a Farm Bill." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32754.
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This study extends the research done by Winders (2001) and Orden et al. (1999) on the passage of the 1996 farm bill, the Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act (FAIR). Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, I argue that Democrats and Republicans were affected differently by a number of influences. Democratic members of Congress appear to have been influenced most by state or district dependence on federal agriculture payments and the timing of the farm bill debate. Party control, on the other hand, seemed to have had a greater impact on Republicans.<br>Master of Arts
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Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.
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Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority.
Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work.
While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.<br>2031-01-02
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Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Burdge-Small, Paulina. "Personality Conflict vs. Partisan Conflict in the United States Congress, from 1851-2004." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1207.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Arts and Sciences<br>Political Science
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Dockendorff, Andres. "Legislative behaviour in Chile : three essays examining the effects of presidentialism and party politics on Chilean members of Congress." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/23641/.
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Petersen, Shawwaal. "Does a dominant party democracy erode constitutional legitimacy? An analysis of the African national congress and the South African constitution." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32325.
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It has been twenty-five years that the ANC has enjoyed political hegemony and an investigation is required into whether the legitimacy of constitutional supremacy remains intact as a state functioning under a dominant political party. There are certain pathologies which develop in a dominant political party state, pathologies which lead to autocratic rule and which has the potential to undermine the constitutional institutions such as that created by the South African Constitution. The first aspect considered is the weakened oversight role of Parliament over the executive because of the democratic centralism policies practiced by the ANC. Democratic centralism entails strict party discipline which means Parliament cannot fully exercise its role in holding the executive accountable as envisaged in the Constitution. Provisions of the Electoral Act and the Anti-defection clause in the Constitution further allows a concentration of power in the top hierarchy of the dominant political party, thus ensuring that political leaders have all the might to ensure that self-preservation is the order of the day. Parliament which is meant to represent the electorate can be considered as a mere formal or hypothetical construction as the decisions of the dominant political party affects parliamentary processes. The second constitutional implication is that courts become overburdened to make decisions on matters which are better suited to another branch of government. Whilst constitutional review is a function of a thriving and working democracy, the argument presented here is that the judiciary has come to make decisions of a highly political nature. The reason for this is first the failure of Parliament to correctly exercise its oversight role and secondly the abuse of power by high ranking politicians in the dominant political party. The unintended consequence of a dominant political party state is the expansion of the role of the courts as the courts perform the ultimate watchdog role due to the loss of accountability in a dominant party regime. Thus, trespassing onto the terrain of other branches of government and in doing so undermining the independence of the judiciary itself. The last aspect which impedes constitutional legitimacy is the large-scale ‘capture' of state institutions. This phenomenon is linked to the ANC practice of cadre deployment which is a means to safeguard policies and to ensure that promises to the electorate are carried out by party loyalists. This practice in a dominant-party political landscape has created a loophole whereby democratic values and constitutional safeguards are often compromised. Pliable cadres are deployed to key positions and reporting lines are blurred which in turn has facilitated certain corrupt tendencies, leading to the demise of accountability, transparency and the efficiency of government and state-owned enterprises. Through analyzing case law and party policies and considering the pathologies associated with dominant party rule which has developed under the ANC's governance, it is aimed to determine whether a dominant political party erodes constitutional legitimacy in South Africa.
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Bala, Babulal. "Congress in the politics of West Bengal : from dominance to marginality (1947-1977)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2809.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.
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Mücke, Ulrich. "Poder y política. El Partido Civil antes de la Guerra con Chile." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121981.
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This article analyzes the rise of the Civil Party before the War with Chile. It studies the outstanding characteristics of the limanian bourgeoisie from which the party arose, as well as the role of the congress, elections and the presidency of Manuel Pardo. Thanks to unified voting patterns the party managed to outweigh the opposition in congress. Elections, which were held every two years, also required a common effort on the part of the civilists. In spite of its efforts, the party did not carry out any important reform during Pardo’s presidency. Finally, the article explains the elitist social composition of the party and its eminently limanian characteristics.<br>El artículo analiza el surgimiento del Partido Civil antes de la Guerra con Chile. Señala primero las características sobresalientes de la burguesía limeña, clase social de la cual emergió dicho partido. Después analiza el rol del Congreso, de las elecciones y de la presidencia de Manuel Pardo. En el Congreso, el partido logró imponerse a sus opositores gracias al voto unificado de sus miembros. Las elecciones, a su vez, exigieron un esfuerzo común de los civilistas, que debido a la legislación electoral se repetía cada dos años. A pesar de su fuerza, el partido no implementó reformas de importancia durante la presidencia de Pardo. Al final, el artículo explica la conformación social elitista del partido y sus rasgos eminentemente limeños.
