Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Conflitti locali'
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Jesus, Dina Isabel dos Santos Parrinha. "A perceção dos conflitos no local de trabalho: será uma ameaça ou uma oportunidade para os colaboradores?: um estudo de caso." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/16430.
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“A Perceção dos Conflitos no Local de Trabalho – Será uma Ameaça ou uma Oportunidade para os Colaboradores?” – Um Estudo de Caso
Conflitos, embora o termo nos remeta para situações indesejadas, possuem duas maneiras de o encarar. Uma ameaça, que encara o conflito como algo prejudicial, devendo ser evitado, e outra como oportunidade, como possibilidade de aprendizagem e enriquecimento em termos pessoais e profissionais. Assim os efeitos dos conflitos podem ser construtivos ou negativos, dependendo contudo da forma como os mesmos são encarados e administrados.
Com esta investigação pretende-se contribuir para o reconhecimento desta temática ao nível organizacional, pelo que procuraremos estudar e compreender o modo como os colaboradores da organização percecionam os conflitos, se existe falta de comunicação, ou se esta é eficaz, o que acham do tipo de liderança, do tipo de clima organizacional e se os conflitos normalmente percecionados são com os colegas ou com as chefias.
Com base nestes vetores, desenvolvemos um estudo empírico em que no total participaram 174 colaboradores, tendo sido aplicado o questionário ROCI-II (Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory-II); Abstract: "The Perception of Conflict at Work - Is it a Threat or an Opportunity for Employees?” - A Case Study A Conflicts, although the term conflict refers us to an unwanted situation, there are two ways of facing with it. On the one hand, it can be a threat, facing the conflict as something harmful that should be avoided; on the other hand, as an opportunity, as it can provide a possibility of learning and enrichment in personal and professional terms. Thus the effects of conflicts can be negative or constructive, depending on how they are faced and managed. With this research we intend to contribute to the recognition of this issue at the organizational level, therefore we will try to study and give a better understanding of the way the employees of the organization perceive conflicts, if there is lack of communication, or if this is effective, what they think of the type of leadership, of the organizational climate, and if according to their opinion conflicts are usually with colleagues or supervisors. Based on these vectors, we have developed an empirical study in which 174 employees have participated and applied the ROCI-II questionnaire (Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory-II).
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Haring-Smith, Whitney. ""All conflict is local" : an empirical analysis of local factors in violent civil conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05603826-f731-4817-a6a7-965e8056b62f.
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Previous civil war analyses have approached conflict as a single category with limited exceptions, and this thesis project assesses whether differentiating conflicts by their type and intensity using a local-level geo-referenced analytical approach produces differing results for sub-groups of conflicts. The conflicts are divided into 1) governmental hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture the state, and 2) territorial hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture increased autonomy or secession for a territorial claim. The conflicts are also differentiated by intensity into 1) low-intensity conflicts, with fewer than 1000 battle-related deaths per year, and 2) civil wars, with 1000 or more battle-related deaths per year. The results demonstrate that conflicts with differing insurgent goals and intensities of battle are correlated with markedly different factors. There are three factors – local population density, change in local rainfall, and statewide GDP growth – that are significant to both governmental and territorial hostilities but have opposite signs for the two sets. Only one variable – Polity IV scores – showed a consistently significant correlation for governmental and territorial hostilities. There are no factors that are significant to both low-intensity conflict and higher-intensity civil war. These findings suggest that approaching all conflicts as a single class, particularly at the local level, may not reveal significant differences in factors correlated with conflict. Modeling of local conflict will require differentiation of conflicts into salient sub-groups. For policymakers and practitioners, this research suggests that there is not a one-size-fits-all approach for conflict prevention but that strategies need to be targeted to specific types of conflict.
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Jesus, Nádia Batista de. "Relações socioambientais no extrativismo da aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi no baixo São Francisco SE/AL)." Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2010. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/4096.
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The waves of modernity linked to the regional development projects in the low part of São Francisco river have not so far meant the rising of social justice and citizenship for local
communities, there arising rather a picture of environmental deterioration, social inequalities and subjects living in risk situation. For these artisanal fishers, who have been practicing the extractivism of aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi) for eight years, the species has become an income source, as well as a goal of industries located in Espirito Santo which export and process its fruit, the so-called pink pepper . This research aimed to analyse the socioenvironmental aspects related to the process starting with extractivism and leading up to the transformation in pink pepper in the low parto of São Francisco river, describing the extractivist process prevailing there; it unveils the socioeconomic importance of aroeira extractivism for the artisanal fishers in the region; it identifies the production chain of aoreira in the low part of São Francisco river and tipifies the socioenvironmental conflicts originating in the extractivism of aroeira in the low part of
São Francisco river. It is a case study with a qualitative focus whose data analysis is based in hermeneutics from pre interpretation by subjects to the reinterpretation of researcher, combining multiple theoretical, methodological and data approaches, and participation methods alike. The research found out that pink pepper is especially used in food and cosmetics industry, being production chiefly exported to European Union, United States, Canada and Argentina. Such demand causes an unceasing search for new areas of natural
occurrence of the species. In this case, it has been integrated into the production chain the municipalities of the low part of São Francisco river: Santana do São Francisco Saúde
and Brejo Grande counties Brejão dos Negros county, Pacatuba, Ilha das Flores, in Sergipe, and Piaçabuçu Peba and Sudene counties, in Alagoas. On one hand, the results
of intentional extractivism and corporate practice are socioenvironmental conflicts involving different subjects . On the other hand, the pressure on resources leads to
environmental degradation, a negative externality stemming from not following technical guidelines, causing areas which should be preserved to become environmentally unsustainable. In exporting markets, pink pepper reaches up to US$ 14/18 while the extractivist gets R$ 1,50 per kilo. In this context, capitalistic structural relations only partially pervades subjects´social life, including them in the production process while
alienate them from that of capital growth, a result of economic rationality which turns nature into merchandise. Poverty is a strong factor behind environmental degradation, which causes socioenvironmental conflicts in the low part of São Francisco river (SE/AL). For extractivist fishers such a practice comes as an alternative to family income, which is accepted because of the lack of opportunities to provide for family needs in face of failing fishing in the region. Thus, aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi) could be part of a proposal of sustainable development for the region. Especially so if one considers the immense poverty prevailing in the collecting areas, where new managing practices have been introduced which include the participation of local communities so as to improve surviving conditions.As ondas modernizadoras relacionadas aos projetos de desenvolvimento regional no Baixo São Francisco não resultaram em justiça social e cidadania para as comunidades locais, existindo um quadro de desigualdades sociais, degradação ambiental e atores em situação de risco social. A exemplo dos pescadores artesanais, que há oito anos praticam o extrativismo da aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi), espécie nativa que por uma demanda das indústrias processadoras-exportadora desse fruto, a pimenta-rosa , localizadas no estado do Espírito Santo tornou-se uma alternativa de renda às comunidades locais. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos: analisar os aspectos socioambientais envolvidos do extrativismo até a transformação em pimenta-rosa a partir do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL, descrevendo o processo extrativista preponderante no local; conhecer a importância sócio-econômica do extrativismo da aroeira para os pescadores artesanais da região; identificar a cadeia produtiva da aroeira a partir do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL e tipificar os conflitos socioambientais envolvidos no extrativismo da aroeira no Baixo São Francisco. Trata-se de um estudo de caso com enfoque qualitativo, cuja análise dos dados orientou-se na hermenêutica a partir da pré-interpretação dos atores para uma reintrepretação do pesquisador, combinando múltiplas perspectivas teóricas, metodológica e de dados, juntamente com métodos participativos. A pesquisa identificou que a pimentarosa destina-se a indústria de alimentos com o uso especialmente na culinária e na indústria de cosmético, com a produção voltada aos países da União Européia, Estados Unidos, Canadá e Argentina. Dessa demanda resulta, a constante procura por novas áreas de ocorrência natural da espécie como, nesse caso, integrou-se a cadeia produtiva dos municípios do Baixo São Francisco SE/AL: Santana do São Francisco - povoado Saúde, Brejo Grande povoado Brejão dos Negros, Pacatuba, Ilha das Flores, em Sergipe e; Piaçabuçu povoado Sudene e Peba, em Alagoas. Por um lado, os resultados da ação intencional da prática extrativista e empresarial têm conseqüências como os conflitos de natureza socioambiental (de uso dos recursos naturais) entre diversos atores envolvidos. Por outro, a pressão sobre o recurso gera degradação ambiental, uma externalidade negativa por não seguir orientações técnicas, tornando-se não sustentável ambientalmente em áreas que devem estar sendo preservadas. No extrativismo e comercialização a pimenta-rosa no mercado exterior alcança o preço em dólar de US$ 14/18kg e o extrativista recebe por essa atividade o valor de R$1,50/kg. Nesse contexto, as relações estruturais do capitalismo penetram de forma parcial em circunstâncias da vida social dos atores, incluindo-os no processo de produção de mercadoria e excluindo-os do processo de ampliação do capital na racionalidade econômica que avança sobre elementos da natureza para torná-los mercadoria. A condição de pobreza é uma grande aliada da degradação ambiental que gera os conflitos socioambientais no Baixo São Francisco (SE/AL). Para os pescadores-extrativistas essa prática se apresenta como uma alternativa de complementação à renda familiar, cuja adesão decorre da ausência de oportunidades para garantir a sobrevivência, diante do declínio da pesca na região. Portanto, a aroeira (Schinus terebenthifolius Raddi) poderia fazer parte de uma proposta de desenvolvimento sustentável para essa região. Sobretudo, diante das condições paupérrimas das populações nos locais de coleta e gestão até então ausente, envolvendo a participação das comunidades locais como parceiras, visando melhorar as condições de sobrevivência.
