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1

Gottlieb, Steven J. "Congress, military retirement benefits, and deficit reduction : a comparison of military retirement adjustments between the 103rd and 104th Congresses /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA312718.

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2

Amaral, Marcelo Santos. "Congresso no Twitter: parlamentares e partidos políticos em 140 caracteres." Escola de Administração da Universidade Federal da Bahia, 2016. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/20206.

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O surgimento de novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação motivou estudos sobre as possíveis transformações provocadas por estas tecnologias, fazendo surgir diferentes correntes e dividindo os teóricos em moderados, otimistas e pessimistas em relação a estas mudanças. Mais recentemente, o advento das novas mídias sociais da internet também têm motivado diferentes investigações sobre os possíveis impactos que elas possam ter sobre as relações sociais, econômicas e políticas. Instituições, organizações, políticos e cidadãos estão adotando o uso das redes sociais em ritmo acelerado, levantando questões sobre os efeitos que esta adoção pode provocar nas relações entre Estado, governo e sociedade. O Twitter é um serviço de microblogging que surgiu com o propósito de ser um diário público de atividades, mas foi apropriado e utilizado de forma bem mais ampla, tornando-se uma rede social única na internet. Este estudo exploratório investigou a adoção do Twitter pelo Congresso Nacional e sua utilização durante o período eleitoral de 2014, abrangendo quatro momentos de análises: um período prévio ao momento eleitoral, o início e o final da campanha política, e um período posterior às eleições de 2014. Os indicadores analisados incluem dados sócio-políticos dos parlamentares em exercício em qualquer das quatro datas de análise e seus dados de uso do Twitter, coletados diretamente da rede social. O objetivo foi descrever e analisar como parlamentares e partidos políticos representados no Congresso Nacional atuavam no Twitter, antes, durante e após a campanha eleitoral de 2014. Os dados indicam que os parlamentares aderiram ao Twitter antes das eleições de 2010 ou antes das eleições de 2014. Em momentos de eleição, tendem a aumentar suas presenças na rede, postando mais conteúdos e buscando visibilidade para suas campanhas eleitorais, obtendo com isto mais popularidade e, dentre os mais populares, mais votos. Há parlamentares que, por sua grande popularidade no Twitter, se equivalem a celebridades virtuais, sendo excepcionalmente seguidos por colegas e por cidadãos, mas seguindo poucas pessoas em retorno. Na outra ponta, há uma parcela de parlamentares que se mostraram indiferentes ao uso do recurso durante as quatro etapas de análise. Os partidos políticos também reproduzem as relações do ambiente off-line no Twitter, tendo os principais partidos liderado o movimento de adesão. Há partidos, no entanto, que possuem importância relativamente maior no ambiente virtual do que fora dele, sendo muito seguidos por políticos de outros partidos e pelo público externo ao Congresso. Os parlamentares aumentaram ignificativamente o número de seus seguidores entre o início e o final do período analisado, mas o público dos partidos políticos não ficou mais qualificado com este acréscimo de popularidade de seus representantes. Depois das eleições, muitos parlamentares abandonam o uso da ferramenta – especialmente aqueles que não obtiveram sucesso eleitoral; outros, reeleitos, diminuíram suas presenças no ambiente virtual para um ritmo próximo do anterior. As conclusões apontam para a reprodução das relações personalistas e individualistas da política brasileira no ambiente virtual, com as conexões entre cidadãos e políticos valorizando a figura dos políticos, em detrimento das legendas políticas às quais estão filiados.
The rise of new information technologies and communication has motivated research on the potential changes caused by these technologies, giving rise to different streams and splitting the theoretical in moderate, optimistic and pessimistic about these changes. Recently, the advent of new social media of the Internet also have motivated different investigations on the potential impacts they might have on the social, economic and political relations. Institutions, organizations, politicians and citizens are adopting the use of social networks at a fast pace, raising questions about the effects that adoption may result in the relations between state, government and society. Twitter is a microblogging service that has emerged intended to be a public microblogging, but was appropriated and used far more widely becoming a unique social network on the Internet. This exploratory study has investigated the adoption of Twitter by the National Congress and its use during the Brazilian election of 2014, covering four stages of analysis: one period prior to election time, the beginning and the end of the political campaign, and a period after the 2014 elections. The indicators examined here include sociopolitical data of parliamentarians in any of the four dates of analysis and their Twitter usage data collected directly from the social network. The aimed to describe and analyze how parliamentarians and political parties represented in the National Congress acted on Twitter before, during and after the election campaign of 2014. The data indicate that parliamentarians have joined Twitter before the 2010 elections or before the 2014 elections. In moments of elections, they tend to increase their presence on the network, posting more content and seeking visibility for their election campaigns, obtaining with this more popularity and among the most popular, more votes. There are parliamentarians, for their great popularity on Twitter, are equivalent to virtual celebrities, being exceptionally followed by colleagues and citizens, but following few people in return. At the other hand, a part of parliamentarians have shown indifferent to the use of the resource during the four stages of analysis. Political parties also reproduce relations of the offline environment on Twitter, with major parties led the membership movement. There are parties, however, which have relatively more important in the virtual environment than outside it, being very followed by politicians from other parties and the external public to Congress. Parliamentarians have significantly increased the number of its followers between the beginning and the end of the reporting period, but the audience of political parties was not more qualified with this popularity increase their representatives. After the elections, many parliaments have abandoned the use of the tool – especially those who did not achieve electoral success; others, re-elected, decreased their presence in the virtual environment. The findings point to the reproduction of personalist and individualist relations in Brazilian politics in the virtual environment, with the connections between citizens and politicians valuing the figure of politicians at the expense of political parties to which they are affiliated.
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Faco, Regiane Avena. "Turismo, sustentabilidade e a gênese de um "ecoturismo": uma análise dos trabalhos do EcoUc/CONECOTUR." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/6776.

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Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
This documentary paper, exploratory-descriptive, aims to develop an analysis of scientific research on tourism through the annals presented in editions of the National Congress of Ecotourism and the Interdisciplinary Meeting on Ecotourism in Protected Areas (Conecotur / EcoUc) occurred until 2011. For this purpose, are disclosed some aspects of the research as origin of research, axles and themes according to the platform proposal by. Jafari (1989) through the work of Rejowski (1996).The discussion starts with a reflection about the terminologies tourism originated with the emergence of concepts such as sustainable development and then build a brief critique of the conventional models of tourism to understand how ecotourism is an alternative to these standards. In a second moment, the debate is about the beginning and evolution of tourism research and the importance of the emergence of academic meetings for the promotion of the area. Finally, it presents Conecotur / EcoUc and how this has developed as an area of scientific debate, allowing the enrichment of research and experience in tourism (as a practice) and academia (as reflection).
O presente trabalho documental, de caráter exploratório-descritivo, tem como objetivo desenvolver uma análise acerca da pesquisa científica em turismo através dos trabalhos (anais) apresentados nas edições do Congresso Nacional de Ecoturismo e do Encontro Interdisciplinar de Ecoturismo em Unidades de Conservação (CONECOTUR/EcoUc) ocorridas até 2011. Para tal, são evidenciados alguns aspectos das pesquisas como: origem dos pesquisadores, eixos e temáticas abordadas de acordo com as plataformas propostas por Jafari (1989) através da obra de Rejowski (1996). A discussão se dá a partir de uma reflexão em relação às terminologias do turismo relacionadas ao aparecimento de conceitos como o desenvolvimento sustentável, para então construir uma breve crítica aos modelos convencionais de turismo e compreender como o ecoturismo se estabelece como uma alternativa a estes padrões. Em um segundo momento, debate-se o início e a evolução da pesquisa em turismo e a importância do surgimento de encontros acadêmicos para o fomento da área. Por fim, apresenta-se então o CONECOTUR/EcoUc e, como este tem se desenvolvido como espaço de debates científicos, permitido o enriquecimento de pesquisas e experiências no turismo (enquanto prática) e na academia (enquanto reflexão).
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Álvarez, Justo Elías. "El Eurocomunismo y su influencia en el PSUC (1975-1982)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671841.