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Stingel, Janine. "Social Credit and the Jews : anti-Semitism in the Alberta Social Credit movement and the response of the Canadian Jewish Congress, 1935-1949." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ37027.pdf.
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Fahnestock, Aidan S. "Taking Back America: The Republican Freshmen of the 104th & 112th Congresses." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/884.
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The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.
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Vidler, Elizabeth. "Regime survival in the Gambia and Sierra Leone : a comparative study of the People's Progressive Party (1965-1994) and the All People's Congress (1968-1992)." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1024.
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The People's Progressive Party of The Gambia and the All People's Congress of Sierra Leone provide two outstanding examples of regime survival. They form part of a select group of African states which, for many years, escaped the cycle of coup and counter-coup seen elsewhere on the continent. Africanist political scientists have neglected the phenomenon of political survival, concentrating instead on accounting for the frequency of military intervention. This study goes some way to redressing the imbalance. It explains the importance of studying survival and assesses the comparability of The Gambia and Sierra Leone. Despite the absence of an overarching theory of survival, elements of the conceptual literature (including the theory of personal rule, work undertaken on civilian control of the military, elections and international relations) provide a theoretical framework.
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Le, Roux Cornelius Johannes Brink. "Umkhonto we Sizwe its role in the ANC's onslaught against white domination in South Africa, 1961-1988 /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 1992. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06232009-103157.
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Gluchowski, Leszek Wlodzimierz. "The collapse of Stalinist rule in Poland : the Polish United Worker's Party from the XX CPSU Congress to the VIII KC PZPR Plenum, February-October 1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239767.
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Johnson, Adam A. Engstrom Eric J. "Re-examining the role of Southern Democrats an analysis of the southern advantage in Congress between 1947 and 1992 and its effect on conditional party government /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1891.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Culp, Derek. "Institutional vs. Non-Institutional Sources of Presidential Influence: Explaining Congressional-Presidential Relations in the Age of Polarization." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5784.
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This thesis examines the determinants of presidential success with Congress. Seven essential sources of presidential power in the current era of party polarization were derived from the extant literature, and these factors were delineated into the institutional (formal) and non-institutional (informal) policymaking tools of the presidency. Variables that explain presidential legislative success include: intraparty support in Congress, the use of veto bargaining, executive orders and signing statements (institutional factors); as well as public approval, 'going public,' and strategic lobbying of Congress (non-institutional factors). Case studies of the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush analyze the role of these policymaking tools in four key legislative battles of each presidency. Regression models were constructed to test the effect of these variables on presidential legislative success. The case studies elucidate the relationship between non-institutional factors and their subsequent impact on key presidential policy priorities, particularly the interaction between public approval and going public. Findings indicate a positive relationship between a president's strategic bargaining ability with Congress and subsequent legislative success. Findings also show no significant relationship between intraparty support and presidential success when focusing on only key legislative battles between the executive and legislative branches, contrary to the findings of prior research. Future research might examine the various relationships between these policymaking tools and how they affect the nature of presidential power in the current era of heightened party polarization and ideological homogeneity.<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science; American and Comparative Politics
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Cameron, Maxwell A., and Villagarcia Paolo Sosa. "Non-institutionalized political organizations and the Rule of Law in post-Fujimori’s Peru: a research proposal." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92641.
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Political science literature has focused itself mostly on the «pro-democracy» role of political parties, identifying them as essential instruments for representation. We agree, but we believe this is not the only aspect to focus on. Democratic parties do not only achieve power through regular elections, but they also aspire to rule within a democratic regime. In that sense, the functioning of political parties can be analyzed not only in terms of their contribution to electoral competition. In order to fulfill their democratic functions, parties need a strong constitutional order that allows them to provide two goods: the achievement of power through legalways and good governance within the Rule of Law.<br>Por lo general, la literatura sobre los partidos políticos en ciencia política se ha centrado en su rol «pro-democrático», identificándolos como instrumentos esenciales para la representación. Estamos de acuerdo, pero insistimos en matizar el tema dado lo siguiente: Los partidos democráticos no solo conquistan el poder mediante elecciones regulares, sino que también aspiran a gobernar dentro de un régimen democrático. Por tanto, el funcionamiento de los partidos polí- ticos puede ser analizado no solamente en términos de su aporte a la competencia electoral. Para cumplir sus funciones democráticas, los partidos necesitan un orden constitucional fuerte que les permita proveer dos bienes: la conquista legal del poder y el buen gobierno dentro del Estado de derecho. En el presente documento proponemos esta agenda de investigación y revisamos sus componentes a la luz del caso peruano post-Fujimori y las organizaciones políticas dentro de la dinámica de gobierno.
