Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Conflect'

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Peter Gustaitis. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83). Also available in print.

This dissertation examines, both theoretically and empirically, the effects of international policies, especially of sanctions, on conflicts. In theoretical analysis, we consider conflicts (both civil and inter-state) related to natural resources and examine how sanctions on natural resource exports affect the intensity of conflicts. However, for the empirical analysis, we consider only the civil conflicts and examine how international sanctions affect the duration of civil conflicts. In chapter 1, we develop a two-period general equilibrium model on the relationship between natural resources and civil conflicts. Contrary to the most of the existing literature, we assume that resource extraction and wage rate are endogenous during the conflict. We find that the effects of current international sanctions on civil conflict depend critically on whether the budget constraints of the warring groups are binding or non-binding, and whether wage rate is exogenous or endogenous. Under both binding and non-binding budgets, the current sanction can be counter-productive. However, a threat of future sanction reduces conflict intensity, when the budget constraint is non-binding. An improvement in agricultural productivity may also limit the conflict. Our results also suggest that the most effective policy for conflict resolution would be bilateral piece-meal reduction in war efforts. Chapter 2 develops a two-period general equilibrium model linking natural resources to inter-state conflict, treating resource extraction and wage rate are endogenous. First, we characterize the war equilibrium and derive a number of properties of it. Second, we examine the effects of different types of trade sanctions imposed by the international community on war efforts of the two countries. We find that a temporary current sanction on both countries, or even on one of the countries, will be counter-productive, and an anticipated future sanction on both countries will unambiguously reduce war intensity. Whether an anticipated future sanction on one of countries will reduce war intensity will depend on the level of resource stock; the effect of a permanent sanction on both countries is ambiguous: war intensities will fall only if the resource stocks of the countries are sufficiently high. Finally, in chapter 3, we examine empirically the effects of international sanctions on the expected duration of civil conflicts. Contrary to the most of the previous findings, we find that sanctions reduce the expected duration of civil conflicts. Our finding is robust for different controls, different parametric models, and with consideration of endogeneity of sanctions. However, not all types of sanction are equally successful in shortening conflicts. Total economic embargoes and arms sanctions are effective, but trade sanctions, aid suspension, and other sanctions do not work. We also find that both multi-lateral and unilateral sanctions (mainly US sanctions) can reduce duration of civil wars.

En esta tesis doctoral, utilizo estrategias empíricas en economía aplicada para proporcionar evidencias cuantitativas que pueden ayudar a mejorar las políticas de bienestar en los países en desarrollo. Mi principal objetivo es comprender la efectividad de las políticas y cómo los factores económicos pueden alterar las decisiones de las personas. En el capítulo 1, Evaluación de las políticas educativas sobre las tasas de matriculación en Ghana, analizo el impacto de las políticas educativas implementadas en Ghana en 2004 y 2005 sobre las tasas de matriculación en el nivel escolar básico. Estas políticas; La Subvención de Capitación, el Programa de Alimentación Escolar y el Kindergarten Obligatorio se implementaron con el objetivo principal de aumentar el acceso a la educación en el nivel básico. Usando el nivel del distrito datos del Ministerio de Educación, Ghana, y datos de encuestas de las Encuestas demográficas y de salud de Ghana, utilizo una estimación de diferencia en diferencias para estudiar cómo estas políticas han aumentado las tasas de matriculación a lo largo del tiempo. Los datos del nivel del distrito muestran que, en comparación con 2004, el NER aumentó en un 25% en 2006 y desde entonces ha fluctuado alrededor de este número, mientras que el GER aumentó en un 10% en 2006 y aumentó en un 20% en 2014. El nivel individual los datos también muestran un incremento en NER en un 10% en 2008 y un 8% en 2014, en comparación con 2003. Al examinar cómo las políticas afectaron a diferentes distritos y personas, ambos conjuntos de datos muestran disparidades en las tasas de matrícula por riqueza y lugar de residencia, pero no hay evidencia de disparidad de género. Además, la brecha que existe entre las regiones del norte y del sur se ha reducido. Desde la perspectiva de las políticas, estos hallazgos requieren atención sobre la equidad y los efectos sostenidos de estas políticas. En el capítulo 2, “Matrimonio precoz y conflicto, Evidence of Biafran War en Nigeria”, exploro las variaciones proporcionadas por la guerra civil nigeriana, conocida como la Guerra de Biafra, para estudiar el efecto del conflicto en el matrimonio precoz de las mujeres expuestas. Específicamente, realizo un análisis de diferencia en la diferencia mediante la explotación de la variación entre etnias y cohortes, que determinan si una mujer estuvo expuesta a la guerra o no. Encuentro que las mujeres expuestas a edades de 10 a 15 años tenían, en promedio, 6% más de probabilidades de casarse antes de cumplir 16 años que aquellas que no estuvieron expuestas. Este hallazgo llama la atención sobre el hecho de que el conflicto podría exacerbar el matrimonio precoz ya que los individuos pueden recurrir a esta dañina tradición solo para hacer frente a las crisis económicas que enfrentan. En el capítulo 3, “El impacto del conflicto sobre la edad al contraer matrimonio en el África subsahariana”, analizo el impacto de la variación en la intensidad del conflicto experimentado durante los años de matrimonio de las mujeres en el África subsahariana con respecto a su edad en el primer matrimonio. Usando datos de la Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud y estimando un modelo de riesgo discreto, encuentro que la exposición al conflicto tiene un impacto diferencial en el espectro de edad: el conflicto aumenta el riesgo de contraer matrimonio entre los 18 y los 21 años, sin efectos en el otra subpoblación de edad.
In this doctoral thesis, I use empirical strategies in Applied economics to provide quantitative evidences that can help improve welfare policies in developing countries. My main aim is to understand the effectiveness of policies, and how economic factors can alter the decisions of individuals. Specifically, I concentrate on the domain of gender and education. In the domain of gender, I study how the marital decisions of women can be altered when they are exposed to economic shocks such as conflict. And in the domain of education, I look at impact evaluations of educational programs aimed at improving access to education. In chapter 1, Evaluation of Educational Policies on Enrollment Rates in Ghana, I analyze the impact of educational policies implemented in Ghana in 2004 and 2005 on enrollment rates at the basic school level. These policies; the Capitation Grant, School Feeding Program, and Compulsory Kindergarten, were implemented with the main aim of increasing access to education at the basic level. Using district level data from the Ministry of Education, Ghana, and survey data from Ghana Demographic and Health Surveys, I employ a difference-in-difference estimation to study how these policies have increased enrollment rates over time. I measure enrollment rates as Net Enrollment Rate (NER) and Gross Enrollment Rates (GER): the NER measures the percentage of the official age population of a particular grade that are enrolled in that grade while the GER measures the total enrollment irrespective of age, expressed as a percentage of the official age population. The district level data shows that, compared to 2004, NER increased by 25% in 2006 and has since fluctuated around this number, while GER increased by 10% in 2006 and has increased over time, to about 20% in 2014. The individual level data also shows an increment in NER by 10% in 2008 and 8% in 2014, as compared to 2003. Examining how the policies affected different districts and individuals, both data sets show disparities in enrollment rates by wealth and place of residence, but no evidence of gender disparity. In addition, the gap that exists between the northern and the southern regions has reduced. From policy perspective, these findings call for attention on the equity and sustained effects of these policies. In chapter 2, Early Marriage and Conflict, Evidence from Biafran War in Nigeria, I explore variation provided by the Nigerian civil war, known as the Biafran War, to study the effect of conflict on early marriage of exposed women. Specifically, I perform a difference-in-difference analysis by exploiting variation across ethnicities and cohorts, which determine whether a woman was exposed to the war or not. I find that women exposed at ages of 10 to 15 years were, on average, 6% more likely to get married before they turn 16 than those who were not exposed. This finding draws attention to the fact that conflict could exacerbate early marriage as individuals may turn to this harmful tradition just to cope with the economic crises they face. In chapter 3, The impact of Conflict on the age at marriage in Sub-Saharan Africa, I analyze the impact of the variation in the intensity of conflict experienced during the marriageable years of women in Sub-Saharan Africa on their age at first marriage. Using data from Demographic and Health Survey and estimating a discrete-time hazard model, I find that exposure to conflict has differential impact across the age spectrum: conflict increases the hazard into marriage at the ages of 18 to 21 years, with no effect on the other age sub-population.