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La presente tesis aborda el estudio del eurocomunismo y de su influencia en el PSUC, el principal partido del antifranquismo en Catalunya. Coincidiendo con el desarrollo de la transición a la democracia, el partido de los comunistas catalanes oficializó en su IV Congreso (1977) importantes cambios organizativos, estratégicos y doctrinales que fueron expresión, simultánea, de la culminación de las experiencias de los años sesenta y de una reflexión crítica respecto a la experiencia de los países del denominado socialismo real. El abandono definitivo del partido de vanguardia, la nueva concepción del partido de masas, la aproximación a problemáticas sociales inéditas como el ecologismo o la amenaza de la marginalidad entre la juventud serán, entre otros elementos, aspectos que el PSUC tratará de integrar en una estrategia coherente de avance al socialismo. Cabe destacar igualmente que, el desarrollo de la democracia (democracia político-social) y una revalorización de los derechos políticos, se convierten en los principales ejes de una línea política que se reclama autónoma en tiempos de la Guerra Fría y enfrentamiento de bloques. Con el ánimo de analizar la influencia del eurocomunismo en la organización del partido y su militancia, el estudio del V Congreso (1981) aparece como un acontecimiento clave. El congreso era, según las normas estatutarias, la máxima autoridad del partido, así como era también la expresión de la voluntad general de la militancia. Por ello reflejó en numerosa documentación congresual, los debates que tuvieron lugar en las distintas agrupaciones del partido. El V Congreso debía, bajo la óptica de la dirección, sancionar la línea política seguida desde el anterior congreso y oficializar definitivamente el eurocomunismo. No obstante, el congreso mostró la división del PSUC, que conoció un debate que afectaría a los principales pilares de la organización; naturaleza del partido, objetivos e identidad. En suma, la presente tesis trata de analizar el desarrollo del PSUC en el periodo entre 1975 y 1982 y su repercusión en los debates que abrirían la crisis de la organización, comprendiendo que la organización de los comunistas catalanes experimentó una particular transición, que teóricamente, debía capacitarla para mantener el alto grado de influencia social alcanzado durante la fase final de lucha contra la dictadura franquista y adaptarse al nuevo- e inestable- marco democrático.
The present thesis focuses on the influence of Eurocommunism on the PSUC, one of the main Catalan political parties during the 1970s. While the 4th Congress of the Party, held in 1977, set down the core ideas related to Eurocommunism and led to many changes within the organization, the 5th Congress (1981) was conceived by the party leadership, as its ultimate consecration. Nonetheless the debates that took place on the aforementioned congress revolved, precisely, around the legitimacy of the term Eurocommunism a fact that eventually opened up the crisis -and the looming split- when it was decided its definitive suppression. In a few words, our aim is to study which were the changes undertaken by the party and how they intertwined with the officialization of a new political line -under the banner of Eurocommunism- that gave room to new insights and approaches but also created internal instability when some portions of the rank and file members felt that core elements of the party were being eroded.
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Mota, Maurício Quadros da. "A UNE volta à cena: a reorganização do movimento estudantil baiano e processo e reconstrução da UNE (1969-1979)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18785.

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Esta dissertação analisa o processo de reorganização política do Movimento Estudantil baiano no período compreendido entre os anos 1969 e 1979, que acabou contribuindo na construção do 31º Congresso Nacional da União Nacional dos Estudantes – UNE – ocorrido nos dias 29 e 30 de maio de 1979, na cidade de Salvador, Bahia. Esse evento, que contou com a participação de milhares de estudantes de todo o Brasil, foi o ápice das movimentações estudantis em escalada durante a década de 1970. O Congresso trouxe a UNE ao cenário Nacional brasileiro, após seu desmantelamento pelas forças repressivas da Ditadura Militar, com a desarticulação do Congresso de Ibiúna, e a promulgação do Ato Institucional Nº-5, em 1968. Servindo de base de orientação política das ações estudantis no contexto de redemocratização política no Brasil, angariando amplo apoio da sociedade. Nosso olhar parte da compreensão das ações estudantis dentro e fora do ambiente universitário, buscando remontar os limites político e sociais dos diferentes setores sociais que compunham as lutas e disputas em prol ou não da redemocratização política brasileira. Essa reconstrução histórica se deu a partir da conjunção e problematização de um amplo leque documental que foram de fundamental importância para as linhas que compõe essa dissertação, tais como: a grande imprensa baiana do período; as imprensas alternativas e estudantis baianas e brasileiras; entrevistas e narrativas orais; relatórios do Serviço Nacional de Inteligência; imagens e registros iconográficos. This dissertation analyzes the political reorganization of the Student Movement Bahia in the period between the years 1969 and 1979, which eventually contributed in building the 31st National Congress of the National Union of Students - UNE - occurred on 29 and 30 May 1979, in the city of Salvador, Bahia. This event, which was attended by thousands of students from all over Brazil, was the culmination of student movements in climbing during the 1970. Congress brought the Brazilian National UNE scenario, after your disorganization the repressive forces of the Military Dictatorship with the disarticulation of the Congress of Ibiúna, and the promulgation of Institutional Act No. 5, in 1968. Serving base the political orientation of student actions in the context of political democratization in Brazil, garnering support from the society. Part of our look comes from understanding the student actions inside and outside the university ambient, seeking to reassemble the political and social boundaries of different social sectors that comprised the fights and disputes in favor or not of Brazilian political democratization. This historical reconstruction took place from the conjunction and questioning of a broad range document that were of fundamental importance for the lines that make up this dissertation, such as the great baiano press of the period; alternatives and student presses baiano and brazilian; interviews and oral narratives; reports of the National Intelligence Service; images and iconographic records.
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Rubiatti, Bruno de Castro 1983. "Sistemas bicamerais na América Latina : Argentina, Brasil e México." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281237.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Grande parte dos estudos sobre o Legislativo se concentra na análise do funcionamento e no comportamento das Câmaras Baixas. Entretanto, um grande número de países adota o sistema bicameral na organização do seu processo legislativo. Inclusive esse tipo de organização do legislativo está presente em nove países da América Latina. Esse projeto visa analisar os sistemas bicamerais dos três países latino-americanos que adotam essa organização dos trabalhos legislativos conjuntamente a um sistema federativo, a dizer: Argentina, Brasil e México. Buscamos analisar esses bicameralismos tendo em vista o papel de ponto de veto dos Senados no processo legislativo. Procuramos compreender como os elementos dos regimes institucionais, entendido como os diversos traços institucionais que sistematicamente influenciam o comportamento dos atores políticos, de cada um desses países contribuem para o fortalecimento ou enfraquecimento desse papel das suas respectivas Câmaras Altas, uma vez que os elementos que compõem os regimes institucionais dos países são essenciais na definição do perfil e das capacidades dessas Câmaras de agirem como pontos de veto. Em outras palavras, analisaremos o impacto que os elementos que constituem os regimes institucionais - os poderes de presidente, o grau de descentralização territorial da política, a composição partidária e a organização do processo legislativo - têm sobre as Câmaras Altas, privilegiando a questão do impacto da centralização desses elementos no processo decisório, tendo em mente que esse fenômeno está associado a uma diminuição do papel dos Senados nesse processo
Abstract: Most part of the studies of the Legislative concentrates on how lower chamber behaviors work. However, a large number of countries adopts the bicameral legislature on theirs legislative organization. This type of legislative organization is present in nine Latin American countries. This study aims to analyze bicameral systems in three Latin Americans countries, which system joins legislative and federal process. They are: Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. We will analyze bicameralisms on the behalf of Senate veto points in legislatives process. We try to comprehend how the institutional regimes elements, understood as various institutional traces that systematically influence the political actors behaviors, in each of the three countries, contributes for the fortification or impairment paper on each of respective Upper Chamber, once the elements that compose the institutional country regimes are essential for the definition of the profile and capabilities of these Chambers to work with veto points. In other words, we will analyze the elements impacts on the composition of the Institutional regimes constitution - the powers of the President, the degree of the decentralization territorial politics, the partisan composition and the legislative process organization - have on Upper Chambers, privileging the impact of the elements of centralization decision, having in mind that this phenomenon is associate to the decrease of the Senate paper in this process
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política
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McDanal, Charles E. "Ethics in Congress." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063346/.