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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.
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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.<br>KMBT_363<br>Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Leys, Emily H. "It's now or never for South African Women": A case study of The African National Congress' Adoption of a Quota for women on their party lists in the South African Elections of 1994." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3736.
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Pomar, Pedro Estevam da Rocha. "Dutra, Adhemar e a repressão ao PCB : o incidente de Ribeirão Preto (1949) /." Franca : [s.n.], 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93298.
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Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas.<br>Abstract: This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the "Departamento de Ordem Política e Social", DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City.<br>Mestre
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Coetzee, Mervyn A. "Blood, race and the construction of 'the coloured' in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren." University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5362.
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Magister Artium - MA<br>In this paper I attempt to look critically at the literary construction of one particular 'race', namely the 'Coloureds', in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren. To this end, the paper draws on the historical background of Millin, and investigates the way in which Millin has consciously and strategically formed, as it were, a 'unique' Coloured identity. Furthermore, the paper explores the proximity or tension between author and narrator in the novel. This tension, I suggest, emerges in response to various pressures in the novel which in turn are based upon the author's social, political and economic background. Evidence to this effect is derived from Millin's biography and other sources. What emerges from the paper is that the concepts 'race' and 'Coloured', as they are employed in this novel, are equally elusive. In attempting to piece together a 'race', the novel communicates Millin's aversion to miscegenation, and discloses characteristics of her 'self'. Ironically, I conclude, she falls prey to the same kinds of prejudices that she projects onto her literary subjects.
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Pomar, Pedro Estevam da Rocha [UNESP]. "Dutra, Adhemar e a repressão ao PCB: o incidente de Ribeirão Preto (1949)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93298.
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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2000Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
pomar_per_me_fran.pdf: 1438282 bytes, checksum: a6265152c06528500f8c16563f9a09c5 (MD5)<br>O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas.<br>This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City.
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Meyer, Alix. "Le Congrès républicain (1994 – 2006)- Révolutions conservatrices, contradictions électorales, évolutions institutionnelles." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20083.
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Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif<br>The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty
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Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.
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Planas, Silva Pedro. "Las nuevas reglas del Congreso (Parte 1)." Derecho & Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117390.
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Bonnin, Judith. "L'internationalisme rose au tournant de la mondialisation : la politique internationale du Parti socialiste français de 1971 à 1983." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC082.
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L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisation<br>The socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization<br>L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione
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Saavedra, Chanduvi Jaime, Edward Roekaert, Marisol Suárez, Michelle Bass, and Víctor Küppers. "VII Congreso Anual de Talento Docente. Parte 1." Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/652593.
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El VII Congreso anual de Talento Docente tiene como objetivo que se conozca ,desde la experiencia de líderes académicos, como ha revolucionado el sistema de educación superior, desde su modelo de educación, en la nueva realidad y los retos educativos globales a los que se va a hacer frente.
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Quintero, Eliud, Rozas Milagros Morgan, Las Casas Janina De, et al. "VII Congreso Anual de Talento Docente. Parte 2." Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/652595.
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El VII Congreso anual de Talento Docente tiene como objetivo que se conozca ,desde la experiencia de líderes académicos, como ha revolucionado el sistema de educación superior, desde su modelo de educación, en la nueva realidad y los retos educativos globales a los que se va a hacer frente.
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Avril, Emmanuelle. "Ethnographie des congrès politiques : le cas du congrès annuel du parti travailliste britannique." Paris 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA030029.