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Gebremariam, Azage. "Multidimensional approach to local water conflicts." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9091.
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Water is one of the most precious but least valued common property resource. Efficient ways of water resources management are vital to socio-economic development and the overall feat of societal stability. However, water conflicts have further exacerbated the access to water especially in low-income developing countries. Most notably, little attention has been given to studying water conflicts at the local level when compared to international water conflicts. As a result, there is insufficient information and theory on the exponentially increasing number of local water conflicts. In the Middle East, water was a tool for military purposes; in Asia disputes over water occur due to development-related activities, whilst in Africa, control over water resources has been the root cause of many conflicts affecting millions of vulnerable communities. This research investigates the nature, causes and dimensions of local water conflicts in the context of low-income developing countries based on the Afar region, which is located in the Awash Trans-regional River Basin of Ethiopia. The research suggests a new multidimensional approach for pre-identification, early warning services and local water conflict neutralization. This approach also introduces preparedness techniques, which play a significant role in reducing potential risks and tensions that trigger local water conflicts between communities sharing the same water resources. The study further proposes a policy guideline matrix that would serve as a technique for reducing local water conflicts by providing new ways of thinking about the links between sustainable developments, local water conflict management and strategic partnerships. The research is implemented through the process of designing a framework based on essential theoretical and practical findings supported by survey data of 134 household representatives of local communities and 26 institutions, together with 22 interviews. The introduced multipurpose framework is based on five fundamental parameters, namely: contribution to Sustainable Development, Information, Preparedness, Tolerance Capacity and Interaction (DIPTI). The research proposes the Sparkling Effects of Conflict , a new approach in understanding and predicting the coverage of the effects of conflicts other than the primary conflicting parties and conflict location. In addition, two pillars of the conceptual frameworks emerged from the findings. First, the WEC (Water, Early Warning and Conflict) information pyramid, a framework designed to indicate the core components of local WEC-related information identification and management. Second, the Pillars of Conflict Pyramid, the simplest conceptual framework, easily helps to pre-identify the effects of local water conflicts with certain limitations. Besides, the study addressed six additional conflict neutralization and resolution inputs that incorporate the significance of the participation of women and other vulnerable members of communities. These findings also highlight the advantage of co-existence between useful traditional and modern practices in neutralizing conflicts. Overall, the study will assist local people, policy and decision makers and institutions in low-income developing countries with a similar context to that of the study area.
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Chamberlain, Adam Sander Carsey Thomas M. "Conflict and the city how newspapers deal with local political conflict /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1044.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of masters in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Sato, H. "PEACE AND CONFLICTS IN LATE MEDIEVAL JAPAN AND EUROPE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/172806.
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This dissertation elaborates on a comparative analysis of late medieval local realities, between some Japanese and European cases, regarding local conflicts in the 14th and 15th centuries. Research objects are Yano-no-shō, a Japanese shōen in Harima, and western Alpine territories between the Ossola valley and Valais. A particular attention is placed on the local élites' active involvement in local conflicts, in the political action in which people of various origine encountered, and in the dynamics of the development of local political culture.This situation offered articulated logics of peace, as a base of legitimization of their actions in the middle of intense conflictuality.
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Indeka, Nkoso Joseph. "Les chefferies ndengese en conflit: dans les interstices de la tradition et de l'Etat, R.D.Congo." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209364.
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Les Ndengese occupent avec les Ikolombe, Isolu et Yaelima, la région qui est devenue le Territoire administratif de Dekese dans la cuvette centrale de la R.D.Congo. Cette thèse ne prétend être qu’une simple introduction à l’étude de la société ndengese. Elle est une perspective micro-politique inscrite dans la longue durée pour comprendre les institutions et les pratiques politiques, en intégrant les dimensions des idéologies et de la culture. Elle a été sensible à l’enchevêtrement des logiques sociales et aux « jeux d’échelles » pour analyser les phénomènes sociaux transversaux en y croisant situations, langages et époques différentes (précoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale). Fondée sur des sources variées, elle a bénéficié des apports de plusieurs disciplines afin de cerner les différentes manifestations du politique. Anthropologie et histoire en constituent l’épine dorsale. C’est essentiellement un mode de lecture du fait politique, les chefferies à travers les âges: conditions d’émergence et d’institutionnalisation, sources de légitimité, supports territoriaux et symboliques, fonctionnement réel, enjeux et conflits. L’analyse de tels processus a nécessité la prise en compte de la dispersion des idées politiques dans les institutions sociales et familiales, la religion, la littérature, l’art et l’économie. On n’a pas négligé pourtant, leurs liens à l’ordre social et les rapports avec les structures politico-administratives étatiques dans lesquelles les chefferies sont enchâssées. Cette dissertation a combiné deux grandes perspectives du pouvoir politique :symbolique et sociologique. Dans la perspective symbolique renouvelée, une des entrées principales a été celle de la « mise en scène » du pouvoir, dans des contextes variés, pour assurer sa légitimité. A été ainsi mis en exergue le concept de « traditions », renvoyant aux analyses de Hobsbawm et Ranger (1983). Cette perspective de l’ethnologie classique du pouvoir politique a été complétée par celle de la sociologie politique davantage tournée vers la « domination » au sens wébérien, les enjeux et relation de pouvoir, ainsi que l’étude des comportements des acteurs :stratégies et tactiques individuelles et collectives. On s’est intéressé aux dynamiques politiques locales produites à travers l’interaction entre les facteurs internes et externes, et aux modalités de réception, d’interprétation et d’appropriation afin d’y lire un peu de « sens ». En cela, cette thèse est « une anthropologie des mondes contemporains » (Augé 1994) avec un arrière-fond historique important. Elle a privilégié l’analyse des interactions aussi bien rituelles qu’administratives. Ces regards croisés du pouvoir politique local ont ainsi permis d’articuler ce qu’Olivier de Sardan (2005) appelle « ethnographie classique et socio-anthropologie des espaces publics en Afrique ».
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Marques, António Pedro Sousa. "Actores, estratégias e desenvolvimento local: conflitos e consensos no município de Palmela no limiar do século xxi." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11640.
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As mudanças verificadas no panorama mundial, intensificadas nas duas últimas décadas do século passado, têm sido as principais responsáveis pelas transformações nas estruturas sociais, económicas e tecnológicas.
As teorias sobre o desenvolvimento económico e social, que a Sociologia e a Economia, construíram pacientemente durante décadas necessitam cada vez mais de ser reequacionadas, uma vez que até as velhas nações industrializadas devem ser vistas como estando em vias de desenvolvimento.
Tais situações levaram à necessidade de se proceder a novas formas de mobili-zação do potencial humano, que se distinguem dos modos anteriores de pensar o desen-volvimento e, que podem ser corporizadas a partir de um conjunto iniciativas locais.
Essas formas de acção e de modernização do tecido económico, de requalifica-ção dos espaços urbanos, dos programas de formação profissional, da inserção das regiões marginalizadas na estratégia global do Estado passam a deter um lugar de máxi-ma importância nas estratégias de cada País e de cada Região.
Perante este conjunto de questões de carácter económico e social, pareceu importante proceder-se à construção de um objecto teórico que incidisse sobre a análise das estratégias dos actores locais perante os desafios impostos por uma sociedade que se apresenta cada vez mais globalizada.
O objecto empírico deste estudo recaiu sobre o município de Palmela através da análise da estratégia dos seus actores e os desafios estratégicos que lhes são lançados.
Procurou-se assim dar conta de uma possível articulação entre essas estratégias, o planeamento urbanístico e o desenvolvimento local. Os processos de desenvolvimento observados quer no município de Palmela, quer nos restantes municípios que constituem a Península de Setúbal. não se produziram de forma linear.
Ao proceder a uma proposta de acção virada para as questões do desenvolvimen-to local toma-se necessário detectar as representações que os actores locais estabelecem, em torno desse mesmo desenvolvimento à escala da sociedade local.
Os desafios estratégicos apresentam-se no município de Palmela como resulta-dos das estratégias produzidas pelos actores localizados, ou com influência local, onde se dá a confrontação de interesses e de lógicas contraditórias.### Abstract - Changes occurred, world-widely, during the last two decades of the last century have generated modifications in the social, economical and technological structures being observed.
Theories on the economical and social development built, peacefully, by Sociol-ogy and Economy for several decades, have to be more and more re-equated, once, even the old industrialized nations should be considered on the way to development.
It raises, then the need of proceeding with new methods of manpower mobiliza-tion, different from the former ways of thinking on development, which may he materi-alized starting from the local initiatives.