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Orsolin, André. "OS CONGRESSOS EDUCACIONAIS PALOTINOS COMO UM INSTRUMENTO POLÍTICO - PEDAGÓGICO DE INTEGRAÇÃO (1994-2007)." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2009. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9709.

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This research has as theme The Pallottine Educational Congresses as a Political Pedagogic an Instrument of Integration (1994 2007) , and it presents a study of the Congregation of Pallottine priests and brothers, during the Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education conducted by the educational institutions, between 1994 and 2007. The Pallottine Pedagogy arose from the need to revive the faith and the charity, between 1795 and 1850, with Vicente Pallotti in Rome, Italy. The Pallottine priests arrived in Argentina and Brazil in 1888, brought by the Italian immigrants to provide pastoral and educational aid. Due to expansion of the Pallottine Schools, arose the need to deepen and strengthen the pallottine political pedagogic identity of these educational institutions. Therefore, in 1994, it took place the First Latin American Congress of Pallottine Education, with the objective to bring educators together from Pallottine Schools. Thus, this research sought to understand how the Pallottine Pedagogy as institutional pedagogic policy of education got organized in Argentina and Brazil, between 1994 and 2007, from the analysis of the Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education, documents (letters) and a questionnaire applied to principals and teachers of Pallottine Schools. The study is divided into three chapters, dealing respectively with: the Pallottine Pedagogy: considerations about the principles of this pedagogy; Latin American Congresses of Pallottine Education: development of the Congresses, analysis of the letters and questionnaires; Antonio Alves Ramos Sshool and its Educational practice: pedagogic practice. It was concluded that the pallottine pedagogic educational policy got organized through the guidelines of education from their own countries, church and congregation, adapting according to the need of the school community.
Esta pesquisa que tem como tema Os Congressos Educacionais Palotinos como um Instrumento político-pedagógico de integração (1994-2007) , apresenta um estudo da Congregação dos Padres e Irmãos Palotinos, através dos Congressos Latino-Americanos de Educação Palotina realizados pelas instituições educacionais desde 1994 a 2007. A Pedagogia Palotina surgiu da necessidade de reavivar a fé e reacender a caridade entre os anos de 1795 a 1850 com Vicente Pallotti em Roma/Itália. Na Argentina e no Brasil, em 1885, chegaram padres palotinos trazidos pelos imigrantes Italianos, para prestarem auxílio pastoral e educacional. Devido à expansão dos Colégios palotinos, surgiu à necessidade de aprofundar e fortalecer a identidade política pedagógica palotina destas instituições educacionais. Por isso, no ano de 1994, realizou-se o I Congresso Latino- Americano de Educação Palotina com o objetivo de reunir educadores provenientes de Colégios Palotinos. Diante disso, buscou-se nesta pesquisa, entender de que forma a Pedagogia Palotina enquanto política pedagógica institucional de educação se organiza na Argentina e no Brasil, no período de 1994 2007, a partir da análise dos Congressos Latino-Americanos de Educação Palotina, documentos (cartas) e um questionário aplicado a diretores e professores de Colégios Palotinos. O estudo está divido em três capítulos, tratando respectivamente de: a Pedagogia Palotina: considerações sobre os princípios dessa pedagogia; Congressos Latino-americanos de Educação Palotina: desenvolvimento dos Congressos, análise das cartas e dos questionários; O Colégio Antonio Alves Ramos e sua vivência Educacional: a prática pedagógica. A partir da pesquisa concluiu-se que a política pedagógica educacional palotina se organiza através das diretrizes de educação dos próprios países, da Igreja e da Congregação adaptando-se conforme a necessidade da comunidade escolar.
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Schuler, Vaniza de Lima. "A importância dos serviços ofertados pelos convention & visitors bureaux : uma avaliação dos organizadores de congressos." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2014. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/421.

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Este trabalho teve por objeto principal os serviços ofertados pelos Convention & Visitors Bureaux (CVBx), avaliados pelo seu grau de importância tanto pela ótica dos seus gestores como por organizadores profissionais de congressos (OPCs). Na qualidade de promotores do destino que representam, e pretendendo o aumento do fluxo de turistas, os CVBx utilizam-se de estratégias que incluem a atração de eventos profissionais. Por esse motivo, essas organizações direcionam seus esforços para a divulgação das potencialidades turísticas da localidade, visando com isso o convencimento dos planejadores desses acontecimentos e de seus intermediários - grupo no qual os organizadores de congressos ocupam lugar de destaque. Para o alcance de uma maior eficácia, entende-se que seja relevante um bom alinhamento entre os desejos e as necessidades dos compradores com a oferta proposta pelos CVBx. Tendo esse pressuposto como diretriz principal, decidiu-se investigar a valoração atribuída aos serviços ofertados, tanto pelos OPCs como pelos próprios CVBx. Teve-se por objetivo principal, gerar uma matriz dos serviços considerados mais importantes por esses intermediários dos compradores de destinos turísticos, ordenada do maior para o menor valor obtido. Pretendeu-se ainda comparar as percepções dos dois grupos, buscando-se evidenciar convergências e divergências na valoração dos serviços. Optou-se pela utilização de uma metodologia de pesquisa exploratório-descritiva, com processo de coleta de informações por meio de formulários estruturados, que incluíam questões de medida de opinião por meio de escalas de intensidade. A aplicação da pesquisa foi realizada junto aos representantes tanto de organizadores, como de CVBx. Definiu-se uma amostragem delimitada por área geográfica (região sul do Brasil) - que representava mais de 20% do universo dos CVBx brasileiros - e OPCs selecionados intencionalmente. A análise dos dados foi quantitativa e utilizou-se de métodos estatísticos. Os resultados encontrados permitem que se perceba um bom alinhamento na atribuição de valor entre os dois grupos, muito embora, tenha sido evidenciado um relacionamento precário e algumas lacunas na disponibilização efetiva desses serviços, com o registro de atividades com alta valoração atribuída e rara oferta
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This work has as its principal object the services offered by the Convention & Visitors Bureaus (CVBs), evaluated both from the perspective of its administrators and from professional congress organizers (PCOs). As promoters of the destination, and intending to increase the flow of tourists, CVBs make use of strategies that include the attraction of professional events. For this reason, these organizations direct their efforts to publicize the tourist potential of the region, aiming thereby convincing the planners of these events and their intermediaries - group in which the congress organizers have a prominent place. To achieve greater efficiency, it is understood that is relevant good alignment between the desires and needs of buyers with the offer proposed by CVBs. Taking this assumption as a guiding principle, it was decided to investigate the value attributed to the services offered, by both OPCs as by the CVBs. The primary of this research it was generating an array of services considered most important by these middlemen buyers of tourist destinations, ordered from highest to lowest value obtained. Second aim was to compare the perceptions of the two groups , seeking to highlight similarities and differences in valuation services. It was opted for the use of a descriptive research methodology, with the process of gathering information through structured forms that included questions measuring opinion by means of intensity scales. The application of the research was carried out with representatives of both organizers, as CVBs. It was set up a sampling delimited geographical area (southern Brazil) - which represented more than 20 % of the universe of Brazilian CVBs - and intentionally selected OPCs. Data analysis was quantitative and it was used statistical methods. The results allow us to realize a good alignment on the allocation of value between the two groups, though, have been shown a poor relationship and some gaps in the effective provision of these services, in which there have been activities with high value attributed and rare offer.
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Pereira, Priscila Rodrigues 1986. "O Congresso Nacional e a política de defesa do Brasil." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279413.

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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema
Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power?s capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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11

Gonçalves, Israel Aparecido. "A repercussão pública da participação do Brasil na Minustah (2004-2011)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1000.