La influència de la família propietària en la gestió i en el govern de les empreses familiars imprimeix un caràcter únic per a l'emergència de la gestió constructiva del conflicte, sent precisament aquest l'objecte d'aquesta tesi: comprendre la gestió constructiva del conflicte en les empreses familiars. Per a això es van plantejar dos objectius: 1) Desenvolupar un model conceptual que explica com les relacions de mutu benefici es creen en aquest context específic, generant open-*mindedness i una gestió constructiva del conflicte. 2) Aportar evidència empírica del model per a poder refinar la teorització plantejada. El primer objectiu, es va dur a terme a través de la revisió conceptual del model de Tjosvold (et al., 2014) derivant en la proposta d'un model que estén la teoria de familiness (Habbershon i & Williams, 1999; Pearson et al., 2008) plantejant que existeix una configuració especial de recursos (estructurals, cognitius i relacionals) definida com familiness col·laboratiu que fonamenta les relacions de mutu benefici i l'adopció de debats oberts, elements implicats en la gestió constructiva dels conflictes en l'empresa familiar (Alvarado-Álvarez et al., 2020). Aquesta revisió conceptual ha estat publicada en la revista acadèmica Negotiation and Conflict Management Research (Volum 3, Número 2, Maig 2020) durant el procés doctoral. El segon objectiu, es va dur a terme a través d'un estudi de cas múltiple sota l'enfocament de mixed methods. Es van estudiar cinc empreses espanyoles en l'etapa de societat de germans amb un destacat acompliment innovador. L'estudi va utilitzar l'observació indirecta (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018) de narratives de 17 entrevistes semiestructuradas (gravades en àudio i transcrites) aportades per persones que ocupaven càrrecs de direcció o en el govern de l'empresa familiar. Addicionalment, es van revisar fonts documentals de diferent procedència (internet, documents de l'empresa, entre altres). Seguint els passos per a dur a terme una observació indirecta (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018), aquestes narratives van ser segmentades en unitats de significat i codificades (obtenint-se una matriu de codis per a cada cas) a través de l'ús d'un sistema d'observació indirecta ad hoc. El control de la qualitat de la dada va ser dut a terme amb el 10% de les unitats textuals permetent confirmar la concordança intra i inter-observador. Les matrius de codis obtingudes es van analitzar amb la tècnica de coordenades polars. Una vegada obtingudes les estructures de relacions associatives significatives de cada cas, es va fer una comparació entre elles que va permetre identificar aquelles estructures de relacions associatives significatives que coincidien en almenys tres dels casos i servien com a evidència empírica del model conceptual. Els resultats obtinguts van mostrar una nodrida estructura de relacions associatives significatives (d'activació i inhibició) entre la visió compartida i la confiança i a diferents nivells del sistema de gestió constructiva del conflicte. Els rols exercits en l'empresa també guardaven relació amb aquests components. Es va obtenir evidència dels processos cerca de concurrència i open-*mindedness en fòrums familiars i de propietat indicatius de la rellevància de la governança familiar. Addicionalment, es va evidenciar que les empreses familiars són la suma de diversos subsistemes amb les seves respectives configuracions de recursos relacionals i cognitius. Els resultats també apunten que la confiança, la visió compartida i el conflicte participen en la innovació de les empreses. Aquest estudi ajuda a la comprensió de la gestió constructiva de conflictes en les empreses familiars en etapa de societat de germans i ofereix vies per a futures recerques i implicacions pràctiques per a gerents, accionistes i assessors.
La influencia de la familia propietaria en la gestión y en el gobierno de las empresas familiares imprime un carácter único para la emergencia de la gestión constructiva del conflicto, siendo precisamente éste el objeto de esta tesis: comprender la gestión constructiva del conflicto en las empresas familiares. Para ello se plantearon dos objetivos: 1) Desarrollar un modelo conceptual que explica cómo las relaciones de mutuo beneficio se crean en este contexto específico, generando open-mindedness y una gestión constructiva del conflicto. 2) Aportar evidencia empírica del modelo para poder refinar la teorización planteada. El primer objetivo, se llevó a cabo a través de la revisión conceptual del modelo de Tjosvold (et al., 2014) derivando en la propuesta de un modelo que extiende la teoría de familiness (Habbershon y & Williams, 1999; Pearson et al., 2008) planteando que existe una configuración especial de recursos (estructurales, cognitivos y relacionales) definida como familiness colaborativo que fundamenta las relaciones de mutuo beneficio y la adopción de debates abiertos, elementos implicados en la gestión constructiva de los conflictos en la empresa familiar (Alvarado-Álvarez et al., 2020). Dicha revisión conceptual ha sido publicada en la revista académica Negotiation and Conflict Management Research (Volumen 3, Número 2, Mayo 2020) durante el proceso doctoral. El segundo objetivo, se llevó a cabo a través de un estudio de caso múltiple bajo el enfoque de mixed methods. Se estudiaron cinco empresas españolas en la etapa de sociedad de hermanos con un destacado desempeño innovador. El estudio utilizó la observación indirecta (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018) de narrativas de 17 entrevistas semiestructuradas (grabadas en audio y transcritas) aportadas por personas que ocupaban cargos de dirección o en el gobierno de la empresa familiar. Adicionalmente, se revisaron fuentes documentales de distinta procedencia (internet, documentos de la empresa, entre otras). Siguiendo los pasos para llevar a cabo una observación indirecta (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018), dichas narrativas fueron segmentadas en unidades de significado y codificadas (obteniéndose una matriz de códigos para cada caso) a través del uso de un sistema de observación indirecta ad hoc. El control de la calidad del dato fue llevado a cabo con el 10% de las unidades textuales permitiendo confirmar la concordancia intra e inter-observador. Las matrices de códigos obtenidas se analizaron con la técnica de coordenadas polares. Una vez obtenidas las estructuras de relaciones asociativas significativas de cada caso, se hizo una comparación entre ellas que permitió identificar aquellas estructuras de relaciones asociativas significativas que coincidían en al menos tres de los casos y servían como evidencia empírica del modelo conceptual. Los resultados obtenidos mostraron una nutrida estructura de relaciones asociativas significativas (de activación e inhibición) entre la visión compartida y la confianza y a diferentes niveles del sistema de gestión constructiva del conflicto. Los roles desempeñados en la empresa también guardaban relación con dichos componentes. Se obtuvo evidencia de los procesos búsqueda de concurrencia y open-mindedness en foros familiares y de propiedad indicativos de la relevancia de la gobernanza familiar. Adicionalmente, se evidenció que las empresas familiares son la suma de varios subsistemas con sus respectivas configuraciones de recursos relacionales y cognitivos. Los resultados también apuntan que la confianza, la visión compartida y el conflicto participan en la innovación de las empresas. Este estudio ayuda a la comprensión de la gestión constructiva de conflictos en las empresas familiares en etapa de sociedad de hermanos y ofrece vías para futuras investigaciones e implicaciones prácticas para gerentes, accionistas y asesores.
The influence of the owning family in the management and governance of family businesses provides a unique character for the emergence of constructive conflict management. This phenomenon is precisely the object of this thesis: to understand how constructive conflict management is carried out in family businesses. To achieve this aim, two objectives were proposed: 1) Developing a conceptual model that explains how mutually beneficial relationships and open debates exercise as roots for the emergence of constructive conflict management in family businesses. 2) Providing empirical evidence of this conceptual model to refine the proposed theorization. The first objective was carried out through the conceptual revision of Tjosvold’s model (et al., 2014) and its concurrent adaptation to the family business setting including the antecedents based on familiness concepts (Habbershon & Williams, 1999; Pearson et al., 2008). The conceptual model developed, states that there is a special configuration of resources (structural, cognitive, and relational) defined as collaborative familiness that roots mutually beneficial relationships and the adoption of open debates, two main elements involved in the constructive conflict management in the family business (Alvarado-Álvarez et al., 2020). This conceptual review has been published in an academic journal -Negotiation and Conflict Management Research (Volume 3, Number 2, May 2020)- as part of the doctoral process. The second objective was carried out through a multiple case study using a mixed methods approach. Five Spanish family businesses, in the sibling partnership stage, were studied, interviewing individuals who held management or governance positions in the family business (family and non-family). These businesses also demonstrated outstanding innovative performance. It involved indirect observation (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018) of narratives of 17 semi-structured interviews, recorded on audio and transcribed. In a complementary way, documentary sources of different origins were reviewed (internet, company documents, among others). Following the steps to carry out an indirect observation (Anguera, Portell et al., 2018), these narratives were segmented into units of meaning and coded through the use of an ad hoc indirect observation system. Data quality control was carried out with 10% of the textual units, allowing to confirm intra- and inter-observer concordance. The analysis of codes obtained from the coding process, was carried out through polar coordinates analysis individually for each case and according to a previous selection of focal behaviors and conditioned behaviors in coherence with the conceptual model. After obtaining the structures of significant associative relationships, a comparison of the five cases was made that allowed identifying those structures of significant associative relationships that coincided in at least three of the studied cases to identify those structures shared by the cases that could serve as empirical evidence of the conceptual model. The results obtained from the indirect observation of the narratives show a rich structure of significant associative relationships (activation and inhibition) between shared vision and trust at different levels of the constructive conflict management system and according to the different roles played by the family members within the company. Evidence on the specific processes of search for concurrence and open-mindedness in family and ownership forums that account for the relevance of family governance in this type of organization is also provided. Additionally, it can be observed that family businesses are the sum of several subsystems that present a particular resource configuration, highlighting relational and cognitive resources. Results also suggest the potential influence that shared vision, trust, and conflict have on innovation. This study sheds light on constructive conflict management in family businesses that are going through the sibling partnership stage, offering interesting avenues for future research and suggesting a series of practical implications for managers, shareholders, and advisers.
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Psicologia de la Comunicació i Canvi