Those acting and up-dating systems of the economical tissue, in addition to the urban areas classification, the professional training programmes, the inclusion of the despising areas in the global strategy of State, as well as the support to the people, so-ciality discriminated, become to own a position of greatest importance in the strategies of each Country and Area.
In view of this set of subjects, from economical and social nature, it seemed im-portant to proceed to the building of a theorical object based on the analysis of the local dynamics of development in Palmela: perspectives and strategies of the local and social actors.
The empiric object of this research was the municipality of Palmela through the analysis of the actors strategies.
Being so, the intention was to report an eventual relation among those dynamics, the local development and the urbanism. The development methods observed, not only in the municipality of Palmela, but also in the remaining ones of Setúbal Peninsula were not created in a linear way.
By making a proposal of action forwarded to the subjects of a local develop-ment, it is necessary to detect the representations performed by the local actors in turn of this very same development according to the local society.
Nevertheless any kind of homogenous category is found among the new social actors, but a variety of social strengths is ascertained creating a great number of actors.
The Strategical Challenges verified in the municipality of Palmela present themselves as results of strategies created by the established actors or with local influence, where in-terests and contradictor logics are brought face to face.
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Boaz, John E. "Guidelines for conflict management in the local church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.
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Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
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On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
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Reinhold, Susan. "Local conflict and ideological struggle : #positive images'and Section 28." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358979.
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The work focuses on a chain of events that began in the London Borough of Haringey in 1986. The Labour-led local council's adoption of a policy that would promote 'positive images' of homosexuality in local schools erupted into a conflict that led, in part, to Parliament's passage of Section 28 of the 1988 Local Government Act, which prohibits the 'promotion of homosexuality.' The dissertation examines the local conflict, investigating circumstances and actions that led to the creation of the policy, underlying economic, social and political tensions in the borough that were exacerbated by the conflict, and the consequent strategic opposition and support of both formally and informally constituted local political groups. It describes the movement of the conflict from the local to the national stage, analysing the national context in which coalitions opposed, supported, and attempted to ignore the policy in national political circles. It studies the construction of homosexuality as a campaign issue in the 1987 general election, the creation of the 1988 law, and the effects that the law had on the Borough. The work investigates the conflict's oppOSitional and exclusionary discourses on homosexuality embodied by the statements of those who were engaged in opposing the Haringey policy and supporting the Government's law. Five interrelated discourses of order were overwhelmingly present in the debates, are included in the brief text of the Section, and are contemporary interpretations of dominant historical discourses on homosexuality: 1. The promotion of 'positive images' of homosexuality is a form of political propaganda or indoctrination that poses a threat to the nation. 2. Homosexuality can be 'promoted' by homosexual predators who force, recruit and/ or proselytise their way of life on unsuspecting innocents. 3. Homosexuality is a disease that, combined with the more recent spectre of AIDS, creates a powerful threat of homosexuality -- or 'positive images' -- as spreading epidemic. 4. Homosexuality is a 'pretended family relationship' that reinforces a notion of 'real' family that consequently excludes other family forms. 5. 'Positive images' of homosexuality would adversely affect innocent children and troubled adolescents. Taken as a whole, the local and national conflict constituted an ideological struggle in which the meaning and import of homosexuality was severely contested and simultaneously transformed. It identifies and connects both action and discourse as major sites of ideological struggle. It posits the possibility of not 'studying down' nor 'studying up,' but of studying through, and thus offers an anthropological model that enables an integrated investigation of both local and global levels.
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Arellano-Yanguas, Javier. "Local politics, conflict and development in Peruvian mining regions." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6315/.
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This thesis examines the effects of a collection of policies that determine the mandatory distribution of mining, gas and oil revenues between national and subnational governments, and the greater involvement of mining companies in local development. I have labelled this set of policies, which aims to reduce social conflict and promote local development, the New Extractive Industry Strategy (NEIS). Chapter 1 describes the implementation of these policies in Peru and highlights their significance to the mining industry worldwide. Chapter 2 describes the methodology of the thesis and introduces the three field research regions. Chapter 3 outlines the national socio-political context for the implementation of the NEIS. Chapters 4–6 deal with the effects of the NEIS on social conflict. I argue that the implementation of the NEIS has not only failed to reduce conflict but has actually exacerbated it. After reviewing the debates linking extraction and conflict (Chapter 4), Chapter 5 demonstrates that conflict is strongly associated with the volume of mining revenue received by sub-national governments. Chapter 6 presents a typology of conflicts that helps to explain the correlation between mining revenue and unrest. In addition to well-known conflicts that are related to the adverse impact of mining on livelihoods and the environment, the study identifies two other types. In the first, peasant communities employ social conflict to increase their bargaining power with the mining companies for material compensation. In the second, the large volume of mining revenue generates disputes over access to or use of these financial transfers. Chapters 7–8 show that the NEIS has not delivered its development promises. Chapter 7 illustrates how regional and municipal governments in receipt of high per capita volumes of mining revenue transfers did not improve their economic and welfare indicators any more than the rest of the country. Chapter 8 proposes that a combination of obstructive political factors trapped regional and municipal authorities and local populations in a myopic political game that prioritised quick short-term spending over any long-term benefits to be gained from better planned expenditure. Finally, Chapter 9 draws some conclusions and makes some suggestions.
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Elfversson, Emma. "Central Politics and Local Peacemaking : The Conditions for Peace after Communal Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324928.
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Under what conditions can peace be established after violent communal conflict? This question has received limited research attention to date, despite the fact that communal conflicts kill thousands of people each year and often severely disrupt local livelihoods. This dissertation analyzes how political dynamics affect prospects for peace after communal conflict. It does so by studying the role of the central government, local state and non-state actors, and the interactions between these actors and the communal groups that are engaged in armed conflict. A particular focus is on the role of political bias, in the sense that central government actors have ties to one side in the conflict or strategic interests in the conflict issue. The central claim is that political bias shapes government strategies in the face of conflict, and influences the conflict parties’ strategic calculations and ability to overcome mistrust and engage in conflict resolution. To assess these arguments, the dissertation strategically employs different research methods to develop and test theoretical arguments in four individual essays. Two of the essays rely on novel data to undertake the first cross-national large-N studies of government intervention in communal conflict and how it affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Essay I finds that conflicts that are located in an economically important area, revolve around land and authority, or involve groups with ethnic ties to central rulers are more likely to prompt military intervention by the government. Essay II finds that ethnic ties, in turn, condition the impact that government intervention has on the risk of conflict recurrence. The other two essays are based on systematic analysis of qualitative sources, including unique and extensive interview material collected during several field trips to Kenya. Essay III finds that government bias makes it more difficult for the conflict parties to resolve their conflict through peace agreements. Essay IV finds that by engaging in governance roles otherwise associated with the state, non-state actors can become successful local peacemakers. Taken together, the essays make important contributions by developing, assessing and refining theories concerning the prospects for communal conflict resolution.
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Taylor, Suzanne. "Local development, seeking an alternative in post-conflict El Salvador." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ56722.pdf.
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Fell, Patrick Terence. "Legitimacy and conflict : explaining tension in local Swedish hunting policy /." Luleå : Luleå University of Technology, 2006. http://epubl.ltu.se/1402-1544/2006/18/.
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Armstrong, J. W. "Local conflict in the Anglo-Scottish borderlands, c. 1399-1488." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596159.
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This thesis examines society in the marches between England and Scotland, and engages with the historical debate over the significance of this frontier in the late medieval and early modern British Isles. This is the first study to consider both sides of the border across nearly the entire fifteenth century, and to focus on the means by which local inhabitants sought to manage conflict and process disputes in the context of – and in extension beyond – the mechanisms of regional, national, and international governmental administration. I argue that elements of a raiding culture existed in the region from the very beginning of this period and equally that something like the infamous ‘Surname’ kin groups of the Tudor period can be detected on both sides of the border before 1488. Kinship was highly valued across the region, at both the elite and non-elite status levels. Although the borderlands can in part be understood as a frontier society, what counted in shaping this society was not primarily the military frontier, but cross-border cultural similarities. I argue that the centre of gravity of this region was to be found north of the border, especially with respect to the rules used in the management of conflict. The prevalence of a ‘Scottish’ approach to local conflict meant that law courts were often used in the course of disputes, but that accustomed practices of violence and peacemaking had a prominence and meaning that was not typical of England further south. This thesis demonstrates the ability of local societies within the late medieval British Isles, especially those on its sometimes turbulent internal frontiers, to adapt social, political, and legal structures to meet their particular needs and objectives.
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Adhikari, Jay Ram. "Political conflict, community forest governance and local livelihoods in Nepal." Thesis, Adhikari, Jay Ram (2011) Political conflict, community forest governance and local livelihoods in Nepal. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2011. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/15676/.