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Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
The object of this work is to analyze the public impact of Brazil's participation in the MINUSTAH - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. To understand the public impact we have studied three fields: academe, Congress and the written press in Brazil. The methodology of this study was guided by intensive reading of essays and papers about the Brazilian participation in MINUSTAH and analysis of primary sources, such as laws and official documents. The results show there is a positive public image of the Brazilian participation in MINUSTAH, even with some critical periods.
O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar qual é a repercussão pública da participação do Brasil na Minustah - Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti. Para entender como se realizou essa repercussão pública são estudados três campos: o acadêmico, o Congresso Nacional e a Imprensa escrita brasileira. A metodologia deste trabalho pautou-se pela análise de conteúdo e de fontes primárias, como leis e documentos oficiais. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que a imagem pública da missão sofreu várias críticas ao longo destes setes anos, mas o que prevaleceu foi uma visão institucional, ligada ao governo brasileiro.
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Iyusuka, Sheyla Saori. "Mulheres na agroecologia : um estudo bibliométrico." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7895.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
The sexual division of work brings the forms of unequal as if establish relations of organization, production and conduct of choices in the forms of land use. The presence of women in the scenario of agriculture is still marginalized and amended as aid to work of the men, which are considered the main force of productive unit, and in extension activities to domestic work - as vegetable gardens, small livestock and other activities that involve the backyard. From addition, in rural studies, is a great challenge to incorporate the woman as the subject and focus of research. This article understands the importance of giving continuity and visibility to the studies and research that involve the theme of women and gender in agriculture, in particular in the area of knowledge of agroecology. This way, it was proposed a bibliometric analysis of the studies presented in the Brazilian Congresses of Agroecology (CBAs). Whereas the various contributions of different areas of knowledge in agroecology, bibliometrics can provide important information on the directions of studies and research in this area in Brazil. To analyze the data and the content of the abstracts expanded with the theme of women and gender, it was chosen to organize them through a filter with the following terms: gender, women, peasant, rural women, workers, women, farmers, producers, the ospreys, seated and garbage collectors. The summaries selected from the filter were organized through the following metadata: Title, Authorship, Affiliation, Year of publication, Abstract and Keyword. In this article we managed to analyze the authorship and affiliation, showing how each state/region of Brazil has influenced on publications during the twelve years of CBA. Was perceived also as the theme was growing during the editions of the event and, at this moment, it was studied the trajectory of groups and institutions in the various spaces of agroecology, and as v influenced the universities, technical assistance and rural extension and nongovernmental organizations with the theme.
A divisão sexual do trabalho traz as formas desiguais de como se estabelecem as relações de organização, produção e condução das escolhas nas formas de uso da terra. A presença das mulheres no cenário da agricultura ainda é marginalizada e dada como “ajuda” aos trabalhos masculinos, que são considerados “carros–chefe” da unidade produtiva, e se encontram em atividades de extensão aos trabalhos domésticos - como hortas, pequenas criações e outras atividades que envolvem os quintais. A partir disso, nos estudos rurais, é grande o desafio de se incorporar a mulher como sujeito e foco de pesquisas. Estes artigos entendem a importância de dar continuidade e visibilidade aos estudos e pesquisas que envolvem o tema de mulheres e gênero na agricultura, em especial na área do conhecimento da agroecologia. Desta forma, foi proposta uma análise bibliométrica dos trabalhos apresentados nos Congressos Brasileiros de Agroecologia (CBAs). Considerando as diversas contribuições de diferentes áreas do conhecimento na agroecologia, a bibliometria pode fornecer informações importantes sobre os rumos de estudos e pesquisas desta área no Brasil. Para analisar os dados e o conteúdo dos resumos expandidos com o tema de mulheres e gênero, optou-se em organizá-los através de um filtro com os seguintes termos: gênero, mulheres, camponesas, mulheres rurais, trabalhadoras, feminino, agricultoras, produtoras, pescadoras, assentadas e catadoras. Os resumos selecionados a partir do filtro foram organizados através dos seguintes metadados: Título, Autoria, Afiliação, Ano de Publicação, Resumo e Palavra-chave. O primeiro artigo conseguiu-se analisar as autorias e afiliação, mostrando como cada estado/região do Brasil influenciou nas publicações durante os doze anos de CBA. Foi percebido também como o tema foi crescente durante as edições do evento e, neste momento, foi estudado a trajetória de grupos e instituições, nos diversos espaços da agroecologia, e como influenciaram as universidades, instituições de assistência técnica e extensão rural e organizações não governamentais com o tema. Já no segundo artigo, a leitura do corpus de textos possibilitou inserir as publicações em categorias de acordo com a complexidade de informações apresentadas e a diversidade de atividades rurais que estão inseridas as iv mulheres. As categorias permitiram trazer as questões e os debates das mulheres na agroecologia, e como as autorias têm apresentado a realidade das mulheres nos espaços rurais. Para reforçar a visibilidade do tema, uma tabela com a identificação das autorias foi construída, além de mapas que permitiram a visualização dos locais e regiões que apontam os projetos, pesquisas, coletivos e grupos com mulheres.
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Князєва, Тетяна В'ячеславівна. "Methodology for assessing the quality of air passenger service." Thesis, Безпека в авіації та космічні технології: VIII Всесвітній конгрес «Авіація у XXI столітті», 2018. http://conference.nau.edu.ua/index.php/Congress/Congress2018/paper/view/5319.

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The paper presents a methodology for assessing the quality of services in the field of airport activities, which allows to give scientifically grounded recommendations for increasing the competitiveness of airports in the transport services market while maintaining the required level of passenger service efficiency
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14

Diniz, Vinícius Werneck Barbosa. "Evangélicos e a representação política descritiva no Congresso brasileiro : uma agenda de pesquisas." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7777.

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Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
A dissertação lança seu olhar para o clássico tema da representação política e o relaciona à bastante publicizada participação evangélica na política partidária nacional. Ao analisar o quadro traçado pela literatura, bem como os mais recentes acontecimentos da cena política brasileira, a pesquisa identifica na dinâmica existente entre um grupo específico de políticos evangélicos e seus eleitores uma forma particular de representação: a descritiva. Embora já estudada por diversos autores, sugere-se que na relação acima a representação descritiva tenha se transformado de maneira relevante; essas transformações e suas possíveis consequências são os outros pontos também explorados. Seria a capacidade de o eleitor identificar-se com o representante, baseado em sua fé, transformador em alguma medida da sua relação com o mesmo, da sua visão do Congresso enquanto instituição ou de sua percepção do governo representativo? Acaso os representantes que mobilizam a fé evangélica de forma prioritária compreendem, por conta desse pertencimento religioso, seu papel de representante de forma diferente? A pesquisa investiga, portanto, uma possibilidade específica de enquadramento desse conceito de representação descritiva quando o grupo representado é religioso, e, mais especificamente, evangélico.
This thesis looks at the classic subject of the political representation and relates it to the overly publicized evangelical participation in the domestic politics. Analyzing what was pictured by authors within the field, as well as the most recent facts in Brazilian political scene, this research identifies in the existing dynamic between a specific group of evangelical politics and theirs constituents a very particular form of representation: the descriptive one. Although already studied by other authors, it is argued that in the dynamic above, the descriptive representation have been consistently transformed; these transformations and their possible consequences are also explored. Does a constituents ability to identify, based on religious beliefs, with her representative at Brazilian National Congress affect somehow her perception of that representative, of the Brazilian Congress itself as an institution, and of the representative government? Do the representatives that mobilize support on the grounds of a shared faith understand differently, because of that, their role as representatives? This thesis investigates, therefore, a specific framing of that classic topic of the descriptive representation, when the groups being represented are religious, and, more specifically, evangelical.
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15

Jordan, Nicholas Edward. "Predictors of incivility in Congress." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002153.

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16

Harbridge, Laurel McChesney. "Bipartisanship in a polarized congress /." May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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17

Croucher, K. "Tactile engagements: the world of the dead in the lives of the living... or 'sharing the dead'." Ex Oriente, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5802.

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18

Bueno, Elen de Paula. "O congresso do Panamá e o direito internacional na América Latina." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-04042014-125515/.