La tesi estudia els conflictes entre Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya i Unió Democràtica de Catalunya. Des de la teoria del conflicte i utilitzant la metodologia de l'anàlisi de contingut, s'hi analitzen els articles de quatre diaris publicats a Barcelona (La Vanguardia, El Periódico, El País i Avui) durant tres moments d'especial confrontació entre CDC i UDC (1996-97, 2001 i 2006). La investigació se centra sobre les característiques del conflicte publicat i el paper dels diaris en relació amb el conflicte mateix i els seus dos actors principals. Les conclusions indiquen que es tracta d'un conflicte estructural, per quotes de poder a CiU, la tensió del qual és proporcional a la progressió en la preparació i execució de la successió de Jordi Pujol. La premsa hi intervé decisivament en el seu desenvolupament, com a tercer involucrat, però no com a part principal. La Vanguardia segueix l'interès d'UDC, enfoca el conflicte des d'UDC i és pro UDC. El Periódico se situa a l'oposició política, enfoca el conflicte des de CDC i s'hi posiciona contra UDC. El País adopta una oposició ideològica, des de fora i contra CDC. L'Avui hi interpreta l'interès de CiU, des de dins i a favor de CDC.
La tesis estudia los conflictos entre Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya y Unió Democràtica de Catalunya. Desde la teoría del conflicto y utilizando la metología del análisis de contenido, se analizan los artículos de cuatro diarios publicados en Barcelona (La Vanguardia, El Periódico, El País i Avui) durante tres momentos de especial confrontación entre CDC y UDC (1996-97, 2001 i 2006). La investigación se centra en las características del conflicto publicado y el papel de los diarios en relación con el conflicto mismo y sus dos actores principales. Las conclusiones indican que se trata de un conflicto estructural, por cuotas de poder en CiU, cuya tensión es proporcional a la progresión en la preparación y ejecución de la sucesión de Jordi Pujol. La prensa interviene decisivamente en su desarrollo, como tercero involucrado, pero no parte principal. La Vanguardia sigue el interés de UDC, enfoca el conflicte desde UDC y es pro UDC. El Periódico se sitúa en la oposición política, enfoca el conflicto desde CDC y se posiciona contra UDC. El País adopta una oposición ideológica, desde fuera y contra CDC. L'Avui interpreta el interés de CiU, desde dentro y a favor de CDC.
The thesis studies the conflicts between CDC and UDC as portrayed by some Barcelona newspapers. From the startpoint of the conflict theory and using the methodology of content analysis, articles published by four dailies (La Vanguardia, El Periódico, El País i Avui) during three moments of particular tension between CDC and UDC (1996-97, 2001 i 2006) are analysed. The research is focused on the characteristics of the conflict, as it was published, and on the role that the newspapers had relating to the development of the conflict itself and to its two protagonists. The conclusions from the study indicate that it is a structural conflict, motivated by a power struggle within CiU. The tension increases as the succession to Jordi Pujol's leadership approaches and it is implemented. The press, as a third party, albeit with a secundary role, has a decisive intervention in the conflict development. La Vanguardia follows the interests of UDC, looks at the conflict from UDC's viewpoint and it is pro-UDC. El Periódico adopts a political opposition, viewing the conflict from the stadtpoint of CDC and against UDC. El País adopts an ideological opposition looking at the conflict from the outside and against CDC. Avui follows the interests of CiU, acting from within and favouring CDC.