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Nepal is one of the world’s richest biodiversity hotspots with varied climate, geography and ecosystems. The majority of people in Nepal’s hills and mountains still depend heavily on forest resources for their livelihood and wellbeing. However, since the breakdown of the traditional system of forest management and the nationalization of forests in the mid 1950s, Nepal's forests had undergone severe degradation and deforestation. In addition, political instability, illegal clearing, expansion of agricultural land and resettlement policy were also responsible for degradation. The deforestation was so rapid that between the period of 1964 and 1975, 2.3 million hectares of forests were lost and the livelihoods of people in the hills and mountains of Nepal were on the verge of collapse. Since the popularization of the theory of Himalayan Environmental Degradation and realization on the part of government of the urgency of restoring and improving the condition of Nepal's forests, a number of conservation projects were launched.
In 1978, the government of Nepal initiated the community forestry program through the enactment of the Panchayat Forest and Panchayat Protected Forest Rules. These were further strengthened by the endorsement of the 1989 Master Plan for the Forestry Sector (MPFS) and enactment of the1993 Forest Act and 1995 Forest Regulation. The community-based forest co-management initiatives in Nepal transferred forest management authority to local community user groups. However, since the onset of the Maoist insurgency in 1996 and subsequent armed conflicts over the next decade, the community forestry program in Nepal was under threat. It was not known what happened to the community-based forest co-management arrangements during the period of insurgency due to restricted access to the countryside.
Through a comparative case studies of three Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) with three different conflict settings (the first controlled by neither of the contending parties, the second under the control of security forces and the third under the control of the Maoists) in Kavrepalanchok district in the Middle Hills region of Nepal, this research investigates the effectiveness of CBFCM in strengthening local forest governance processes and outcomes. It focuses particularly on equity in access and benefit sharing, the participation of different socio-economic strata in forest governance, and the provision of environmental services within these communities during pre/early and late conflict periods.
This research shows that the community forestry program has provided a significant space to local communities for collective action that enabled them to reverse the trend of forest degradation, improving the environmental condition of the forests and the supply of forest products. Over time, the community forest program has been successful in gradually building the capacity of CFUG institutions and has increased the involvement of women and other marginalized sections of the community. Through the expanded networks among CFUGs and with the assistance of outside organizations, these communities have now attained considerable influence in national forest policy formulation. This study confirms that although the governing mechanisms of state agencies, including the Department of Forests (DoF), became dysfunctional during the period of armed insurgency, governance structures of the local CFUGs in the case study villages were largely stable and most forest management activities were carried out during the period of armed conflict. The CFUGs have survived as vibrant self-governing institutions and have maintained reasonable access to forest resources to satisfy the subsistence needs of local people within the community. These findings suggest that community-based forest governing institutions had the bargaining capacity and ability to overcome the pressures arising from the armed conflict because of the resilience and adaptive capacities of the CFUGs.
Key words: Co-management (CM), community-based natural resource management (CBNRM), Community-based forest co-management (CBFCM), governance, and community forest user groups (CFUGs).
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Labonia, Mónica. "Les dynamiques locales de coopération des institutions "traditionnelles" pour la pacification des conflits dans l'Afrique Noire : l'exemple des Joola-Ajamaat de la Basse-Casamance (Sénégal)." Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE2031.
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Dans le contexte historique des conflits casamançais (1982-2005), nous avons abordé le rapport entre l’institution de la royauté sacrée de Youtou et le rétablissement de l’ordre dans le village. L’intérêt scientifique de ce rapport tient à ce qu’il permet d’identifier la dynamique de changement d’un groupe - relevant plus précisément de l'ethnie joola-ajamaat -, au moment où il est confronté au conflit. À Youtou, la dévastation des quartiers de Kagar et de Kanokindo, l’exode de la population, la destruction et l’abandon des cultes ont profondément altéré la structure sociale et territoriale entre 1995 et 2005. L’analyse de cette période - qui constitue la dernière phase du conflit casamançais -, nous a permis de déterminer comment les espaces de pouvoirs, les O.N.G. et les institutions traditionnelles ont créé et recréé des représentations sociales favorables au retour de la paix. L’ingérence des institutions traditionnelles (le conseil d’anciens, les kulangaka, les jirembeyi, la royauté sacrée joola-ajamaat et l’assemblée villageoise) dans le processus de pacification du village a été décisive. Nous avons étudié avec une attention toute particulière l’institution de la royauté sacrée joola-ajamaat à partir du cas de Youtou, parce qu’il n’existe pas d’autre organisation dans ce peuple qui puisse intégrer simultanément et d'une manière très complexe le pouvoir politique et le pouvoir religieux. Nous avons examiné les fonctions de l'arambeu de Youtou et notamment celles qui touchent au rétablissement de l'ordre, à la gestion de la violence et à la médiation au cours de conflits à la lumière de la dialectique tradition-modernité: In the historical context of the conflict in Casamance (1982-2005), we have addressed the relationship between the institution of sacred royalty of Youtou and the restoration of order in that village. The scientific interest of this relationship is to identify the group’s dynamics of change specifically showing the Joola-ajamaat ethnic group – at the time when it is confronted with the conflict.In Youtou, the devastation of neighbourhoods’ Kagar and Kanokindo, the exodus of the population, the destruction and abandonment of the cults have altered deep social and territorial structure between 1995 and 2005. The analysis of this period – which is the last phase of the conflict in Casamance – has allowed us recognize the way in which the spaces of power, NGOs and traditional institutions have created and recreated social representations favourable to the return of peace.The meddling of traditional institutions (the Council of Elders, the kulangaka, the jirembeyi, Joola - ajamaat sacred royalty and the village assembly) in the process of pacification of people has been crucial.We have thoroughly studied the institution of Joola-ajamaat sacred royalty from Youtou’s case, because there’s no other organization in this village that can integrate simultaneously and in such a complex way the political power and religious power as well. We have examined functions arambeu of Youtou - and specially those affecting the restoration of order, the management of violence and mediation during conflicts in the light of the dialectic of tradition - modernity
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von, Billerbeck Sarah Birgitta Kanafani. "Whose peace? : local ownership and UN peacebuilding." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6c84aa3-5344-48d8-ba1a-2b01d1a75146.
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Recent years have seen an increasing emphasis on local ownership in UN peacebuilding. Advocates of local ownership assert that it boosts the legitimacy and sustainability of UN peacebuilding by helping to preserve the principles of self- determination and non-imposition of externally-conceived solutions onto post-conflict countries in an activity that can contravene them. However, while the UN perceives local ownership as enabling it to act in accordance with these principles, it also perceives local ownership to imperil the achievement of its operational goals, thus bringing its normative and operational objectives into conflict. This thesis evaluates the UN’s discourse, understandings, and operationalizations of local ownership in peacebuilding. Drawing on examples from the UN peace operation in DR Congo, it shows that despite the UN’s regular invocation of local ownership discourse, it operationalizes ownership in restrictive and selective ways that are intended to protect the achievement of operational goals but that consequently limit self-determination and increase external imposition on the host country. This gap between the rhetoric and reality of ownership suggests that the UN uses local ownership primarily as a discursive tool for legitimation, one intended to reconcile the organization’s normative and operational imperatives. However, because its actions do not match its rhetoric, the UN’s attempts to generate legitimacy through discourse appear to fall flat, particularly in the eyes of local actors. Moreover, because of contradictions in the ways that the UN operationalizes local ownership, it not only deepens the curtailment of self-determination and the degree of external imposition, it also undercuts its ability to realize the very operational goals it is trying to protect. Ultimately, because it is a contradictory and contested concept, local ownership fails to eliminate or ‘fix’ the trade-offs the UN faces in peacebuilding, suggesting that the UN must instead accept them and incorporate them into its goals and expectations.
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SILVA, Clódson dos Santos. "Do lado de cá & do lado de lá: tempos e espaços dos conflitos da “política” em Santana do Acaraú - Ce." http://www.teses.ufc.br, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/1221.
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SILVA, Clódson dos Santos. Do lado de cá & do lado de lá:
tempos e espaços dos conflitos da “política” em Santana do Acaraú – Ce. 2009. 183f. Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós- Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2009.Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-18T12:56:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de CLODSON DOS SANTOS SILVA protegido 2011.pdf: 3030203 bytes, checksum: c70c555ce0d8caae73b5f06b7798711d (MD5)
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Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-23T15:11:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de CLODSON DOS SANTOS SILVA protegido 2011.pdf: 3030203 bytes, checksum: c70c555ce0d8caae73b5f06b7798711d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009
Santana do Acaraú's (Ceará, Brasil) power dispute becomes tense during local elections. To the population, this period is identified as “the time of politics”. It is a festive time, manifested in various rituals: motorcades, marches, lunch, dinner and political speeches. As well as it is a period of conflict, expressed in the new social groups which oppose people that otherwise would be united by relationships of kin, friendship and/or neighborhood. However, it is not always that the conflicts peculiar to "the time of politics" ends with the counting of votes or after to take up office. The way campaign was made, accusations of fraud and requests for vote recounting may risk the “closure of the time of politics” and take confrontations beyond elections period. Departing from the native meanings of politics, I examine how political conflicts are lived with by the Santanians in three different times: elections, everyday life and "political time” sui generis, when the conflicts persistence acquired other dimension. With this thesis I try to understand the way politics is socially constructed in terms of a specific time, space and language where it is permitted, and how it builds and strengthens the policy and the place of professional politicians.