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Esta pesquisa pretende investigar as origens do Direito Internacional na América Latina, tendo como berço as construções jurídicas inauguradas no Congresso do Panamá, em 1826. Embora parte da literatura considere a Primeira Conferência Pan-americana, realizada em Washington, no ano de 1889, como o marco inicial do sistema jurídico internacional na América, mostraremos que o Congresso do Panamá lançou bases para a construção e fortalecimento do Direito Internacional Regional e consagrou princípios relevantes hodiernamente considerados como pilares da Ordem Jurídica Internacional. Nesse sentido, o objeto de estudo concentrar-se-á na construção jurídica e na codificação de um Direito Internacional na América Latina que tem como foco o Congresso do Panamá, expressão máxima da atuação internacional dos Estados recém-formados da América Latina.
This research aims to investigate the origins of International Law in Latin America, cradled legal arrangements inaugurated by the Congress of Panama in 1826. Although part of the literature considers the First Pan-American Conference in Washington, in 1889, as the beginning of the international legal system in America, we will show that the Congress of Panama launched bases for building and strengthening of international law and established relevant principles, nowadays considered as pillars of the International Legal Order. Accordingly, the object of study will focus on the legal construction and codification of a International Law in Latin America that focuses the Congress of Panama, maximum expression of the international performance of the newly formed States of Latin American region.
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19

Borén, Alfaro Irene. "La organización y la comunicación de congresos en un mundo digital: análisis del impacto de las TIC en la gestión congresual de Castellón de la Plana." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/662814.

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La tesis realiza un análisis en profundidad sobre el impacto de las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC) en la gestión de los congresos a través de un estudio de casos que abarca una casuística muy amplia y que permite, por ello, obtener unas conclusiones de carácter general que suponen un avance interesante en el campo de las Ciencias de la Comunicación. El trabajo desarrollado por la doctoranda combina un estudio de la praxis profesional y de la bibliografía académica en el ámbito de la gestión de los congresos como herramienta de comunicación y proyección de la imagen que supone una síntesis muy actual y sustancial sobre el estado de la cuestión, al tiempo que abre interesantes vías de investigación de cara al futuro.
The thesis carries out an in-depth analysis on the impact of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) on the management of congresses through a case study that covers a very wide range of cases and which, therefore, allows obtaining general conclusions that represent an interesting advance in the field of Communication Sciences. The work developed by the PhD student combines a study of professional praxis and academic literature in the field of congress management as a tool for communication and projection of the image that represents a very current and substantial synthesis on the state of the art. , while opening interesting research paths for the future.
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20

Pereyra, Elías Reneé, Luis Fernando Ng-Sueng, Luis Miguel Toro-Polo, Vía Ayar Nizama, Alejandro Piscoya, and Percy Mayta-Tristan. "Baja publicación de los trabajos presentados a los Congresos de la Sociedad de Gastroenterología del Perú 1998-2008." Sociedad de Gastroenterología del Perú (SGP), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/314559.

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OBJETIVOS: Determinar la proporción de trabajos presentados en el Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología (1998-2008) que fueron publicados en revistas científicas y sus factores asociados. MATERIALES Y MÉTODOS: Se revisó todos los resúmenes presentados al Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología y se evaluó sus características. Luego se buscó si fueron publicados a través de una estrategia de búsqueda usando Google Académico. Se evaluó la asociación entre las características de los resúmenes y su publicación usando regresión logística múltiple. RESULTADOS: Se evaluó 417 resúmenes, la media de autores fue de 4,9 ± 2,6, 17% fueron reportes de caso. Los estudios retrospectivos fueron más frecuentes (66,3%) pero disminuyeron con los años (p<0,001) al igual que los descriptivos (79,1%), solo 2,9% fueron experimentales y 12,2% longitudinales. Tuvieron una mediana de 65 personas por estudio. La proporción de publicación fue de 8,2% (34/417), la mayoría (82,4%) fue publicado en la Revista de Gastroenterología del Perú y solo uno en inglés, 16/34 tenían al menos un autor diferente al resumen. El tiempo medio de publicación fue de 10,8±10,4 meses. En el análisis multivariado se encontró asociación la publicación de los resúmenes con haber sido presentado en los congresos después del año 2004 (OR: 5,5; IC95%: 2,2-14,0) y ser analíticos (OR: 3,4; IC95%: 1,4-8,3). CONCLUSIONES: El Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología tiene una baja proporción de publicación de los resúmenes presentados, lo cual puede ser tomado como indicador de calidad de estos resúmenes y del proceso de revisión. Se deben tomar medidas para estimular la publicación de los trabajos presentados.
OBJECTIVES: To determine the proportion of abstracts presented at the Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología (the major Peruvian gastroenterological scientific meeting), that had been published in scientific journals, the date of publication and its associated factors. MATERIALS & METHODS: Longitudinal retrospective and analytic study; the publication rate of all the abstracts presented in the biennial Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología between 1998 and 2008 was assessed. Google Scholar engine was used. The searching strategy performed included: (“Study location” AND “population studied” AND “main outcome”) AND (autor:First OR autor:Second OR autor:Last). Logistic regression was used, considering p<0.05 statistically significant. RESULTS: Publication rate was 8.2% (34/217), statistically significant differences were found among meeting years (p<0.001). There were also differences between study design, objectives (more in analytic studies) and measurement (more in longitudinal studies)(p<0.001). 82.4% were published in the Revista de Gastroenterología del Perú. The median time for publication was 10.8±10.4 months; this variable and the meeting year, study type, journal of publication or accordance between the abstract and publication characteristics showed no statistical differences. The mean authors’ number was 5.02±2.4; analytic studies have less authors than the descriptive ones (3.6 vs 6.1; p=0.012) CONCLUSION: The Congreso Peruano de Gastroenterología presents a low publication rate of the abstracts presented, which can be used as a quality indicator of the abstracts and the reviewing process.
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Santo, Jordan D. "Powers of War: President Versus Congress." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/256.

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Before the United States Constitution was ratified there was much debate about what war powers the executive and legislative branches should hold. After much deliberation it was decided that the power to declare war would fall under the control of Congress. But as time passed, control over initiating military action began to shift from Congress to the President. This thesis examines the shift of power from the legislature to the President. The thesis explains the difference between a declaration of war, an authorization of force, as well as using the military as a police force. It examines the precedents set by Presidents Abraham Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt, and Harry Truman, as well as the more recent methods used by Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. It also analyzes some of the major court cases that have dealt with the War Powers Clause and several War Powers Resolution. The information collected in this thesis comes from biographies, journal articles, and newspaper articles regarding the subject. This thesis shows that the executive has taken more power in initiating and continuing armed conflict and that the declaration of war, as defined in the Constitution, is obsolete.
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22

Yingling, Eric P. "Professional Sports and Congress: Steroid Abuse." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/413.

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I have examined the relationship between the U.S. Congress and professional sports—specifically, Major League Baseball. The focus of this examination was on the abuse of steroids in professional sports, and how certain constitutional limitations on Congress inhibited direct mandates on drug testing for individual players due to the Fourth Amendment. I have concluded that due to major league sports being for-profit ventures, economic motivations in the form of tax incentives were the most effective way for Congress to implement a tougher drug testing policy without violating the Fourth Amendment.
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23

Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.

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This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.
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Flores, Ugas Verónica Maribel. "Participación ciudadana en el Congreso: Análisis de factores observados en las inconductas de los congresistas y la posibilidad de la revocatoria congresal en el Perú." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/17168.

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Debido a la realidad observada respecto a las conductas o inconductas congresales, la presente investigación, desarrolla una sistematización sobre una muestra representativa de 36 casos sobre acusaciones contra congresistas que fueron vistos y resueltos en su gran mayoría por la Comisión de Ética que fue creada por el Congreso de la República. Al realizarse dicha sistematización, se han identificado factores que se repiten y se aprecian en diferentes periodos legislativos estos últimos 16 años. Los factores encontrados son los siguientes: el constante incumplimiento legal y antiético al ejercer su cargo, el uso abusivo de sus privilegios y el involucramiento en actos de corrupción. Nuestra hipótesis central de investigación determina que estos factores observados en las conductas y/o inconductas congresales reiterados a lo largo de diferentes periodos legislativos son, por su gravedad e impunidad, sustento valedero para evaluar la posibilidad de una reforma constitucional sobre el mecanismo de revocatoria. La metodología que utiliza esta tesis es la cualitativa, el método de investigación es la sistematización y estudio socio-jurídico del Derecho. Al realizarse los análisis y reflexiones críticas sobre dichos factores, se ha logrado establecer los siguientes elementos: la conducta de los congresistas ante la sociedad y la Comisión de Ética, el desenvolvimiento de la Comisión de Ética sobre los casos presentados ante ella y la normativa ética del Congreso que aplica la Comisión de Ética. La conclusión principal de esta investigación es la establecida y demostrada ineficacia de dicha Comisión en el cumplimiento de sus funciones. Al estar determinada dicha conclusión, se procederá a presentar experiencias internacionales valiosas sobre el mecanismo de revocatoria congresal o parlamentaria que se viene aplicando en otros países. Se desarrollará finalmente el sustento sobre una reforma constitucional peruana a favor de permitir al ciudadano revocar a sus representantes al congreso que, en su gran mayoría, vienen denigrando con sus inconductas el cargo y la representación que les otorgó el ciudadano al elegirlos.
Tesis
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25

Molinari, Francis X. Murphy. "Congress, defense, and the deficit : an analysis of the FY 1996 budget process in the 104th Congress /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305905.