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L'objectif de la recherche est de comprendre comment l'identite du parti travailliste se construit a l'occasion de son congres annuel (congres de 1992, 1993 et 1994), le "parti politique" etant ici defini comme le produit de l'interaction de ses membres, sur lesquels le parti ainsi constitue a en retour des effets. L'analyse se concentre sur les participants au congres annuel, en ce qu'ils sont les agents de la construction de la realite du congres, et emprunte a des techniques d'enquete tres variees : techniques classiques de la politologie (entretiens et questionnaires) ou ethnographie (observation participante). Le congres, organe souverain du parti travailliste selon les statuts du parti, acquiert en outre une dimension rituelle tres forte du fait de son caractere annuel. Il s'agit de comprendre comment la diversite des representations contribue a la constitution de cette "entite" sociale qu'est le parti travailliste, simultanement groupe en interaction avec d'autres groupes et lieu d'une interaction entre des agents<br>The aim of this research is to understand the process by which the identity of the labour party is being constructed during its annual conference (1992, 1993 and 1994 conferences), the "political party" being defined as the product of the interaction of its members on whom the resulting entity in turn has an effect. This analysis concentrates on the participants who are involved in the construction of the reality of the conference, and is based on a variety of research tools : from the traditional tools of political science (interviews and questionnaires) to those of ethnography (participant observation). The annual conference, which, according to the party constitution, is the sovereign body of the labour party, also acquires a very strong ritual dimension because of it is an annual event. The aim is to understand how the diversity of representations contributes to the construction of this social entity known as the labour party, which is simultaneously a group interacting with other groups and the place where different agents interact with one another
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Pan, Chin-Chang, and 潘進章. "A Study on PRC’s Party and Military Relations―16th Party Congress." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/20305098833450735839.
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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>國際事務與戰略研究所<br>91<br>Title of Thesis: A Study on PRC’s Party and Military Relations―16th Party Congress
As a Case
Name of Institute: Graduate Institute of International Affairs & Strategic Studies,
Tamkang University
Degree conferred: Master of Art
Graduate date: June 2003
Name of Student: Pan, Chin-Chang
Advisor: Arthur Ding, Su-Feng Ph. D
（丁樹範）
Abstract
Relations between party and military in communist countries have always been focused by the academics. When the collapse of former Soviet Union and Easter European Communist countries, the PRC’s party-military relations have become better way to understand PRC’s politics and military.
Traditionally, the PRC’s party-military relations are based on the concept of “party leads military.” Since the 1990s, the questions are whether the PRC military transformation according to the situation from within and without and aspiration for the modernization will challenge relations between party and military? Moreover, after Chiang Tze-Ming’s seizing power for more than 10 years, will he become another military strongman in China? And after the separation of party-military relations stipulated in 16th CCP Party Congress, will this bring serious impact toward CCP? All these have been attractive to academics. In this regard, this thesis is to understand the relations between party and military and the development of party-military relations aft1990s. Furthermore, this thesis is to use CCP’s 16th Party Congress as the case to know both party and military relations.
It is to discuss special features of PRC’s party-military relations, to tell the reasons why there appeared difference between them before and after the 1990s, to know how the PRC adjusted its system to stablize their relations, to figure out their future trend after the 16th Party Congress, and to evaluate the effect of change to PRC’s new leader Hu Chin-Tao.
As for the future, due to the influence from domestic as well as abroad, the need to modernize its military, and “ruling military according to the law” and “military nationalization”, are becoming new challenges to PRC’s party-military relations. Apart from this, CCP has made necessary change to allow capitalists in, which may blur CCP ‘s rule-based idea. In view of this, whether the CCP can still maintain its rule and absolute power is worth of studying. As for the ROC , we should continue to focus on the development of PRC’s party-military relations, which may be considered as the blue print for the designing of national security.
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Seo, Jungkun. "Breaking with the party: preferences, procedures, and party position shifts in Congress." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3299.
Full textAbstract:
While I do not dispute the pivotal role played by party leaders in setting and shifting a party position, I argue that the impetus for party shifts sometimes comes from the "bottom-up"--that is, from party members themselves. At times, the party position held by the leadership conflicts with some members' constituency interests. Faced with this conflict, backbench members use the legislative process to signal their intention to defect from the party on policy unless the leadership modifies the party's existing position. Party members' party-splitting votes under constituency pressures, however, do not always lead the party into a new brand. If one party, particularly a majority party, is divided but the other party is united over a policy issue, this issue drives a wedge within the majority party. If this wedge issue continues to split the majority party and unite the minority party, the majority party is likely to shift its policy position to solve its dilemma of party division. To test my theory of party position shifts, I explore three historical cases in which there was position change by one or both parties over immigration, national security, and trade. More specifically, these include: the switch of congressional Republicans from anti- to pro-exclusion on Chinese immigration in the post-Reconstruction period; the shift of congressional Democrats from a party of "guns" and "butter" to a party of only "butter" in the post-Vietnam War era; and Republican and Democratic flip-flopping on China and MFN in the post-Cold War period. My findings suggest that policy change in these cases is driven by the shifting preferences of members as they try to resolve tension between the party and the constituency. Sometimes party rank-and-file members are in the driver's seat in defining the parties' positions. This is as true for foreign policy as it is for domestic policy. My dissertation shows that in a representative democracy, the transition from voters' preferences to lawmakers' votes occurs through the politics of procedural voting strategies in Congress.<br>text
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Lee, Ya-min, and 李亞明. "An analysis of CCP's 12th to 17th Party Congress “Party Construction” report." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25159102284151889853.