Em Santana do Acaraú - Ceará - BR, a disputa pelo poder local se acirra na época das eleições, principalmente nos pleitos municipais. Esse é o momento identificado pelos moradores como tempo da política, nele as facções políticas são claramente identificadas em um tipo de conflito aberto/autorizado. É um período de festas, manifestado nos rituais de comensalidade, nas carreatas, nas passeatas e nos comícios e também é um período de conflitos expressos nos novos recortes sociais que dividem pessoas que, em outros momentos, estariam unidas por relações de parentesco, amizade e/ou vizinhança. Contudo, nem sempre os conflitos característicos do tempo da política findam com a apuração dos votos e a investidura do cargo. O modo como a campanha foi conduzida, as acusações de fraude e a solicitação de recontagem dos votos, podem colocar em risco o fecho do tempo da política, levando os conflitos característicos de tal temporalidade para além do período eleitoral. A partir dos significados nativos da política, examino de que forma os conflitos da política são vivenciados pelos santanenses em três temporalidades distintas: os conflitos em momentos eleitorais; os conflitos no cotidiano; os conflitos em dois momentos sui generis, em que a persistência do conflito político adquiriu outras dimensões. Desta forma, procuro nesta tese compreender como é construído socialmente o lugar da política, atribuindo a ela territorialidade, uma linguagem e temporalidade específicas, enfim, um período em que ela é permitida, o tempo da política, e como isso reforça e constrói a política como o lugar dos políticos profissionais.
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Kideghesho, Jafari Ramadhani. "Wildlife conservation and local land use conflicts in Western Serengeti, Tanzania." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Biology, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1970.
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The pre-colonial traditional societies in Western Serengeti were physically and spiritually connected to animal species and plants in their surrounding environments. This link contributed to sustainable use and harmonious coexistence. The religious affiliation and local management structures sanctioned some destructive behaviours and designated some species and habitats as sacred. Additionally, low human population and primitive technology posed low pressure on resources. Colonial regime interrupted the coexistence through introduction of new management structures. The exclusive, prohibitive and punitive actions perpetrated by colonial regime under "fences and fines" conservation approach fomented conflicts and local resentment towards conservation policies. However, despite local resentment and conflicts, the economic and political reasons forced the post-colonial government to inherit these policies uncritically.
While the idiom "Serengeti shall not die" has been a popular motto and ambition for decades, some forces had been working against it. These forces include: inefficient state-led enforcementn (due to shrinkage of government budgets in 1970s and 1980s); human population growth; rural poverty; globalisation of markets in animal products (e.g. rhino horns and ivory) and; local resentment towards the conservation policies. The reduction of the wildlife populations and habitats as a result of these forces, ruled out the efficacy of “fences and fines” approach in conserving wildlife. This prompted a need to search for alternative approach that would end this crisis.
The community conservation (CC) initiative, which emerged as a major paradigm of conservation work in late 1980s, was the most appealing option. Through provision of tangible economic benefits, CC sought to motivate local people to align their behaviours with conservation goals. This prescription was applied to Serengeti where two CC initiatives, Serengeti Regional Conservation Project (SRCP) and Community Conservation Service (CCS) were launched. Findings from this study indicate that the benefit based approaches implemented under these initiatives are fundamentally flawed, a scenario that precludes their possibility to contribute significantly to conservation objectives.
Although attitudinal survey indicated that the benefit-based strategy increase acceptability towards conservation, this may not necessarily imply a change in behaviour. Poaching was still rampant in the villages under the projects. However, even if the strategy could lead to a change of behaviour among the beneficiaries, its impact to conservation would still be insignificant since only a small fraction of the communities benefit (i.e. 14 out of 126 villages). Furthermore, even within the project villages the minimal benefits granted are inequitably distributed and monopolised by local elites. The poorest members of the society are unable to enjoy these benefits because cash is required to access them (e.g. game meat, medical services).
Along with the benefits, the results indicated that the costs inflicted by wildlife to local people and some socio-demographic factors (education, wealth) have potential role in shaping conservation attitudes. Local communities experiencing fewer costs from wildlife conservation and those most educated were less likely to support protected areas. Those with more livestock were more negative, probably because the costs of prohibition from access to water and pasture in protected areas were more obvious to them. Conservation attitudes were more positive to Serengeti National Park than to the adjacent Game Reserves, a scenario that can be attributed to history and the age of the park. It was created some 50 years when population was low and land was still available. Furthermore, the majority of the villagers were, either too young, or were not even born when the Park came to existence. Therefore, they did not feel the pain of eviction, if there was any.
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Richter-Devroe, Sophie. "Gender and conflict transformation in Palestine : between local and international agendas." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3108.
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This thesis takes a gender-sensitive approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks whether and how Palestinian women’s different formal and informal political activism in ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘resistance’ can make a contribution to positive sustainable social and political change. Taking a bottom-up qualitative approach to conflict research, and deriving data mainly from in-depth interviews, participant observation and textual analyses, I problematise mainstream international conflict resolution and gender development approaches, revealing their mismatch with the Palestinian reality of prolonged occupation and settler colonialism on the ground. I critique in particular two aspects of mainstream gender and conflict approaches: Firstly, the essentialist feminist assertion that women are better ‘peacemakers’ than men due to their (alleged) more peaceful nature, and, secondly, the ‘liberal’ peace argument that dialogue is the best (and only) way to resolve conflict. These two claims are hardly applicable to the Palestinian context, and their implementation through policy programmes can even block genuine political and social change. Through their tendency to trace the roots of conflict in social gender relations and at the level of identity, they tend to give a distorted depoliticised picture of the conflict. Doing so, they risk alienating local constituencies and might even exacerbate social and political fragmentation. My analysis counters such (mostly western-originated) mainstream gender and conflict initiatives by starting from the local. Proposing a contextualised gender-sensitive approach to conflict transformation, which pays attention to intra-party dynamics such as ‘indigenous’ gender constructions and the political culture of resistance, I trace those forms of female political agency that are able to gain societal support and are conducive to sustainable social and political change. Bridging theoretical insights from the fields of conflict resolution and gender theory and questioning some of their widely held assumptions, I hope to contribute to knowledge in both fields.
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Xiang, Wei. "L'aire Paysagère de Wulingyuan (Hunan, Chine) : à la recherche d'un équilibre entre protection et développement local." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00751458.
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Le développement et la protection des aires paysagères ne sont pas faciles à atteindre, surtout dans les aires habitées. C'est le cas de l'Aire Paysagère de Wulingyuan (Hunan, Chine). Après être entrée dans une phase de plein essor, elle reste confrontée à un déséquilibre entre ces deux objectifs primordiaux. Face au problème de l'urbanisation incontrôlée, les autorités locales ont mis en œuvre une politique de protection principalement fondée sur la démolition. Cette politique de protection est-t-elle pertinente? Quels en sont les impacts sociaux, économiques, culturels et environnementaux ? Notre étude de terrain et ses analyses tentent d'apporter des réponses à ces questions et de proposer des solutions.
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Drozdz, Martine. "Regeneration b(d)oom : territoires et politique de la régénération urbaine par projet à Londres." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20088.
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Marges en déclin sociodémographique dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers d’inner city sesituent aujourd’hui au coeur de la stratégie de développement de Londres. Ils constituent désormais un espacesoupape où se négocient les conséquences sociales et spatiales de la globalisation dans la capitale britannique.Le modèle politique et urbain de la régénération qui préside à ce changement se stabilise à la fin de ladécennie 1980 dans un consensus entrepreneurial, compétitif et partenarial. Cependant, sa territorialisation dans les anciens quartiers d’inner city est discrète et inachevée et fait place à de nombreux reliquats de l'intervention de la puissance publique, loin de l’image d’un retrait univoque de l’État. L'agenda néotravailliste des années 2000 modifie ce modèle en y introduisant des normes de durabilité, de reconnaissance des minorités et un impératif participatif. À Londres, cette évolution se traduit par la mise en place d’une politique territoriale spécifique, les zones d’opportunité, dont le but est initialement d’arrimer le développement des inner cities à celui des marchés immobiliers péricentraux. Nous montrons qu’en l’absence de mécanisme de redistribution suffisamment contraignant, cette politique a conduit dans les faits à une accélération de la privatisation du parc de logements publics et à une généralisation des formes de gentrification clé-en-main (new-built gentrification). La coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates au pouvoir depuis 2010 a partiellement maintenu les dispositifs participatifs dans les programmes de régénération. Cependant, nous montrons comment le contexte d’austérité a conduit dans certains cas à une forme de privatisation du fonctionnement même de la démocratie urbaine locale. Le modèle de la régénération, ses impasses et ses injustices, est désormais contesté dans plusieurs sphères politiques, mais les protestations sont fragmentées et peinent à se généraliser en raison même de la géographie spécifique de la régénération, par projetThe inner city was at the margin and in decline for most of the second half of the 20th century. Today it is an essential part in London's development strategy. It works as a relief valve for the social and spatial pressure induced by globalisation in the capital city of the United Kingdom. Regeneration policies are the political and spatial model driving this transformation. From the late 1980s the regeneration consensus revolved around three principles: it had to be funded by property-led entrepreneurial investments, distributed by competitions between territories and governed by public-private partnerships, thus realising the neoliberalisation of space.However, the delivery of regeneration projects in old inner city areas is discontinuous and incomplete. Itmakes space for numerous state interventions which show that we are far from a complete withdrawal of thestate. In the 2000s, New Labour policies append new norms to the regeneration model: the notions ofdurability, acknowledgement of minority rights, and the imperative to become more participative. In Londonthis has led to the creation of the "opportunity areas" policy, which has attempted to propel the development of the inner city by the boom of the property markets on the edge of the city centre. In the absence of stronger coercing distributive mechanisms, we show that this policy has in fact led to the faster privatisation of public housing and extended the range of "new-built gentrification". The Conservative – Liberal Democrat Coalition have dismantled many of the regeneration participative regimes. In some cases, austerity policies have triggered the privatisation of core functions in local urban democracy. This model, with its shortcomings and injustice, is criticized in the public sphere but protests remain fragmented and are struggling to become established, because of the very geography of project-based regeneration
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Garrett, Amanda Lynne. "When Cities Fight Back: Minorities, Local Politics, and Conflict in Europe." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10821.