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26

Dhlamini, Motena Jonas. "The relationship between the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, 1959-1990 / Motena Jonas Dhlamini." Thesis, North-West University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1346.

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27

Moreira, Roberta Zandonai. "Congresso e política externa." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2016. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/167776.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio-Econômico, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, Florianópolis, 2016.
Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T04:19:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 341472.pdf: 1363506 bytes, checksum: 222519f11cf8ef30fea27d919a296278 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016
O Brasil abriga a maior biodiversidade do planeta e foi um dos primeiros países a assinar e ratificar a Convenção da Diversidade Biológica (CDB-ONU). A Convenção baseia-se em três objetivos, quais sejam, a conservação da biodiversidade, o seu uso sustentável e a repartição justa e equitativa de benefícios resultantes do acesso a recursos genéticos. Este último foi regulado por um protocolo posterior à CDB, negociado durante anos e finalmente acordado na Conferência das Partes de 2010, em Nagoya, no Japão. Apesar do protagonismo da diplomacia brasileira nas negociações do instrumento, e de ter sido o país um dos primeiros a assiná-lo, o mesmo está a mais de três anos e meio parado no Congresso Nacional ? desde 25 de junho de 2012, de modo que entrou em vigor em outubro de 2014 com 51 ratificações e sem a presença do Brasil. Ressalta-se neste processo uma intensa mobilização de grupos de interesse no Congresso Nacional. O principal conflito observado na arena legislativa foi entre o agronegócio brasileiro, representado majoritariamente pela Frente Parlamentar da Agropecuária (FPA), e movimentos sociais de diversas atuações ? meio ambiente, questão agrária e comunidades tradicionais. O embate destas forças político-sociais estendeu-se também na apreciação pelo Congresso do novo marco regulatório nacional para a matéria, em substituição à MP 2186-36. Neste contexto, a pergunta que motivou esta pesquisa é: de que maneira os grupos potencialmente afetados pelo Protocolo de Nagoya tentaram influenciar sua tramitação no Congresso Nacional? Este trabalho pretende em última instância contribuir com o avanço da agenda de pesquisa sobre a atuação legislativa na formulação e implementação da política externa brasileira por meio de um caso teoricamente e empiricamente desviante, no qual o Legislativo fugiu do seu papel de aprovador de acordos previamente negociados pelo Executivo e reivindicou participação. Ademais, explora um caso de acordo ambiental, objeto ainda pouco estudado neste campo de pesquisa.

Abstract : Brazil is home to the greatest biodiversity on the planet and it was one of the first countries to sign and ratify the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD-UN). The Convention has three core objectives, namely the conservation of biological diversity, its sustainable use, and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising out of the utilization of genetic resources. The latter was regulated by a protocol to the CBD, negotiated for years and adopted in 2010 at the 10th Conference of the Parties, in Nagoya, Japan. The Brazilian diplomacy had a relevant role during negotiations and the country was one of the first to sign the Nagoya Protocol. Despite that, the agreement is stalled in Congress for over three and a half years now while, despite Brazil?s lack of ratification, it entered into force in October 2014, with 51 ratifications. It is remarkable in this process the intense interest groups mobilization in Congress. The main conflict observed was held between the Brazilian agribusiness sector, represented by Frente Parlamentar da Agropecuária (FPA), and diverse social movements ? environmental protection movements, land issues movements and indigenous/traditional peoples movements. The clash of these political and social forces also held up during the discussion of a new national regulatory framework for access and benefit sharing to replace MP 2186-36. Based on this context, the research question is: how the groups potentially affected by the Nagoya Protocol sought to influence its proceedings in Congress? This work contributes to the research agenda on legislative activity in the formulation and implementation of the Brazilian foreign policy. It presents a theoretically and empirically deviant case, in which the legislatures runned away of their usual role, of approving most agreements previously negotiated by the Executive, and demanded participation. Moreover, it explores a case of an environmental agreement, a subject which stills understudied in this field.
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Turnley, Andrew J. "Congressional budget reform and the 103rd Congress." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305885.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management Science (Financial Management)) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.
Thesis advisor(s): Richard B. Doyle, Larry Jones. "December 1995." Bibliography: p. 91-95. Also available online.
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Wilson, Charles L. Weingartner James L. "Blame-proof policymaking : Congress and base closures /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA277294.

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30

O'Brien, Peter. "Regionalisation, Devolution and theTrades Union Congress (TUC)." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489834.

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From a position of relative isolation, trade unions have begun to emerge as influential agents in regional and devolved governance and development in the UK. Drawing on comparative analysis of the experience of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in North East England, North West England and Wales, this thesis argues that devolution and regionalisation are exerting pressures on peak union bodies and individual unions to adopt multi-level approaches to organisation across a range of scales - local, sub-regional, regional, sub-national, national and international - in order to connect with structures and inter-connectiveness of multi-level governance. A strategic relational approach to multi-level organisation hints at the decentralisation of power, authority and resources within the labour movement - challenging the I}ational and centralised legacy of British trade union collective bargaining history. Multi-level organisation also requires sufficient institutional capacity within and across different scales, an awareness of the contingency of place and the role played by peak union bodies, coupled with an understanding of the structures required to engender greater participation, accountability, transparency and the delivery of meaningful interventions. Where these variables appear to exist, it is possible to detect a tentative link between the participation of organised labour in devolved and regional governance and strategies seeking to deliver trade union renewal. Devolved and regional governance in the UK has presented a critical juncture to begin re-shaping existing, and open up new, channels of engagement and influence for the TUC, which is, to a degree, reproducing many of the central issues of class logics of collective action for labour in the workplace and within the wider political economy. Key words: TUC, trade unions, regions, devolution, scale and multi-level governance
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Lucas, Jennifer Carroll. "Women's words gender and speechmaking in congress /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/4301.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Wood, William Duncan. "Congress and the American foreign policy revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334233.

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33

Wilson, Charles L., and James L. Weingartner. "Blame-proof policymaking: Congress and base closures." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39758.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
In contrast to the current political science literature on Congress, this thesis argues that the reelectability of Congressmen is not damaged when military bases in their districts are closed. According to Mayhew, Lindsay, and other scholars, members of Congress must prevent their bases from being closed or face 'great electoral jeopardy.' Nevertheless, beginning in 1987, legislators created a process that was designed to facilitate base closures. Why would they engage in such apparently suicidal behavior? Have voters actually punished the legislators that suffered base closures in their districts, as Mayhew and others would predict? After examining the Congressional election returns from 1990 and 1992, which followed the base closure rounds of 1989 and 1991, respectively, this thesis found that base closure has no effect on the reelectability of members of Congress. What accounts for this finding? Although bases often do provide important economic benefits for Congressional districts, and would therefore be expected to be of critical concern to voters, Congress designed a base closure system that insulated legislators from blame if bases were closed in their own districts. The success of this 'blame-proof' system has important implications for the future of the base-closing process and the larger question of how, and under what circumstances, Congress delegates power to the President.
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ALEXANDRE, CRISTINA VIEIRA MACHADO. "BRAZILIAN CONGRESS AND FOREIGN POLICY (1985-2005)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=9572@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
O trabalho visa a compreender o papel do Poder Legislativo na política externa brasileira, entre 1985 e 2005, especialmente com relação ao seu poder de aprovação de tratados internacionais. Ao refletirmos sobre esse tema, nos defrontamos, inevitavelmente, com o senso comum de que a atuação do Legislativo brasileiro em política externa se reduziria a mera chancela automática dos atos internacionais, negociados com ampla e total discricionariedade pelo Executivo. Essa visão da participação do Congresso brasileiro foi desenvolvida a partir da constatação de sua diminuta competência institucional formal na matéria - aprovação ex post de acordos ou tratados internacionais - , frente ao amplo poder de formulação da política externa detido pelo Executivo. Em que pese a desigualdade das duas atribuições, o papel do Legislativo brasileiro ainda merece uma análise mais séria, pois, a partir desta pequena atribuição direta e formal, os parlamentares podem buscar aumentar sua influência sobre o processo decisório de política externa.
The work seeks to understand the role of Brazilian Congress in foreign policy, between 1985 and 2005, specially with regards to its attributions in the treaty-making process. As we reflect about this theme, we face inevitably the common sense idea which suggests us that Brazilian legislative branch action concerning foreign policy would be simply reduced to the automatic approval of international acts, negotiated by the Executive with ample and total discretionarity. This perception was developed from the formal institutional diminished competence of Brazilian Congress on the subject, based on the ex post approval of international agreements, in the face of the Executive power in defining foreign policy. Despite the inequality between the two attributions, the role of the legislative branch still needs to be analysed more seriously. Therefore, this direct and formal little attribution would make possible for the members of Congress to increase their influence over the decision- making process of Brazilian foreign policy.
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35