Full textAbstract:
博士<br>中國文化大學<br>政治學研究所<br>97<br>Since China implemented “reform and open” policy, Chinese Communist Party has regularly held Party congress every five years. In each convention, a hefty political report, which reviews the previous five years’ work and lays out the blueprint for the following five years, will be submitted to the convention. The contents of the report could be divided into five parts--namely domestic politics, foreign affairs, defense affairs, cross strait relations, and the construction of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). To review the CCP’s political reform, the final part of the report (construction of CCP) is a good indication. If made a comparison with the previous political reports, the layered progress of CCP’s political reforms and how CCP governs the country will be revealed. This dissertation is to compare the differences among the various CCP party leaders on how they execute the CCP construction since the opening to the outside world through analyzing political reports submitted during the 12th to 17th Party congress to explain the continuities and varieties during the process of the reform.
The aim of this dissertation is to study the substances of CCP construction. The description of CCP construction could serve as a good basis to explain the theory and thinking of the CCP construction, analyze the effectiveness of different party construction periods, so as to predict the development of CCP and how would it move toward the goal of social democratic system. The study of CCP construction helps the understanding on how the Chinese party-state system works and it also helps further understanding on the CCP’s domination on national policy.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "The Indian National Congress Party after the dynasty." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5483.
Full textAbstract:
Rajiv Gandhi's violent death in May 1991 signalled the end of
an entire era for the Congress Party: the long-lasting rule of the
dynasty was over. Subsequent developments in the party have raised
the question of change versus continuity. Has the end of the
dynasty led to the birth of a new Congress, or will the dynastic
party structures and organizational features continue into the
post-Gandhi period? The argument that I will be advancing
throughout the thesis is that structural continuity has
characterized the organizational order of the party in its postdynastic
period. The most obvious indicators of this continuity are
that the party continues to be a deinstitutionalized, loosely
structured coglomerate of political bosses with varying bases of
support; the party remains paralyzed by factionalism at all levels,
yet it escapes splits and schisms; and the Congress Prime Minister
continues to be at the apex of the decision-making pyramid.
The important question for political scientists to answer is
why continuity has taken precedence over drastic change. I shall
maintain that structural continuity in the party's organizational
order has come about primarily as a result of environmental
pressures exerted by the turbulence in the party system that was
undergoing a fundamental transformation. The Indian party system
changed from a predominant into a more competitive one in the late 1980s and early 1990s as the election results for 1989-91 period
suggest. Under this environmental condition, it has been the
requirement of organizational survival amidst external change that
both necessitated and facilitated the continuation of the old order
in the party.
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Russell, Annelise. "U.S. senators on Twitter : party polarization in 140 characters." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/28543.