El gran objectiu d'aquesta tesi és reconstruir i analitzar la relació entre els arxius i el conflicte polític en el segle XX, tot presentant l'exemple dels arxius catalans durant el període comprès entre els anys 1931 i 1939. En primer lloc, cal destacar que els arxius entesos com els documents generats per un govern, una administració o un particular en base a la seva activitat, prenen uns valors complementaris en situacions de conflicte polític. Els arxius i els documents són com l'ADN que caracteritza i individualitza al seu productor i es converteixen en un element estratègic en un conflicte bèl•lic. La recerca s'inicia en el desenvolupament de la política cultural de la Generalitat de Catalunya, en matèria d'arxius, en el període entre 1931 i 1936. L'any 1931 la Generalitat de Catalunya crea el Consell de Cultura que alhora encarrega una ponència d'Arxius, Biblioteques i Belles Arts. A proposta d'aquesta ponència es publica un projecte d'organització dels arxius documentals de Catalunya que posa les bases d'un sistema d'arxius català. Com a precedents s'analitzen les pioneres actuacions en arxius de l'Institut d'Estudis Catalans creat per la Diputació Provincial de Barcelona l'any 1907. A continuació, el salvament dels arxius catalans durant la Guerra Civil espanyola (1936-1939) és el tema principal de l'estudi. La Secció d'Arxius del Servei de Patrimoni Històric, Artístic i Científic de la Generalitat de Catalunya, dirigida per Agustí Duran i Sanpere, du a terme la gestió del salvament. Els objectius de la Secció d'Arxius, la seva organització, els seus recursos humans, els dipòsits documentals en l'evolució del conflicte, ens permeten comprendre la dimensió del salvament del patrimoni documental català. S'acaba la guerra, els arxius retornen a Barcelona. Quins foren els arxius protegits ? Quines varen ser les actuacions de la Secció d'Arxius arreu del país ? I la seva gestió econòmica ? La conferència de Duran en el VIII Congrés de Ciències Històriques a Zuric, l'agost de 1938, presenta pràcticament el balanç de l'obra realitzada. L'altra cara de la moneda és l'acció de les tropes franquistes en l'ocupació de Catalunya, consistent en l'espoli i la confiscació de documents de l'administració, d'entitats i de particulars catalans, que tenia com a objectius la depuració i repressió del bàndol republicà, una vegada finalitzat el conflicte. Els processos judicials a Duran posen de manifest la imparable maquinària depuradora del règim franquista imposat. La depuració com a funcionari de l'Ajuntament de Barcelona i el consell de guerra pel càrrec que desenvolupà com a Cap de de la Secció d'Arxius a la Generalitat de Catalunya foren els esculls que va haver de superar finalitzada la guerra. És també aclaridor comprovar quins són els diversos usos dels documents i dels arxius a través de la premsa durant la guerra. Control de l'Estat i l'administració de la població a través dels documents, la seva manipulació i utilització, la propaganda, la memòria històrica, la confiscació, l'espoli, etc. són accions i conceptes que protagonitzen els documents i que destaquen més que mai en una situació de conflicte bèl•lic. Finalment, s'analitzen les vicissituds dels arxius dels presidents de la Generalitat de la Catalunya de la Segona República Espanyola i a l'exili, així com el seu estat, contingut, accessibilitat i ubicació actuals. Les conclusions que es deriven de la tesi són: - La pionera obra de l'Institut d'Estudis Catalans i la política activa de la Generalitat republicana sobre patrimoni documental. - Els arxius identificats amb el poder: la seva destrucció i el seu salvament. - Els arxius com a eina identitària. - Els arxius com a eina de repressió. - Els arxius com a memòria històrica. - Els arxius com a portadors i reveladors de la veritat, la justícia i els drets humans. Les fonts emprades han estat les documentals, orals, hemerogràfiques, bibliogràfiques i legislatives.
The main objective of this doctoral thesis is to reconstruct and analyze the connection between archives and political conflict in the XX century, taking as an example the Catalonian archives between the years 1931 and 1939. First of all, it is noteworthy that archives, in the sense of documents generated by a government, an admininistration or a citizen, take on additional value in political conflict situations. Archives and documents are like the DNA that characterize and individualize their producer and become a key strategic element in an armed conflict. The present investigation starts from the development of the cultural policy with regard to files of the Government of Catalonia between the years 1931 and 1936. The pioneering archive work of the Catalonian Studies Institute, created by the Provincial Council of Barcelona in 1907, will serve as the background to our research. After that, the main subject of the research is the salvaging of the Catalonian archives during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The archives section of the Service of Artistic, Scientific and Historical Heritage of the Government of Catalonia, that was managed by Agustí Duran Sanpere, was in charge of the management of the rescue. The objectives of the archives section, its organization, its human resources, the documentary deposit in the development of the conflict, allow us to understand the scale of the rescue of Catalonian heritage. Duran’s conference at the VII Congress of the Historical Science in Zurich, in August of 1938, showed the results. On the other side of the coin are the actions of Francois troops during their occupation of Catalonia, consisting in the confiscation of documents from the Catalonian administration, Catalonian organizations and citizens with the objective being the purging and repression of the Republican side. A. Duran’s judgement showed the unstoppable repression of the Franco regime. Finally, the analysis focuses on the ups and downs of the files of the presidents of the Catalonian Government in the Spanish Second Republic and in the exile, as well as their condition, content, accesibility and current location. The conclusions derived from the research are: - The pioneering work of the Catalonian Studies Institute and the active policy of the Government of Catalonia about its heritage. - The archives identify with the power, their destruction and rescue. - The archives as identity tool. - The archives as repression tool - The archives as historical memory - The archives proved very revealing of the truth, justice and human rights It has been used documentary, oral, hemerographic, bibliographic and legal sources.

This research explores dance as method to elicit conflict transformation and unfold peaces at the intrapersonal level. Peace is understood as presence, as a way of being in the world, and conflict as a natural feature of human relationships. This thesis investigates how to provide a frame which renders the embodied here and now moving experience meaningful, creating auspicious conditions for eliciting conflict transformation and unfolding peaces. Exploring elements that contribute to this process, it analyses interpretations of peaces and dance expressions. Furthermore, this thesis discusses the transrational peace philosophy and an approach to dance that acknowledges its potential for peace, and suggests twisting harmful tendencies with balance and awareness. It then explores elicitive conflict transformation and methods to facilitate it. Finally, this text presents a theoretical and practical approach to those elements through embodied movement, which informs the potentials and limitations of dance as method to elicit conflict transformation
La presente tesis explora la danza como método para elicitar la transformación de conflictos y desdoblar paces en nivel intrapersonal. Se investiga cómo propiciar un contexto en el cual se haga significativa la experiencia del movimiento corporal consciente en el momento presente, creando condiciones auspiciosas para elicitar conflictos y desdoblar paces. En busca de elementos que concierten tal método, esta pesquisa pone en diálogo interpretaciones de paces con expresiones de danza. Asimismo, se elabora sobre la filosofía de las paces transracionales y sobre el potencial de la danza para la paz, y se sugiere distorsionar tendencias nocivas con equilibrio y consciencia. Se explora también la perspectiva elicitiva de transformación de conflictos y los métodos para facilitarla. Finalmente, se presenta un abordaje teórico y práctico de estos elementos por medio del movimiento corporal consciente, que informa el potencial y las limitaciones de la danza como método elicitivo de transformación de conflictos.

The purpose of the thesis is to see how operational prevention has been carried out in cases of internal conflicts in the last five to six years in order to see whether it has been ineffective just due to lack of political will or if there could be other explanations to it. To fulfil the purpose, two main questions are answered in two steps. The first question is:

What other factors than political will are necessary for operational prevention to be more effective? These other factors then form a model for more effective operational prevention together with political will. The second question is based on this model and is as follows:

Is the model that these factors form followed when operational prevention is applied in practise?

Three cases of conflict are looked at in order to answer the second question, Darfur, Nepal and Haiti. Both steps of the analysis are conducted by means of qualitative text analysis. The results support the common notion that effective conflict prevention is due to political will to act within the international community, but the results also indicate that political will is not all it takes for operational prevention to be effective.

The thesis is an attempt to fill the theoretical and empirical gap in current conflict management research, which has failed to examine methods of conflict management comparatively. Two dominant paradigms exist, neither of which is adequate to the task of comparing negotiation and mediation in the real world of international politics: the Psychology paradigm and the Third Party Intervention paradigm. An alternative theoretical framework, the Contingency framework of negotiation and mediation was therefore, constructed. This model suggests that negotiation and mediation are conceptually and empirically different, and specifies a series of contextual and process variables which are vital to any examination of conflict management. Utilising a unique data set of thousands of cases of negotiation and mediation coded according to the variables specified in the Contingency model, a general bivariate analysis, followed by a more in-depth multivariate analysis, revealed a number of important differences and similarities between the two methods. The results suggest that negotiation and mediation are different forms of conflict management, which are most likely to be successful under contrasting conditions in international politics. Negotiation is the most successful method overall, but tends to be limited to low intensity, interstate conflicts. Mediation tends to occur in the most intense, intractable, and primarily civil conflicts, and is useful under a number of onerous circumstances.