Weiner, Sharon K. "Defending Congress : the politics of defense organization." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9891.

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36

Ivanchenko, Roman. "Interactions Between Congress and the Supreme Court." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1180455617.

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37

Craig, Alison W. "Policy Collaboration in the United States Congress." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500388358652607.

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38

Novaes, Jurandir Santos de. "Território e lugar: a construção democrática da metrópole - o Congresso da cidade de Belém do Pará." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-22102012-120500/.

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Esta tese tem como objetivo refletir sobre um processo de participação realizado em Belém entre os anos de 1997 e 2004, na perspectiva da construção de um projeto coletivo de uso do território desta cidade. Este processo implantado em 1997, através do Orçamento Participativo, e se amplia a partir de 2001, para um processo denominado Congresso da Cidade. A ampliação se reveste de aspectos como um deslocamento da exclusividade ou da ênfase ao debate orçamentário, pelo fortalecimento de um modelo matricial de planejamento apoiado em eixos temáticos intersetorialmente articulados, e na ampliação das representações dos diversos grupos sociais, que passam a se constituir em um elemento de inovação frente ao processo anterior. Procederemos a um exame da sua realização, enquanto um evento no âmbito do sistema de planejamento e de elaboração de um Plano para Belém, como processo de construção enquanto prática democrática, buscando identificar em que medida esta experiência de construção coletiva, como um instrumento político, contribuiu para uso não hegemônico do território. A compreensão desse processo nos levou à demonstração da estratégia de planejamento adotada pelo governo, com vistas a responder, de um lado, às demandas populares, e, de outro, à implementação de um processo que não restringiu ao tema orçamentário. Nesse sentido, é que cerca de 800 mil participações registradas nos oito anos desta experiência, resultaram de um processo de mobilização constitutiva de lugares funcionais aos usos sob diferentes critérios, como as regiões político-administrativas e os grupos sociais, e de processos de escolhas por meio de eleições diretas de conselheiros para compor as instâncias de representação como os Conselhos Distritais e o Conselho da Cidade. Demonstra-se, por meio cartográfico, a distribuição espacial dos participantes e a implementação de políticas em todo o território municipal, o que nos levou a interpretar esta experiência como não esgotada nas suas possibilidades, face à sua constituição como uma intencionalidade de mudança a partir do lugar.
This thesis aims to stress emphasis on a process of participation in Belém between 1997 and 2004, from the perspective of building a collective project on the use of land in this city. This process was initiated in 1997, through the Participative Budget and had its extension from 2001 to a process called City Congress. The expansion will be performed on aspects such as a shift of the exclusivity emphasis of the budget debate, by means of triggering the planning of a matrix model supported by intersectional articulated themes, and the expansion of the representations of various social groups, which constitutes a element of innovation in comparison with the previous process. We will then conduct a review of its implementation, as an event comprised in the system of planning and drafting a plan to Belém, as the building process of a democratic practice in order to identify to what extent this experience of collective construction, as a political instrument, contributed to a nonhegemonic territory. Understanding this process led us to demonstrate the strategy of the planning adopted by the government, in order to respond on the one hand, to popular demands, and on the other, the implementation of a process that is not restricted to the budget issue. In this sense, about 800 000 participations registered along the eight years of this experience, the result of a process of mobilizing the constitutive functional uses of places under different criteria, such as political-administrative regions and social groups, and process choices by means of direct elections of directors to form representative bodies such as District Councils and the City Council. It is shown, by the spatial mapping distribution of participants and implementation of policies throughout the city, which led us to deem the nonconclusiveness of the possibilities of this experience, due to its constitution as an intentional change of the place.
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Araujo, Ubaldo Dutra de. "Neidson Rodrigues e o primeiro Congresso Mineiro de Educação : história, pensamento e ação na reconstrução democrática dos anos 80." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2009. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1474.

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Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais
A presente dissertação analisa a inserção do campo educacional no contexto político da transição democrática dos anos 80, focalizando o I Congresso Mineiro de Educação e seu principal idealizador, o educador Neidson Rodrigues, destacando, ao mesmo tempo, a participação do professorado mineiro nas lutas sociais do período. O estudo sinaliza que o Congresso Mineiro de Educação se justifica muito mais pelo que representou como elemento organizador do movimento de oposição do professorado mineiro ao regime autoritário, do que efetivamente pelo sentido de apontar soluções para os complexos problemas educacionais da época. Por outro lado, ressalta ainda a contribuição de Neidson Rodrigues ao processo de deslegitimação dos governos militares, a partir da proposta de esvaziamento da lógica autoritária na educação, através do seu projeto de uma nova escola, comprometida com a formação integral do ser humano. Portanto, seu pensamento se contrapõe ao projeto educacional do regime militar, cuja prioridade estava voltada para atender às necessidades de reprodução do capital.
This dissertation analyzes the insertion of the educational area into the political context of the democratic transition of the 80s. It focuses on the First Education Congress of Minas Gerais and its main idealizer, the educator Neidson Rodrigues and, at the same time, it emphasizes the participation of teachers in the social struggles of that period. The findings suggest that the Education Congress may be considered much more by its role in organizing the opposition of teachers to the military regime in Brazil than effectively searching for solutions for the complex educational problems of the time. In this regard, Neidson Rodrigues contributed to unlegitimize the military governments by emptying their educational project of a new school which pledged the integral formation of the human being. Therefore, his thoughts opposed the educational project of the regime, whose priorities were directed to meet the needs of strengthening the capital.
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40

Gren, Kristofer. "Bilden av kvinnan i Library of Congress Classification En genusstudie av Library of Congress Classifications första och senaste upplaga." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen Biblioteks- och informationsvetenskap / Bibliotekshögskolan, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-20627.

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I have done a comparative gender study of Library of Congress Classification from 1900 and 2001. I have also used a hermeneutic method and ideological critics to find out what picture of women the both systems shows. In my comparative study of the both systems I have found low update of classes which relates to women in the new classification system. Men seem to be a norm in the system, because men are not defined in classes related to both men and women. But many classes related to women are named Women as and Women in The study also shows that women are more related to subjects about family and marriage than men are. In classes for work and studies women are defined as another society group than the norm, the man. The old system from 1900 follows the historical context from the time of 1900. The new system follows a gender hierarchy where the man has the dominated role, according to Yvonne Hirdmans theory about the gender system.
Uppsatsnivå: D
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Torre, Ugarte Chini José de la. "Centro de convenciones y congresos internacionales de Lima." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/273349.

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42

Van, Boening Mark Virgil. "Call versus continuous auctions: An experimental study of market organization." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185542.