Full textAbstract:
The tenor of the Senate no longer relies on traditions of apprenticeship and courtesy. The modern reality is a highly party-polarized institution, encouraging intraparty loyalty and interparty discord. Senators’ behavior on roll-call votes and amendments exhibit this hyper-partisan culture, but that culture extends beyond voting behavior. Members' media activities, including communications with constituents and each other, are equally appealing venues to express excessive partisanship. New media technologies, such as Twitter, are extending this partisan game and punching a ticket for every member of the Senate. Twitter offers a low-cost alternative for members to express malcontent with an opposing party while signaling intra-party party support. In this paper, I tease out the extent to which a member’s party and leadership status affect their likelihood to engage in the partisan discourse that now spans social media. I introduce a unique dataset from the 112th Congress that catalogues six months of senatorial Twitter activity and find that minority party members and party leaders are more likely to name-call and express party loyalty. Twitter may be an alternative agenda space for minority interests that seek to alter the status quo and a public relations platform for party leaders who are tasked with shaping the debate.<br>text
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Chiu, Liang-hsueh, and 邱學良. "Research on the Thirteenth Party Congress and Its Influences." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50089414686002493588.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立中央大學<br>歷史研究所碩士在職專班<br>98<br>With the implementation of the policy of “Open-Door and Reform” in Mainland
China, the disagreements on the paces and the viewpoints started to exist in different
political groups and for that reason two main groups, conservative and reformers,
were shaped then. The Reformists wished to learn more from the West, and hoped it
would have a good influence on China, which seemed to fall behind, while the
conservatives insisted China leaders should make proper polices that emphasized on
“ideology.” What’s more, they also insisted the Chinese Communist Party(CCP)
should have sovereignty over China. However, two groups held opposite attitudes
toward the issues such as politics, economic and social- related affairs. What’s worse,
some of them was employed as tools for power struggle, which made the previous
issues more complicated.
Unfortunately, after the policy of “Open-Door and Reform” were implemented,
quite a few problems occurred afterwards, such as the arguments on Anti-bourgeois
liberalization, responsibility of stagnancy political and economic system, loose party
discipline, corruption, and so on. There was widespread discontent everywhere.
Hence, Genaral Secretary Hu Yao-pang fell out of power due to the student’s strike at
the end of 1986. With the support of Deng Hsiao-ping, his successor, Chao Tzu-yang,
continued implementing the policy of “Open-Door and Reform”. He presented the
theory of the Primary Stage of Socialism in the Thirteenth Party Congress to
rationalize the basis of the policies of reform. However, the reformers worsened the
relationship due to the arguments on Anti-bourgeois liberalization and personnel
arrangement in the Thirteenth Party Congress. The failure of the price reform in
1988 resulted in the economic crisis; as a result, Chao Tzu-yang lost his
iv
decision-making in the economic field, and that even threatened his political status.
For that reason, the conservatives ever requested Deng Hsiao-ping to replace General
Secretary, Chao Tzu-yang. In the Tien-an-men Square Incident of 1989, the
reformers headed by Chao Tzu-yang were on the side of the students. Not only the
conservatives but also Deng Hsiao-ping got irritated at his support for students.
Accordingly, Chao Tzu-yang was arrested in prison afterwards. In the end, the top
leaders of the CCP assigned the military force to suppress the student strike; there was
no doubt that the reformers force suffered a setback.
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Hsieh, Chu-chih, and 謝曲治. "The Research of Chinese Political Situation During the 9th Chinese Communist Party Congress (The 9th Congress)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/28mj3m.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立中央大學<br>歷史研究所碩士在職專班<br>96<br>The Research of Chinese Political Situation During the 9th Chinese Communist Party Congress (The 9th Congress)
Abstract
The 9th Chinese Communist Party Congress was held in 1969. This Congress was deeply influenced by The China’s Cultural Revolution while it was taking place (1966-1976).The 9th Congress continued the sprit of proletarian revolution. Due to the particular timing, the 9th Congress was different from the previous one.
Mao hosted the 9th Congress to celebrate the victory of China’s Cultural Revolution and the primary purpose was to win over more and more united Chinese people. At that time, Lin Biao and Jiang Qing were both open strife and veiled struggle. The Chinese political situation was sly and shrewd. Mao wanted the Congress of victors, but it was difficult.
There are four topics in this research.
First, why did Mao bring down Peng Dir White after Lushan meeting (1959)? Liu Shaoqi was Mao’s preferable successor during the 7th Congress. Why did Liu Shaoqi be refuted afterwards ? Second, why did Mao adopt Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan’s political report? How did this report affect the 9th Congress and China’s political situation in the future? Third, the armed force threat from Soviet caused the evacuation of China government cadre members in 1969. Was Liu Shaoqi involved in this event? Lin Biao issued First Order and urged that China should keep the position of chairman. Is it against Mao’s idea? Forth, Mao got lots of assistance from Lin Biao in the issues of Three Red Flags, Personality Cult and the starting of Culture Revolution. Mao made an exception to let Lin Biao to be his successor and wrote it in the party constitution. But Mao broke up with Lin Biao when Lin Biao started the conflict with Zhang Chunqiao in Lushan Meeting（1970）. Why did Mao break up with Lin Biao to protect Zhang Chunqiao? The issues mentioned above will be researched in this thesis.