Inter-state conflicts are a key area of study in international relations, and have been approached with a variety of techniques, from case studies of individual conflicts, to formal analysis of abstract models and statistical investigations of all such conflicts. In particular, there are a variety of theories as to how states make decisions in the face of conflicts – such as when to threaten force, when to follow through, and when to capitulate to an opponent’s demand. Some scholars have argued that states may be viewed as rational decisionmakers, while others emphasize the role of psychological biases affecting individual leaders. Decisionmaking is challenging to study in part because of its complexity: the decisionmakers may not just be individuals but organizations, following internal procedures and reflecting institutional memory. Furthermore, the decisions are often believed to be strategic, reflecting the decisionmakers’ anticipation of multiple other actors’ potential responses to each possible decision.

In this dissertation, I demonstrate that agent-based models (ABMs) provide a powerful tool to address this complexity, and advance their use as a bridge between different methodologies. Agents in ABMs can be used to represent countries and endowed with a variety of internal decisionmaking models which can operationalize a variety of theories drawn from case studies, psychological experiments or game-theoretic analysis. The specific decision model agents utilize may be changed without altering the sub-models governing how the agents interact with one another. This allows us to simulate the same overall interactions utilizing different decisionmaking theories and observe how the outcomes differ. Furthermore, if these interactions correspond to real-world events, we may directly see how much explanatory or predictive power the outputs of the model variants provide. If one variant’s outputs correspond closer to the empirical data, it provides evidence supporting that variant’s underlying theory.

I implement two agent-based models, extending well-established prior models of international conflict: the International Interaction Game (Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman, 1992) and the Expected Utility Model (Bueno de Mesquita, 2002). For each, I start with their original agent decisionmaking models, and develop several variants grounded in relevant theories. I then instantiate the models with historic, empirically-derived data and run them forward to generate sets of simulated outcomes, which I compare to empirical data on the relevant time periods. I find that non-rational models of decisionmaking in the International Interaction Game provide similar explanatory power to the purely rational model, and yield rich satisficing behavior absent in the original model. I also find that the Expected Utility Model variant implementing a Schelling (1966)-inspired model of coercion yields richer dynamics and greater explanatory power than the original model.

In addition to providing evidence in support of particular theories and hypotheses, this work demonstrates the power of the comparative modeling methodology in studying international conflict. Future work will involve adding more statistical controls to the model output analysis, comparative analysis between the outputs of the two overall models, and extension of the decisionmaking models for each. The same methodology may also be expanded to other formal and computational models of international relations, and social science more broadly.

Les conflits armés ont toujours été émaillés de nombreuses exactions commises contre les populations civiles, notamment lorsque la guerre présentait une dimension identitaire ou politique relativement affirmée. C'est encore le cas dans de nombreux conflits contemporains. Le droit international n'a pourtant cessé de se renforcer pour garantir à ces populations une meilleure protection contre les effets des hostilités, notamment par la signature de plusieurs conventions internationales à La Haye ou Genève qui constituent aujourd'hui le socle du droit international humanitaire. Il existe donc un contraste flagrant entre l'état du droit et la protection effective des populations sur le terrain. Pourquoi ? Recentré sur l'analyse de la conflictualité contemporaine, ce travail s'efforce d'en rechercher la cause dans l'évolution des cadres de référence des combattants et dans la manière dont ils influent sur leur définition de l'ennemi et sur leur conception de la place des civils dans la guerre. Il démontre comment l'évolution des causes de conflit comme de la pratique des combattants dans les guerres asymétriques ou déstructurées tend à replacer toujours plus les civils au coeur de la guerre. Cela ne signifie pas pour autant que le droit international humanitaire, adopté pour l'essentiel à l'issue des deux Guerres mondiales et au cours des années 1970, soit obsolète. De fait, au contraire, ses principales règles relatives à la protection des populations civiles sont assez souples pour s'adapter aux défis que posent les conflits contemporains, pour peu que les combattants veuillent les appliquer et en faire une interprétation raisonnable et de bonne foi
Armed conflicts have always been interspersed with numerous abuses committed against the civilian populations, notably when the war was of identity or political nature. This is also the case in number of modern conflicts. International law has however continued to strengthen in order to guarantee better protection to civilians against the effect of hostilities, notably by the signing of several conventions at the Hague and Geneva, which today constitute the basis of international humanitarian law. There is, therefore, a sharp contrast between the state of the law and the effective protection of civilians on the field. Why ? Refocusing on the analysis of modern conflicts, this work attempts to look for the cause in the development of soldier's references and in the way they influence their definition of the enemy and their conception of the role of civilians in war. It demonstrates how the evolution of the causes of conflict and the practices of soldiers in asymmetric and deconstructed conflicts tend to place more and more civilians at the heart of the war. This does not mean that international humanitarian law, adopted for the main part after the two World wars and during the seventies, is obsolete. On the contrary, its principal rules relative to the protection of the civilians are flexible enough to adapt to the challenges of modern conflicts, as long as the soldiers are willing to apply them and interpret them reasonably and honestly

Es tracta d’una tesi per compilació d’articles que giren al voltant de la temàtica dels valors i l’ètica aplicada a l’educació social. Es presenta amb més profunditat el sentit de l’ètica aplicada en el món de les professions, així com la conveniència d’aprofundir en les raons que fan necessari parlar d’ètica aplicada a l’educació social. A continuació s’analitzen els pasos que ha fet aquesta professió en la construcció d’un sistema orientador per al tractament de les qüestions morals que es donen en la pràctica professional i això es vincula al procés de construcció de la pròpia identitat i els elements que dificulten el desenvolupament d’aquest sistema de caràcter ètic. Finalment, es proposen algunes vies per impulsar el desenvolupament d’aquest sistema a partir de les aportacions de l’hermenèutica crítica.
Se trata de una tesis por compilación de artículos que giran alrededor de la temática de los valores y la ética aplicada en la educación social. Se presenta con más profundidad el sentido de la ética aplicada en el mundo de las profesiones, así como la conveniencia de profundizar en las razones que hacen necesario hablar de ética aplicada en la educación social. A continuación se analiza los pasos que ha hecho esta profesión en la construcción de un sistema orientador para el tratamiento de las cuestiones morales que se dan en la práctica profesonal, vinculado al proceso de construcción de la propia identidad y los elementos que dificultan el desarrollo de este sistema de carácter ético. Finalmente, se proponen algunas vías para impulsar el desarrollo de este sitema a partir de las aportaciones de la hermenéutica crítica.
This thesis is presented as a compilation of articles that deal with the themes values and applied ethics in social education. The sense of applied ethics in the world of professions is hereby studied in depth and so is the convenience of studying the reasons that create a need to talk about applied ethics in social education. Next, we present an analysis of the steps that this profession has taken in the construction of an orientation system for the treatment of moral issues arisen out of the professional practice, connected to the process of self-identity construction and to the elements that show difficulties to the development of this ethics-based system. Finally, several options based on the hermeneutic critics are hereby proposed in order to foster this ethics-based system.