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The results from 17 new experiments and 19 previously reported experiments are compared in an investigation of call and continuous auctions. The call auction used is the computerized PLATO sealed bid/offer (SBO), uniform price auction. The continuous auction used is the PLATO double auction (DA), a computerized version of the "open outcry" double auction. The SBO call auction has temporal consolidation of market orders and has limited information about trading activity. The continuous DA auction is characterized by sequential bilateral trades, and trading information (bids, offers, and prices) is publicly displayed. The paper first explores the effect of multiple crossings per trading period in the SBO call auction. Next, a comparison of SBO and DA is made, based on market experiments using flow supply and demand schedules. The institutional comparison is then extended to experimental asset markets. The results imply the following. First, multiple calls per period increase the efficiency of the SBO call auction, relative to one call per period, but they also induce greater misrepresentation of costs and values in the first crossing each period. Buyers and sellers also withhold units from the first crossing in a further attempt to gain strategic advantage. However, neither the withholding nor the misrepresentation appears to have any substantial influence on price. Second, the SBO auction with two calls per period is as efficient as the DA auction. In markets with a random competitive equilibrium (CE) each period, the SBO auction does a better job than DA at tracking the random CE price. Thus the SBO auction is equally as efficient as the DA, and has the further attributes of lower price volatility and greater privacy. Third, in laboratory asset markets, the SBO auction exhibits price bubbles similar to those observed in DA markets. Price dynamics in the two institutions are comparable, despite the stark differences in order flow and information dissemination.
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43

Van, Hook Matthew S. "Congress and national security interest, influence and speed /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FVan_Hook.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey. Second Reader: Dahl, Erik. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Congress, Intelligence, Defense, Reform, Reorganization, Goldwater- Nichols, Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-99). Also available in print.
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44

Beillard, Mariano J. "The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1477.

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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
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45

Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.

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This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint. The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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46

Clifford, Matthew Philip. "Congress and the Financial Services Industry, 1989-2008." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54611.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-138).
This thesis explores the congressional politics of the financial services industry in the United States between 1989 and 2008. Three approaches are pursued. First, I provide a detailed account of the major legislation concerning the industry during this period, with particular reference to interest group competition between commercial banks, securities firms and insurance companies and to the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999. I suggest that intraindustry conflict was instrumental in delaying Glass-Steagall's repeal until 1999, but that these eventually faded away in response to events outside the Congressional sphere and gave way to a period of intra-industry cooperation in the years after 1999 because the repeal of Glass-Steagall effectively aligned the interests of industry sub-sectors. Second, I present statistical evidence that suggest that these changes are reflected in the contribution strategies of PACs aligned with the financial services industry. Before the repeal of Glass-Steagall, competing groups within the industry valued certain individual legislator characteristics (above all, various committee memberships) at quite different levels. However, after 1999, the contribution strategies of the industry sub-sectors converge in patterns consistent with the reduction of interest group competition. Third, I present the results of statistical models that provide further evidence that the repeal of Glass-Steagall represents a turning point with respect to intra-industry competition. I show that after 1999 competing interest groups began to coordinate their contributions to members of committees with jurisdiction over financial services legislation; before the repeal of Glass-Steagall, there is no evidence of this. Taken together, these three approaches suggest that the regulatory environment shapes not only the business practices of corporations, but also the ways they attempt to influence public policy.
by Matthew Philip Clifford.
S.M.
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Feeley, T. Jens. "Policy ownership in the modern Congress, 1979-1998 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10695.

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Webb, Jamie Pauline. "Political Poison: Agent Orange in Congress 1940-1991." OpenSIUC, 2019. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2538.

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This paper examines the evolution of government policy through Congressional debate and citizen involvement on the topic of Agent Orange. Use of primary sources from newspaper and journal articles, Congressional records, scientific studies, and press releases and some secondary literature by scholars from multiple disciplines builds a picture of the ongoing debate of Agent Orange and its two component herbicides from circa 1940 to 1991. Within this paper are four primary focuses, divided into three parts. First, the Congressional discussions prior to 1970 of 2,4-D and 2,4,5-T, the two herbicides that comprise Agent Orange. Second and third, discussed in the same section, the involvement of the scientific community and the ratification of the Geneva Protocol. Lastly, the movement after the Vietnam War for veteran benefits due to Agent Orange exposure.
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49

Zuček, Petr. "Návrh marketingové strategie NH Collection Olomouc Congress Hotelu." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-225243.

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The subject of this Master thesis is the topic of marketing strategy in the tourism industry. This document analyzes the marketing strategy of hotel operation within market environment which is providing accommodation and catering services. The first part of the theses, is literary research is devoted to the theoretical knowledge of marketing in general and more specifically, the specifics of marketing strategy within hotel environment. The gained knowledge is applied to subject of the hotel within Olomouc Region, which is the NH Olomouc Collection Congress hotel. Subsequently, the thesis presents an analysis of the strategy itself and its individual parts. The conclusion is devoted to the presentation of proposals for selected company and its marketing strategies which primarily serve as fundamentals for company management and shall contribute to the improvement of hotel services and ultimately to achieve the coveted economic indicators.
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Toro, Polo Luis Miguel, Elías Reneé Pereyra, Vía Ayar Nizama, Sueng Luis Fernando Ng, Segovia Eduardo Vélez, Rodas Edén Galán, and Percy Mayta-Tristan. "Publicación de los trabajos presentados a los congresos científicos de estudiantes de medicina, Perú 2002-2009: características y factores asociados." Instituto Nacional de Salud (INS), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/314318.

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LMTP, PMT, RPE, ANV participaron en la concepción y diseño del estudio. EGR y PMT recopilaron los libros de resúmenes. LMTP, RPE, ANV, LFNS y EVS recopilaron los datos; PMT realizó el control de calidad y el análisis de datos. LMTP, RPE y PMT redactaron el manuscrito; ANV, EGR, EVS, LFNS aportaron críticamente al manuscrito. Todos los autores aprobaron la versión final del trabajo.
Objetivos. Determinar la proporción de publicación de los resúmenes presentados a los congresos científicos nacionales de estudiantes de medicina de Perú entre los años 2002 y 2009 y sus factores asociados. Materiales y métodos. Se realizó una cohorte retrospectiva, se evaluó las características de todos los resúmenes presentados y se determinó si habían sido publicados en revistas científicas utilizando una estrategia de búsqueda validada con Google Académico. Se calculó los riesgos relativos (RR), crudos y ajustados mediante la regresión de Poisson con varianza robusta para evaluar asociación con los factores analizados. Resultados. Se analizó 532 resúmenes; 52 (9,8%) fueron publicados en revistas científicas luego de su participación en el congreso; en todos los casos fue en revistas peruanas y en español. La principal revista donde se publicaron fue (CIMEL) (13/52). La mediana del tiempo de publicación fue de 13 meses (rango: 0-75). El que un alumno de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (RR: 5,18; IC95%:2,3-11,6) sea autor del resumen y que el resumen sea de autoría colaborativa entre alumnos de dos universidades (RR: 3,64; IC95%:1,1-11,7) son factores asociados en el análisis multivariado. Conclusiones. La proporción de publicación de resúmenes presentados a los congresos científicos nacionales de estudiantes de medicina de Perú es baja. Se deben implementar nuevas medidas y reforzar las existentes para incentivar una mayor publicación de los trabajos presentados.
Objectives. To determine the publication rate of abstracts submitted at the national scientific meetings of medical students in Peru between 2002 and 2009, and associated factors. Materials and methods. A retrospective cohort was performed; the characteristics of overall abstract submitted were assessed. In addition, whether they were published in scientific journals was determined by way of a search strategy validated using Google Scholar. Crude and adjusted relative risks (RR) were calculated using Poisson regression with robust variance to assess association with the analyzed factors. Results. 532 abstracts were analyzed, 52 (9.8%) of which were published in scientific journals after their presentation at a scientific meeting. All of them were published in Peruvian journals written in Spanish. The most important journal in which they were published was Ciencia e Investigación Médica Estudiantil Latinoamericana (CIMEL) (13/52). The median of publication time was 13 months (range: 0-75). The fact that a student from the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (RR: 5.18; CI95%:2.3-11.6) is the author of the abstract and that the abstract was collaboratively written by students from two universities (RR: 3.64; CI95%:1.1-11.7) are associated factors in the multivariate analysis. Conclusions. The publication rate of abstract submitted at national scientific meetings of medical students in Peru is low. New strategies should be taken, and the existing ones should be reinforced in order to increase the publication rate of the abstract submitted.
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