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What explains minority-state urban conflict across Europe? When, how and why do some localities seem more prone to turn the political expression of grievance into a blood sport, while others avoid this fate altogether, even when faced with similar internal and external conditions? To answer these questions, my argument challenges existing interpretations of minority-state relations based on "national models" of integration, cultural variables and minority inequality. Instead, I find that it is the entrenchment of local political elites and their strategic foundational social alliances with minority populations that ultimately condition the likelihood of violent confrontation and the ways in which it is managed at the local level.Government
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Petrie, Amanda Jane. "Home education and the Local Education Authority : from conflict to cooperation." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241005.
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Meracle, Quentin R. "Mark as the basis for conflict resolution in a local church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.
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Turner, Jack. "The great powers and local factors in internal conflict : the dynamics of conflict termination in Cambodia, 1979-1991." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410996.
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Reed, Erin Rachel. "Domestic Capacities for Building Post-Conflict Peace." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/22.
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The existing democratization and peacebuilding literature often neglects the important role the domestic realm plays in post-conflict peacebuilding. To explain why some post-conflict peacebuilding operations have a greater likelihood of success than others, some scholars have examined the impact of factors such as international coordination, external donor interest, democratic sequencing, and hostility levels. This analysis focuses on domestic capacities for building peace in the aftermath of civil conflict in order to systematically explore the relationship between the domestic sphere and peacebuilding success. Using Sambanis and Doyle’s (2006) peacebuilding triangle model, new local capacities indexes will be created and tested.
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Silva, ClÃdson dos Santos. "Do Lado de CÃ e do Lado de LÃ: Tempos e EspaÃos da PolÃtica em Santana do AcaraÃ-Ce." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5954.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgicoCoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
Em Santana do Acaraà - Cearà - BR, a disputa pelo poder local se acirra na Ãpoca das eleiÃÃes, principalmente nos pleitos municipais. Esse à o momento identificado pelos moradores como tempo da polÃtica, nele as facÃÃes polÃticas sÃo claramente identificadas em um tipo de conflito aberto/autorizado. à um perÃodo de festas, manifestado nos rituais de comensalidade, nas carreatas, nas passeatas e nos comÃcios e tambÃm à um perÃodo de conflitos expressos nos novos recortes sociais que dividem pessoas que, em outros momentos, estariam unidas por relaÃÃes de parentesco, amizade e/ou vizinhanÃa. Contudo, nem sempre os conflitos caracterÃsticos do tempo da polÃtica findam com a apuraÃÃo dos votos e a investidura do cargo. O modo como a campanha foi conduzida, as acusaÃÃes de fraude e a solicitaÃÃo de recontagem dos votos, podem colocar em risco o fecho do tempo da polÃtica, levando os conflitos caracterÃsticos de tal temporalidade para alÃm do perÃodo eleitoral. A partir dos significados nativos da polÃtica, examino de que forma os conflitos da polÃtica sÃo vivenciados pelos santanenses em trÃs temporalidades distintas: os conflitos em momentos eleitorais; os conflitos no cotidiano; os conflitos em dois momentos sui generis, em que a persistÃncia do conflito polÃtico adquiriu outras dimensÃes. Desta forma, procuro nesta tese compreender como à construÃdo socialmente o lugar da polÃtica, atribuindo a ela territorialidade, uma linguagem e temporalidade especÃficas, enfim, um perÃodo em que ela à permitida, o tempo da polÃtica, e como isso reforÃa e constrÃi a polÃtica como o lugar dos polÃticos profissionais.
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Sete, Lucas Rogerio. "RELAÇÕES ENTRE ESTAÇÃO ECOLÓGICA DO TAIM E COMUNIDADE LOCAL: CONFLITOS E COOPERAÇÃO." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2010. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/8853.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e TecnológicoThe creation of protected areas is one of the main historical claims of conservation of the nature movements and also one of the main strategies adopted by the governments and environmental entities for the conservation of the environment and of their natural resources. The responsible organs for the creation and administration of the units of conservation as the ecological stations, have employed authoritarian and technocratic political, that result in conflicts with the local communities, with prominence for the expropriation of the lands; dispute of waters; restrictions to the hunt and fishing; among other, with so much damage to the conservation ends as of development of the populations of the spill (especially traditional groups). Front to this scenery compatible forms have been looked between the conservation objectives and development by diverse strategies, with emphasis in the valorization of the vision and participation of the local populations in the actions and decisions of the administration. The researches about perception of local community offer instruments for the understanding of behaviors and they aid in the improvement of the process of environmental administration. This work approaches the problem of the harmonization between conservation objectives and development in the case of the Ecological Station of Taim that is constituted in an area of integral protection that, in his implantation, it implicated the removal of some families and introduction of new restrictive norms for the populations that live in yours spill. In that context intends to observe the conflicts that appeared with the new scenery, and the conciliation initiatives among the conservation purposes and development that it has been accomplished in the area. The data of this qualitative research were obtained in the period of January from 2009 to January of 2010, with the technique of the semistructured interview, combined with secondary data, bibliographical consultations and observations in the place. The lifted up data indicate that the population notices the existence of several embarrassments in the conservationist speech and divergences among the purposes of the unit of conservation and of the resident population in the spill. The initiatives of harmonization of the conservation purposes and development are several, but still incipient and dependent of external resources, what restricts their impacts.
A criação de áreas protegidas é uma das principais reivindicações históricas de movimentos preocupados com a conservação da natureza e também uma das principais estratégias adotadas pelos governos e entidades ambientais para a conservação do meio ambiente e de seus recursos naturais. Os órgãos responsáveis pela criação e gestão das unidades de conservação como as estações ecológicas, têm empregado políticas autoritárias e tecnocráticas que resultam em conflitos com as comunidades locais, com destaque para a desapropriação das terras; disputa pelas águas; restrições à caça e pesca; entre outras, com prejuízo tanto aos fins de conservação quanto de desenvolvimento das populações do entorno (especialmente grupos tradicionais). Frente a este quadro têm sido buscadas formas de compatibilização entre os objetivos de conservação e desenvolvimento mediante estratégias diversas, com ênfase na valorização da visão e participação das populações locais nas ações e decisões da gestão. As pesquisas sobre a percepção da comunidade local do entorno das unidades de conservação oferecem instrumentos para a compreensão de comportamentos e auxiliam na melhoria do processo de gestão ambiental. Este trabalho aborda a problemática da harmonização entre objetivos de conservação e desenvolvimento no caso da Estação Ecológica do Taim, RS, que se constitui em uma área de proteção integral que, na sua implantação, implicou a remoção de algumas famílias e introdução de normas restritivas para as populações que residem no seu entorno. Nesse contexto se pretendem identificar os conflitos existentes e as iniciativas de conciliação entre os propósitos de conservação e desenvolvimento que vem sendo realizadas na região. Os dados desta pesquisa qualitativa foram obtidos no período de janeiro de 2009 a janeiro de 2010, pela técnica da entrevista semi-estruturada, combinada com consulta a dados secundários, consultas bibliográficas e observações no local. Os dados levantados indicam que a população percebe a existência de diversas contradições no discurso conservacionista e divergências entre os propósitos da unidade de conservação e da população residente no entorno. As iniciativas de harmonização dos propósitos de conservação e desenvolvimento são diversas, mas ainda incipientes e dependentes de recursos externos, o que restringe seus impactos.
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Rivera, del Piélago Norma Cecilia. "Mining and Social Funds: Analysis of the model based in the case of the Social Fund Michiquillay." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/53702.