This study examines and analyzes conflict management and effective communication from several complementary perspectives. The purpose of the study is to identify common types of conflicts that learners confront in the process of EFL learning
to examine and analyze EFL learners'
own strategies to deal with conflicts based on the conflict handling modes in the process of EFL learning
to find out their needs in terms of effective communication skills necessary to manage conflicts
and to analyze their attitudes toward conflict management learning and their needs for conflict management strategies. In order to achieve this aim, a survey research is preferred and the quantitaitve data gathered through the questionnaires were supported with the qualitative data obtained from the interivews with participants EFL learners. In the questiionnaire, there were two parts. The first one was a demographic inventory designed to gather the demographic characteristics of the participants. In the second part, four sub-sections were desgined: (1) a rank answer questionnaire to identify common types of conflicts that learners confront in the process of EFL learning
(2) a slightly adapted, Likert scale questionnaire which was translated to Turkish by Gü
mü
seli (1994) from the Rahim Organizational conflict Inventory II (ROCI II) to identify EFL learners'
conflict management strategies
(3) another Likert scale questionnaire to find out their needs in terms of effective communication skills necessary to manage conflicts
and (4) an alternative answer questionnaire to analyze learners'
attitudes toward conflict management learning and their needs for conflict management strategies. The result of these questionnaires were analyzed by SPSS 15.0. This data gathering instrument was implemented on 339 students at the preparatory school TOBB University of Economics and Technology. Data gathered from 171 students from the same school were used for the piloting of the stduy. The data gahthered from 339 students at ETU Preparatory School represented the results of the main study. In analyzing the data, descriptive statistics as frequency, percent, average, and standard deviation and inferential statistics as ANOVA was used. As the second scale of the current study, semi-structered interviewsw were conducted with 12 students studying at the same university. The results of the interviews were analyzed through content analysis. The results of the study revealed that there is a relationship between EFL learners'
conflict managament strategies, need for effective communication skills, and their gender, scholarship status, last school graduated, and duration of study at a particular university. Additionally, the study displayed that students confornt various types of conflict and they need to learn conflict management skills and effective communication skills to deal with conflicts successfully.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and the ramifications of the political conflict in Ivory Coast from 2002 to 2009. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended Semi-structured questionnaire and documentary analysis. The analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were: competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small fire arms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the Government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The Government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurance of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generationg ventures for Ivorian should be created by the Government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this. ECOWAS as well as AU should make sure that when disarmament instituted, it should be done properly. They should always monitor it and not to allow the arms to get into the country again. It is the hope of the researcher that this study makes a contribution towards the prevention of similar conflicts in Africa in the future.

Is there any truth in the saying “no news is good news” or is there a reason to question whether media actually do reflect the world’s worst conflicts proportionally? The communication technologies have seen major developments in recent years, and more and more people choose to read their news on the Internet. With smartphones and other devices, one could imagine that there would be easier to cover more conflict areas than ever – but is this what has happened? In this study we aimed to investigate how three chosen Swedish newspapers reflected five of the on-going conflicts of 2012 and how this can be explained with the theories; the CNN effect and Stealth Conflicts. We started out with studies of the two theories. The definition of “conflict” used in this study is Uppsala Conflict Data Program’s “war and minor conflict”. Then a quantitative study followed, where we used the three newspapers’ websites to search for articles about our chosen conflict areas: Algeria, Israel, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Syria. The conclusion of this study is that there is, at least among our chosen newspapers, a disproportionate covering of the world’s conflicts, with the exception of Syria. This matches largely with how the two theories explain the media’s covering of conflicts, but we found a deeper explanation in the Stealth Conflict theory, though the CNN effect stood for interesting points as well. The theories could benefit from a merger since that would create a theory with a wider range of explanation tools of why the conflict news reports looks and works the way it does and of its consequences.

This research will address the proliferation of witnessing social media and the consequent emergence of curation for online news coverage. World events are increasingly mediated; acts of violence and protest are documented by those within the conflict zone, who transmit scenes and testimonies from streets to screens around the world. These witnessing media offer new opportunities for the ways in which conflict is covered in the news, with the potential to transform representations of the conflict and those within it. News organisations have responded to these developments through the practice of curation: content from across the web is aggregated and curated onto a single page in order to cover events in real-time. This thesis will critically examine curation as a representational practice based upon witnessing social media by focusing upon a case study analysis of the 21st August 2013 chemical attack in Ghouta, Syria. It draws upon interviews with journalists who work with social media at the BBC, The Guardian and Storyful, and qualitative analyses of three curated texts produced by Al-Jazeera English, The Guardian and The New York Times. This research will empirically examine the role of social media in the newsroom, the witnessing affordances of the social media curation, and the resulting representations of the conflict. I conclude that witnessing social media largely operate backstage to provide wider contextual understanding to the journalist curator, and offer limited opportunities for media witnessing for distant audiences. The curated text in this context reveals the ways in which news organisations have asserted their professional norms over the deluge of information emerging from the conflict zone. What results from the strategies developed to reassert these norms is the curated other, who is present and networked, but unacknowledged and framed with uncertainty within the space of appearance.