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Desde diciembre de 2008 el Estado peruano puso en operación el mecanismo de los fondos sociales, como medio para canalizar parte de los ingresos percibidos por el Estado a cuenta de las concesiones mineras, hacia inversiones y proyectos de orden social que beneficien a la población aledaña a dichas concesiones y contribuir a la legitimación de las empresas extractivas en dichas zonas. El modelo, basado en la gestión privada de los fondos y la participación directa de los actores locales, buscó agilizar la gestión y ejecución de los recursos, librándola de las demoras inherentes a la gestión pública.Existen seis casos en operación, con recursos que bordean los 340 millones de dólares, siendo el Fondo Social Michiquillay (FSM) uno de los más importantes, dado su volumen financiero. El presente análisis plantea los principales problemas de funcionamiento del FSM, que lo llevaron a alcanzar una ejecución de solo el 2% de sus recursos durante el periodo de estudio, yreflexiona sobre las relaciones establecidas entre esta entidad y las comunidades.
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Hultgren, Cal Anthony. "Principles of reconciliation for the local church the step beyond forgiveness /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
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Rivas, Belloso Jairo Anibal. "Competencia política y conflicto en espacios locales (Perú 2003-2006)." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/9302.
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Esta tesis analiza casos de conflictos que enfrentaron a poblaciones con sus respectivos alcaldes distritales en el período municipal 2003-2006. El marco teórico explica la ubicación de los conflictos como parte de la dinámica propia de los sistemas democráticos; adicionalmente, se muestra cómo distintas propuestas teóricas señalan que la conflictividad social es configurada por las características del régimen político. La investigación se basa en la desagregación de los 44 casos de conflictos con autoridades municipales incluidos en los reportes de la Defensoría del Pueblo, en 699 eventos, y su posterior organización en episodios, mecanismos y procesos, a través de los cuales se configura un esquema que permite una comprensión general de los mismos. En este camino se mostró la importancia que los actores otorgaron a mecanismos institucionalizados en distintas etapas de la confrontación, en una magnitud similar o superior a repertorios tradicionales de movilización y confrontación. Asimismo, se identificó la estructura de oportunidades políticas que hizo posible el surgimiento de acciones contenciosas contra autoridades municipales, compuesta por las condiciones socioeconómicas de los distritos donde ocurrieron los conflictos, el diseño institucional de las Municipalidades y las características de la competencia política en el nivel local. En las conclusiones, además de resumir los principales hallazgos se formulan algunos aportes para una política pública de prevención e intervención en este tipo de conflictos.Tesis
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McCoy, Grainne. "The role of local government in conflict management : Portadown the case study'." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429993.
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Taka, M. "Conflict coltan : local and international dynamics in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Thesis, Coventry University, 2011. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/8af75d34-cb5d-4253-8476-07419206e940/1.
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This research analyses the role of multi-stakeholder partnerships in enhancing governance to promote sustainable peace and security. It uses a case study of coltan exploitation and armed conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where the two wars between 1996 and 2003 and the ongoing conflict have led to the ‘world’s worst humanitarian crisis’. The current body of knowledge on conflict analyses, particularly ‘resource curse’ theory, emphasises the natural resource endowment and weak governance as the main factors contributing to the DRC conflict, and has been influential in policy formulation. The case study is supported by the collection and analysis of qualitative data from multiple sources using different methods including literature reviews, interviews and observations. In so doing, the research seeks to examine how multi-stakeholder partnerships can help to enhance governance and promote sustainable peace and security, with a focus on the role of the multi-stakeholder partnerships in curtailing revenues for the belligerents from coltan production and trade in the eastern DRC. The analysis of the conflicts and coltan exploitation revealed the intricate multi-layered nature of the conflicts in the DRC and their complex causalities. The examination of the multi-stakeholder partnerships relevant to coltan exploitation in the DRC identified a number of constraints for their implementation and concerns about adverse effects from the implementation, largely owing to the externally driven agenda of the partnerships, which neglects the local perspectives. Through the arguments presented in this thesis, the research contributes to knowledge in three broad areas: it contributes to ongoing academic discussions on conflict analyses, in particular the resource curse hypothesis and the economic agendas of civil war; it provides empirical analysis and data on the coltan industry and partnership initiatives in relation to armed conflicts in the eastern DRC; and it highlights the need to re-assess the concept of participatory governance as one of the key approaches to improving governance.
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Björkhagen, Martin. "The Conflict in the Moluccas: Local Youths' Perceptions Contrasted to Previous Research." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23784.
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Den våldsamma konflikten på Moluckerna (1999-2002) porträtteras ibland i termer av motsättningar mellan kristna och muslimer. Denna studie problematiserar den bilden genom att analysera flera konfliktfaktorer som belyses ur två perspektiv.Det första syftet med denna studie var att jämföra tidigare forskning gällande konfliktfaktorer i Moluckerna med lokala ungdomars perception. Det finns en forskningslucka rörande ungdomarnas upplevelser av konflikten, vilket denna studie syftar till att överbrygga. Ett andra syfte var att analysera diskrepansen mellan den akademiska litteraturen och ungdomarnas underifrånperspektiv.Det avslutande syftet var att applicera teorin om kollektiv skuldkänsla för att förklara och analysera ungdomarnas minnen och uppfattningar om konfliktfaktorerna i Moluckerna. En kvalitativ fallstudieansats har valts eftersom den kan inkludera både djupintervjuer och en litteraturgenomgång. Sex djupintervjuer genomfördes i Indonesien som utforskade ungdomarnas uppfattningar. Den källkritiskt granskade litteraturgenomgången användes för att erhålla data från sekundärkällor angående samma konfliktfaktorer, som undersöktes I samband med intervjuerna.Den första delen av analysen visade att det finns en diskrepans mellan de två perspektiven när det gäller några av konfliktfaktorerna. Analysen av kollektiv skuldkänsla visade att ungdomarna bara upplevde en begränsad känsla av kollektiv skuld. Detta berodde på att alla strategier som minskar den kollektiva skuldkänslan var representerade i ungdomarnas uppfattningar. Den mest använda strategin var att beskylla några "svarta får", eller i detta fall, några provokatörer för skadan den egna gruppen orsakat den motsatta gruppen.The violent conflict in the Moluccas (1999-2002) has occasionally been portrayed in terms of animosities between Christians and Muslims. This study problematizes that statement by analysing several conflict drivers seen through two perspectives.The first purpose of this study was to contrast previous research regarding conflict factors in the Moluccas to the perceptions of the local youths’. There is a research gap regarding the youths’ experiences of the conflict, which this study aims to bridge. A second purpose was to analyse discrepancy between the academic literature and the youths’ bottom-up perspective. The final purpose was to apply the theory of collective guilt to explain and analyse the youths’ memories and perceptions regarding the conflict factors in the Moluccas. A qualitative case study approach was adopted since it could include both in-depth interviews and an assessed literature review. Six in-depth interviews were conducted in Indonesia which explored the youth’s perceptions. The critically assessed literature review was used to obtain data from secondary sources regarding the same conflict factors, as was explored by the interviews.The first part of the analysis exposed a discrepancy between the two perspectives regarding some of the conflict factors. The collective guilt analysis found that the youths only seem to experience a rather limited feeling of collective guilt. This is because all strategies to reduce collective guilt were represented in the youths’ perceptions. The most used strategy was to blame a few ‘black sheep’, or in this context a few provocateurs for the harm inflicted by the in-group, towards the out-group.
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Ramutsindela, Maano Freddy. "Reconstructing the post-apartheid state : disputed spaces in Northern Province, South Africa." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313414.
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Grguric, Nicolas Grguric, and eqeta@yahoo com au. "Fortified Homesteads: The Architecture of Fear in Frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory, ca 1847-1885." Flinders University. Humanities, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080225.161715.
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This thesis is an investigation into the use of defensive architectural techniques by
civilian settlers in frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory between 1847 and
1885. By focussing specifically on the civilian use of defensive architecture, this study
opens a new approach to the archaeological investigation and interpretation of Australian
rural buildings, an approach that identifies defensive strategies as a feature of Australian
frontier architecture.
Four sites are analysed in this study area, three of which are located in South Australia
and one in the Northern Territory. When first built, the structures investigated were not
intended, or expected, to become what they did - their construction was simply the
physical expression of the fear felt by some of the colonial settlers of Australia. Over
time, however, the stories attached to these structures have come to play a significant part
in Australias frontier mythology.
These structures represent physical manifestations of settler fear and Aboriginal
resistance. Essentially fortified homesteads, they comprise a body of material evidence
previously overlooked and unacknowledged in Australian archaeology, yet they are
highly significant in terms of what they can tell us about frontier conflict, in relation to
the mindsets and experiences of the settlers who built them. This architecture also
constitutes material evidence of a vanguard of Australian colonisation (or invasion) being
carried out, not by the military or police, but by civilian settlers.
v
Apart from this, these structures play a part in the popular mythology of Australias
colonial past. All of these structures have a myth associated with them, describing them
as having been built for defence against Aboriginal attack. These myths are analysed in
terms of why they came into existence, why they have survived, and what role they play
in the construction of Australias national identity. Drawn from, and substantiated
through, the material evidence of the homesteads, these myths are one component of a
wider body of myths which serve the ideological needs of the settler society through
justifying its presence by portraying the settlers as victims of Aboriginal aggression.
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Butts, J. Wayman. "A model for the prevention, management, and healing of conflict in the local church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.
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Rösth, Johanna. "Conflicts and governance over local waters : A case-study in Kiru Valley, Tanzania." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-2674.