Esta tesis explora el papel, usualmente ignorado o subestimado, que las emociones desempeñan en los conflictos ambientales. Como varios estudios han mostrado recientemente, considerar las emociones en el análisis de los conflictos ambientales facilita la comprensión de cómo se estructura el orden socioeconómico, cómo se construyen las subjetividades políticas y cómo se producen las movilizaciones sociales. Sin embargo, todavía necesitamos comprender mejor, conceptual y empíricamente, las relaciones entre emoción, poder y conflicto ambiental. Esta tesis define inicialmente un marco teórico para la consideración de “lo emocional” en ecología política (lo que llamo Ecologías Políticas Emocionales, EPEms), revisando bibliografía en ecología política feminista, geografías emocionales, antropología social y cultural, psicología social y sobre movimientos sociales. Mi revisión señala que las EPEms necesitan emplear un marco multidimensional que capture las dimensiones psicológica, “más-que-humana”, geográfica, social y política que se entrecruzan en las subjetividades en los conflictos ambientales. Mi revisión también define los vacíos en la literatura identificados en esta tesis: la necesidad de considerar las "emociones negativas" como la rabia o el trauma presentes en los conflictos ambientales, así como explorar las posibilidades de “sanación”. Los capítulos empíricos de esta tesis se desarrollan mediante una metodología de investigación común, adaptando estrategias habituales de investigación en ecología política - estudio de caso con énfasis en métodos etnográficos - para captar "lo emocional". En el primer caso empírico, analizo el desarrollo histórico y contemporáneo del extractivismo forestal en el sur de Chile, en territorios indígenas Mapuche. Mi análisis muestra que la industria forestal avanza asegurando el control del territorio mediante intervenciones disciplinarias, con el objetivo de gobernar subjetividades para que los sujetos colaboren en el proyecto extractivista. Sin embargo, individuos y comunidades interfieren en este proyecto: sus reivindicaciones de soberanía les permiten ejercer control sobre su propio proceso de subjetivación. En este proceso, destaco el papel de la expresión colectiva de emociones "negativas" como la rabia y el dolor, que considero recursos cruciales que ayudan a las comunidades Mapuche a mantener la resistencia. En el segundo caso empírico exploro las formas en que la práctica psicoterapéutica permite entender mejor los procesos de subjetivación indígena y campesina en conflicto, analizando talleres basados en Terapia Gestalt organizados por una ONG en el sur de Chiapas, México. La evidencia empírica sirve para discutir el papel de las intervenciones terapéuticas a la hora de facilitar la reflexividad individual-colectiva y la participación en asuntos comunitarios. Mi análisis también establece que las “intervenciones sanadoras” necesitan abordar explícitamente cuestiones estructurales de poder para ir más allá de una reflexividad des-contextualizada y des-politizada. Mi investigación permite discutir el trabajo político de las emociones en los conflictos ambientales, destacando tres formas simultáneas y contrapuestas en que las emociones interactúan en los conflictos ambientales: gubernamentalidad emocional, opresión emocional y movilización emocional. Esta interacción muestra una ambivalencia, es decir una tensión constante entre el papel de las emociones como canales para la subversión del poder hegemónico y su papel en la reproducción del mismo. Sostengo que considerar "lo emocional" como un espacio de poder y conflicto ofrece oportunidades a los movimientos socio-ambientales para abrir espacios de re-articulación de las relaciones de poder dentro y fuera de los movimientos, así como a la investigación en ecología política, expandiendo el análisis del desarrollo de los conflictos en las esferas privadas/públicas, individuales/colectivas y considerando posiciones inestables y contradictorias en los puntos de vista de diferentes actores sociales. La investigación en el marco de las EPEms que desarrolla esta tesis puede servir de base para futuras investigaciones interesadas en revelar y transformar las sutilezas de las relaciones de poder y los desafíos que implican los conflictos ambientales.
This thesis explores the usually unseen and undervalued political work that emotions do in environmental conflicts. As several feminist and affect political ecologists and geographers have begun to discuss, analysing the role of emotions on environmental conflicts can enable a better understanding of how social and economic orders develop, how political subjectivities are built and how and why social mobilisations take place. However, we still need to better understand, both conceptually and empirically, the relations between emotion, power and environmental conflict. This thesis first draws a theoretical framework for the consideration of emotion in political ecology (what I name Emotional Political Ecologies, EmPEs), reviewing work in the field of feminist political ecology, emotional geographies, social and cultural anthropology, social psychology and social movements. This critical literature review indicates that EmPEs need to employ a multi-dimensional framework that captures the psychological, more-than-human, geographical, social and political dimensions that intersect subjectivities in environmental conflicts. My review also defines the research gaps addressed in this thesis: the need to engage with “negative emotions” – such as anger or trauma – present in environmental conflicts, as well as to further explore the political ecologies of “healing”. The empirical chapters of this thesis are organised under a shared research strategy, adapting established political ecology research strategies – case study method with an emphasis on ethnographic methods – in order to grasp “the emotional”. In the first empirical case of this thesis, I analyse the historical and contemporary development of forestry extractivism in southern Chile, specifically in and around indigenous Mapuche territories. My analysis shows that commercial forestry advances by securing land control through disciplinary interventions, which aim to govern subjectivities and create subjects that can help secure capital accumulation and extractivism. Nevertheless, individuals and communities get in the way of this project as they mobilise sovereignty claims that permit them to exercise control over the process of their own subject-making. My analysis highlights the emotional dimension of the process of political subjectivation, especially via the collective expression of “negative” emotions such as anger and sorrow, which I find to be crucial resources that help Mapuche communities maintain resistance. In the second empirical chapter of this thesis, I explore the ways in which psychotherapeutic practice sheds light on indigenous and peasant subjectivation processes through analysing the Gestalt Therapy workshops organised by a local NGO in southern Chiapas, Mexico. Empirical evidence serves as the basis from which to discuss the role of psychotherapeutic practice in facilitating individual and collective reflexivity, and in fostering political fellowship and participation in community matters. My analysis also establishes that “healing interventions” need to explicitly engage with structural issues of power in order to move beyond de-contextualised, and thus depoliticised, reflexivity. My research serves to discuss the political work of emotions in environmental conflicts, highlighting three simultaneous, contradictory and creative ways in which emotions interplay in environmental conflicts: emotional environmentality, emotional oppression and emotional environmentalism. This interplay highlights a constantly unresolved tension between the role of emotions as a channel for the subversion of hegemonic power and, conversely, their role in reproducing hegemonic power dynamics. I argue that considering “the emotional” as a space of power and conflict offers opportunities for socio-environmental movements to open spaces for re-articulating power relationships inside and outside movements, as well as for political ecologists to further consider the private and public, the individual and collective spheres of environmental conflicts and the unstable standpoints of the different social actors participating in conflicts. Further exploring the field of EmPEs can inform political ecological analysis aimed at unpacking and transforming the subtle power relationships and challenges that environmental conflicts involve.

Thesis advisor: Philip G. Altbach
"Education and conflict" has emerged as a new field of study during the last two decades. However, higher education is still relatively absent from this debate as most of the research has focused on primary and non-formal education. This dissertation is an exploratory qualitative study on the potential role of higher education in peacebuilding processes. The conceptual framework for the study is a taxonomy of the functions of higher education designed by the author. The questions guiding the dissertation are: 1) What can we learn about the role of higher education in conflict and postconflict from the experience of countries that have suffered internal conflicts in the last century? 2) How are universities in Colombia affected by the ongoing armed conflict in the country? 3) How can Colombian higher education contribute to build sustainable peace in the country? First, based on secondary sources, the dissertation explores seven armed conflicts that took place during the twentieth century. Then, the focus turns to the Colombian case. The research incorporates the analysis of 23 semi-structured interviews, published and unpublished documents, institutional websites, and government statistics, among others. In most of the conflicts included in the international overview, higher education institutions (HEIs) played instrumental roles during the conflict and the postconflict. Yet, those roles were not always conducive for peacebuilding. Universities, professors and students have been affected by the conflict, have participated in it, and sometimes, have been used by the combating parties for logistical purposes or to promote an ideology. In contrast, delegating a peacebuilding role to higher education is a relatively new phenomenon. Armed conflict in Colombia tends to affect public HEIs more than private ones. Public and private HEIs in Colombia have participated in peacebuilding activities. Sometimes they collaborated with government agencies and NGOs; other times, they worked independently. The contribution of higher education to peacebuilding goes beyond its traditional teaching function and includes many other functions that are hardly mentioned in peacebuilding literature
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education
Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education

Introduction: Family firms serve as major block in the economy all over the world, i.e. it’s significance cannot be understated. In spite of this, many firms fail to continue the firm’s quest beyond the second generation partly because of conflicts in the firm. Conflicts, which could be divided into task, relationship and process conflict, have been deemed to only be detrimental for family firms. As such, limited knowledge exists as to what positive effects conflict may bring about in family firms. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore what the positive effects of different conflict types may be in family firms. The different conflict types are in this respect deemed to be task, relationship and process conflict. Method: The empirical material used for the purpose of this study has been gathered through 10 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 9 different family firms. The data collected has subsequently been analyzed and conceptualized using grounded analysis (codes to themes) with an overall inductive method. Conclusion: Our findings and analysis suggest that several positive effects are associated with the different conflict types in family firms and that the family dimension of the firm work as enablers for these effects to occur. Task conflict produces a sharpened environment for task accomplishment through the enabler proximity to top level of firm. Relationship conflict result in stronger group cohesion through the enabler family feeling. Process conflict generate improved focus on task through the enabler going concern of the firm.