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Miranda, Cristian Barreto de. "Rebuliço no coreto: conflito entre padres e políticos em Conceição do Coité (1989-2000)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18774.
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Este trabalho tem como objeto de estudo o conflito ocorrido entre representantes da Igreja Católica e o poder público municipal de Conceição do Coité entre 1989 e 2000. Os religiosos que chegaram a partir de 1989 na instituição religiosa local, especialmente o Padre Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenciados por novas diretrizes de evangelização adotadas pela Igreja no Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II, contribuíram para a vivência de um catolicismo mais preocupado com dinâmica das relações sociopolíticas e na mobilização contra a política clientelista em Conceição do Coité. A Igreja local por não atender mais aos interesses exclusivos do poder público municipal e interferir no campo político coiteense enfrentou a reação do grupo político dominante, denominado de “Vermelhos”, que exerce há mais de 38 anos a hegemonia no poder local. A atuação política dos representantes católicos na sociedade coiteense é um significativo exemplo para compreender como alguns setores da Igreja Católica no semiárido baiano agiram diante das inovações do Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II e de como as ações da chamada Igreja Popular ainda persistem diante de contextos econômicos e políticos arcaicos. This work has as object of study the conflict occurred between representatives of Catholic Church and the municipal government of Conceição do Coité between 1989 and 2000. The religious people who arrived in the referred city from 1989 in the local religious institution, mainly Father Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenced by the new guidelines for the evangelization adopted by the Church in The Second Vatican Council, contributed to the experience a Catholicism more concerned with the dynamics of sociopolitical relations and mobilization against clientelist politics in Conceição do Coité. As the local Church no longer met the exclusive interests of the municipal government and also didn’t interfere in the political field of the people from Conceição do Coité, it faced the reaction of the ruling political party, called “Vermelhos”, that has been ruling the hegemony in the local government for 38 years. The political actions of the catholic representatives in the society of Conceição do Coité is a significant example to understand how some sectors of the Catholic Church in the semiarid of Bahia have acted on the innovations of The Second Vatican Council, and how the actions of the called Popular Church still persist facing the archaic economic and political contexts.
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Kayembe, Mayaya Nick. "Les opérations de maintien de la paix en Afrique et les organisations de la société civile : les cas de l’ONUMOZ (Mozambique) et de la MONUSCO (Congo)." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36722.
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Depuis sa toute première mission en 1956, les opérations de maintien de la paix de l’ONU ont été renforcées pour devenir « Robuste » (Diehl, 2008; Clark 2011), c’est-à-dire avoir recours aux moyens coercitifs, et être centrées vers l’individu. Toutefois, les missions présentement en cours montrent que l’organisation peine encore à trouver l’équilibre entre expertise internationale et le savoir faire local. Partant de ce constat, ce travail voulait savoir : De quelles manières les relations entre les opérations de maintien de la paix de l’ONU et les organisations locales de la société civile influencent-elles sur la production de la paix dans les pays en conflit? Le regard porté sur l’opération des Nations unies au Mozambique (ONUMOZ) et la Mission des Nations unies pour la stabilisations en République Démocratique du Congo (MONUSCO) a permis de soutenir que : les relations plus denses et intégrées entre l’ONUMOZ et les organisations locales de la société civile mozambicaine ont contribuées à l’instauration d’une paix durable au Mozambique, alors que les interactions limitées et faibles entre la MONUSCO et les organisation locales de la société civile congolaise expliquent, en partie, l’incapacité de la mission a atteindre pleinement son objectif de paix dans l’est du pays.
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Dietz, Robert D. "Spatial competition, conflict and cooperation." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1058471128.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 268 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Adviser: Donald Haurin, Dept. of Economics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-268).
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De, Villiers Pierre. "Konflik in 'n plaaslike owerheid binne die raamwerk van 'n geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsplan van arbeid / Pierré de Villiers." Thesis, North-West University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1126.
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Local government has to face new challenges and demands as they approach the 21st
century, especially in view of the fact that the South African system of local government has
been significantly altered since the first democratic local government elections which were
held in November 1995 and July 1996.
The integrated development plan (IDP) of a municipality reflects on the municipal council's
vision for the long-term development of the municipality with special emphasis on the
municipality's most critical development for service delivery purposes. The integrated
development plan consists of separate plans developed for new initiatives to fit into the
overall strategic planning framework as distinct from the normal operating and capital
business plans for each of a Council's existing functions. The plans do not necessarily relate
to completely new functions but may relate to changing the way a function operates,
enhancing service levels of existing functions or even cutting back services provided by an
existing function. Some IDP initiatives may stand apart as individual projects and some may
have wide-spread impact across existing functional areas. Emanating from the above is a
resultant conflict between administration management of a municipality and the rest of the
workforce of the municipality.
As a result of the lack of knowledge regarding conflict in a local authority within the
framework of an integrated development plan for labour and the need for it to be managed
correctly, it was decided to embark on this study and contribute to the existing knowledge on
this subject.Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Sociology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.
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Botha, Johannes Rudolf. "Xenophobia conflict in De Doorns; a development communication challenge for developmental local government." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20094.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.
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De, Ujfalussy Andrea Benedicta. "Conflict between local government and civil society pertaining to sanitation in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14939.
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This study seeks to determine whether the conflict between the City of Cape Town (CCT) and the Social Justice Coalition (SJC) is resulting in positive or negative outcomes from the perspective of the residents concerned. In principle, engagement, between civil society and local government should lead to an improvement in terms of the meeting of needs or wants for those communities whose interests are being contested, or at the very least an improved understanding of the plans and challenges faced by both. Further, the engagement and/or conflict between local government and civil society, if positive, should ideally lead to greater understanding between all stakeholders and the strengthening of relations between them government, civil society and the relevant community interests. The motivation of this study is to explore the unanswered issues such as, whether the SJC has gone beyond the use of acceptable tactics associated with responsible and effective civil society actors and whether it would be justified if they have; if the SJC’s actions have resulted in an actual improvement in the accelerated realization of the socio-economic rights of the communities whose interests they purport to represent; whether the communities ‘represented’ by the SJC see them as their effective advocate for the interests and concerns ; if the issue of sanitation is the primary issue for the residents concerned as claimed by the SJC; if the residents of the communities concerned feel the same animosity to the CCT that the SJC does.
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Frisbie, David L. "Cogent issues in clergy attrition subsequent to experiences of conflict in local congregations." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2001. http://www.tren.com.
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Wateau, Fabienne. "Partager l'eau : irrigation et conflits au Nord-Ouest du Portugal /." Paris : CNRS éd. : Éd. de la Maison des sciences de l'homme, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38995949x.
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Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Ethnol.--Paris 10, 1996. Titre de soutenance : Antagonismes et irrigation, organisation sociale d'une communauté paysanne du Nord-Ouest du Portugal.Bibliogr. p. 245-263. Index.
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Silva, Andréa Lima da. "A morada do (a) Teimoso (a)": As práticas Socioambientais de Resistência em Mãe Luiza/Natal - Um Território (in) Sustentável." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2003. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/10006.
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Previous issue date: 2003Este é um estudo sobre as práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos(as) moradores(as) do bairro de Mãe Luiza Natal/RN frente as diversas formas de degradação sócio-ambiental impostas ao seu território. O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em apreender e analisar as possibilidades, os limites e desafios da efetivação do Desenvolvimento Sustentável Local através das práticas sócioambientais dos sujeitos em Mãe Luiza. Trata-se de identificar a direção que assume essas práticas de resistência, suas ambigüidades e perspectivas. A pesquisa foi realizada com dirigentes de sete grupos associativos localizadas no bairro. O trabalho leva à reflexão sobre a construção das práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos sujeitos e os seus resultados permitem considerar que: 1°) a população se preocupa com a preservação do meio ambiente como estratégia para permanecer e lutar pelo direito ao território; 2°) a ação dos promotores imobiliários conta, na maioria das vezes, com o apoio do poder público; 3°) o poder público dissemina ideologicamente o discurso da sustentabilidade local em detrimento de ações concretas de fiscalização e controle da ação dos promotores imobiliários; 4º) as práticas sócio-ambientais de resistência dos(as) moradores(as) constituem-se em práticas imediatistas voltadas para responder questões sócioambientais relacionadas à sobrevivência, apesar de terem importância na formação da identidade política dos indivíduos, e 5°) apesar da resistência dos(as) moradores(as) às inúmeras formas de degradação sócio-ambiental, o meio ambiente natural e construído de Mãe Luiza, continua a sofrer, de forma, cada vez mais acentuada, ações entrópicas, inferidas, na maioria das vezes, pelos mecanismos de mercado que especulam sobre o valor do uso e ocupação do solo. Desse modo, o que se pode concluir, nessa pesquisa, é que as práticas sócioambientais dos(as) moradores(as) traduzem o signo da resistência, da luta pelo direito à cidade e da possibilidade da formação de uma consciência cotidiana crítica e, neste complexo processo de guerra entre territórios e territorialidades se revelam insuficientes para enfrentar o poder do mercado imobiliário. O território de Mãe Luiza, como outros espaços urbanos, permanece insustentável do ponto de vista social, ecológico e humano