La presente Tesis Doctoral se efectúa mediante un marco teórico de la investigación en función del análisis histórico de las violencias y políticas de gobierno y un riguroso análisis normativo internacional y jurisprudencial para la defensa de los derechos humanos de los menores como víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano, predicando del Estado Colombiano la obligación de proteger de manera integral los derechos de los niños, niñas y adolescentes, asumiendo su res¬ponsabilidad de brindar educación de calidad, salud gratuita, permanencia en el territorio, opor-tunidades de trabajo, vivienda digna , recreación, exigencia de la desvinculación total de los menores de la filas de los grupos armados así como la corresponsabilidad de la sociedad civil para establecer canales de participación activa y efectiva de protección y atención a los menores afectados por la violencia. De esta manera, la Tesis Doctoral se encuentra estructurada en tres capítulos. En el primer capítulo denominado la situación de los menores en el contexto del conflicto armado como parte de la población colombiana que se ha desenvuelto en medio de un conflicto en el que el poder y la violencia aparecen como los parámetros con los que ella se ha encontrado e identificado y donde ha hallado los referentes para actuar. Un segundo capítulo en donde los menores como titulares de los derechos tienen un referente constitucional y jurisprudencial para el ejercicio de sus derechos y un tercer capítulo una descripción conceptual del marco jurídico de los convenios y tratados internacionales sobre los menores, en virtud que a lo largo de la historia, los convenios y tratados internacionales han sido un instrumento idóneo para resolver problemas que trascienden las fronteras, con el objetivo de unificar criterios jurídicos para la solución de los mismos. Una de las problemáticas comunes a todos los Estados es la vulneración de los derechos de los menores.
The present Doctoral thesis has been done through a theoretical framework of the research based on the historical analysis of violence and government policies and a rigorous analysis of the international standards and case law for the protection of the children human rights as victims of the Colombian armed conflict. Stressing on the state obligation to provide boys, girls and teenagers an integral protection of their human rights, by assuming its own responsibility to provide and ensure quality education, free health, remain on the territory, job opportunities, adequate housing, recreation, requirement of total separation of children from armed groups, as well as the civil society's co-responsibility to establish channels of effective and participative protection and attention to those minors affected by violence. In this way, the Doctoral Thesis is structured in three chapters. In the first chapter named of the situation of Children / o Minors the armed conflict that has unfolded in the midst of a conflict which power and violence appear as parameters with it was found and identified and where it found referents to act. Minors / children “as rights holders” Case law reference to exercise their rights to ensure their rights. Finally, the third Chapter provides a conceptual description of the legal framework based on international convention and treaties on minors. History has showed that International instruments have been a suitable mean to solve problems which go further borders, aiming to standardise legal criteria to solve them. Violation of the rights of minors is a common issue to all States.

Introducción: Las relaciones interpersonales generan discrepancias y conflictos. Las organizaciones de salud no están exentas de ellos por el aumento de la exigencia de los usuarios para obtener respuestas rápidas y adecuadas a su situación de vulnerabilidad y por la reducción de recursos humanos y materiales consecuentes al momento actual de crisis económica que comportan cambios organizacionales para adaptarse a ella, entre otras múltiples causas. Se hace necesario que los profesionales, mediante la formación continuada, posean competencias mediadoras que les permita prevenirlos y gestionarlos adecuadamente. En este sentido, la comprensión del proceso de transferencia y mantenimiento de las competencias adquiridas deviene imprescindible. Proceso que debe contemplar la satisfacción de los participantes, la percepción de posibilidad o dificultad para la implementación de las competencias y la comprensión de los condicionantes profesionales y organizacionales que influyen en su implementación. Objetivo general: Comprender el significado que los profesionales de la salud otorgan al proceso de transferencia y mantenimiento de las competencias adquiridas en la formación en habilidades mediadoras. Metodología: Investigación cualitativa, basada en el paradigma constructivista y la teoría fundamentada. Para la recogida de datos se utilizan las entrevistas por correo electrónico, el grupo de discusión y las entrevistas en profundidad cara a cara. La muestra se configura con el total de participantes inscritos en un programa formativo en habilidades mediadoras. El grupo de discusión, constituido por 4 informantes, se establece para recoger nuevos datos y alcanzar la saturación teórica de los mismos. Las entrevistas cara a cara se han utilizado para verificar el mantenimiento y vigencia en el tiempo de los datos obtenidos. El análisis de los datos se realiza mediante el método de las comparaciones constantes. Resultados y discusión: Se han identificado 4 dominios que configuran el dominio central. El dominio central, “a pesar de”, desarrolla el sentido del programa formativo en relación a la transferencia y sostenibilidad, y emerge como un hilo conductor que forja un conocimiento nuevo, propio de estas informantes en esta situación concreta, es decir genera teoría sustantiva. El primer dominio, hace referencia a la adquisición y satisfacción de competencias vinculadas a la formación, en tanto que a medio y largo plazo, se refuerza la autocapacitación. El segundo dominio, se refiere al convencimiento que las HHMM mejoran las relaciones interpersonales por lo que se favorece la salud de los profesionales, equipos, usuarios y organizaciones que conlleva una asistencia y cuidados de calidad. El tercer dominio, referido a la importancia de los cambios consecuentes a la implementación que generan una experiencia positiva en el proceso de crecimiento en todas las esferas de la persona. El cuarto dominio, constata la importancia del camino iniciado en cuanto a las relaciones interprofesionales que repercuten en la calidad de los cuidados. Se evidencia que resulta útil e imprescindible que se adquieran competencias que permitan, en los puestos de trabajo, desarrollar estrategias y técnicas para la detección de posibles situaciones interpersonales problemáticas en la prevención y gestión de conflictos. Ante cualquier cambio organizacional que se plantee, debe disponerse de recursos y del apoyo de los gestores. Durante el proceso de transferir y mantener los cambios, se produce una importante crisis económica que conlleva que los programas centrados en la gestión de conflictos se reduzcan o desparezcan. En este punto, de los datos emerge la certidumbre de la utilidad de la habilidades mediadoras y el empeño por seguir manteniendo las competencias adquiridas a pesar de la reducción del apoyo de sus organizaciones. Este convencimiento perdura con el paso del tiempo y el crecimiento económico. Conclusiones: El proceso de transferibilidad y sostenibilidad de las competencias obtenidas durante la formación en habilidades mediadoras, adquiere sentido en cuanto a que hace referencia a la necesidad vivida de prevenir y transformar las situaciones problemáticas, evitando así su evolución hacia conflictos de difícil abordaje. Esta necesidad de desarrollo de competencias, se asume como una necesidad personal y profesional que se mantiene a pesar de las dificultades organizacionales.
Introduction: Relationships generate disagreements and conflicts. Health organizations are not exempt from them due to the increase of users’ demands to get fast and appropriate answers, adapted to vulnerable reality. As a consequence of the ongoing economic crisis, conflicts also arise from the shortage of human and material resources requiring organizational changes, to adapt to it. It is necessary that professionals have mediation skills and strategies (HHMM) to allow them to prevent and manage conflicts properly. In this sense, continuous training becomes an imperative for professionals to acquire these skills. In this sense, understanding of the transfer process and maintenance of acquired skills becomes essential. The process should include the satisfaction of participants, the perception of possibility or difficulty implementing the skills and understanding of professional and organizational conditions that influence its implementation. Objective: To understand the meaning given by health professionals participating in a HHMM training program regarding the transferability and sustainability of the skills acquired in their workplace context. Methodology: Qualitative research, based on the Constructivist Paradigm and the Grounded Theory. For data collection, interviews by e-mail, focus group and face to face interviews were used. The sample was conformed by 21 participants who enrolled in a HHMM training program. The focus group, consisting of 4 informants, was set to collect new data enough to reach the theoretical data saturation. Face to face interviews were used to check the maintenance and duration in time of the data obtained. The analysis of the data was guided by the constant comparisons method. Results and discussion: Four domains raised from data. The central domain, “a pesar de”, gives sense to the training program in relation to the transferibility and sustainability, and emerges as a common thread that forges new knowledge; this is typical of these informants in this particular situation, therefore substantive theory is generated. The first domain, refers to the acquisition and satisfaction of skills related to training, while the medium and long term self-empowerment is reinforced. The second domain refers to the belief that HHMM improve interpersonal relationships, therefore improving professionals ‘health, equipment’s, people and organizations thus meaning better quality of care. The third domain refers to the importance of consistent changes related to implementation that generate a positive experience in all areas of the growing process. The fourth domain, notes the importance of the road initiated regarding interprofessional-relationships that affect the quality of care. It is evidenced that it is useful and essential that skills are acquired, allowing participants to develop strategies and techniques for detecting and preventing problematic interpersonal situations in the workplace. For any organizational change that may arise, the support from managers should be always available. During the transfer and maintenance process a major economic crisis occurred; this meant an important reduction or disappearing of those programmes focusing on conflict management. At this point, data indicates the conviction of the usefulness of HHMM training programme and the personals efforts to continue to maintain the skills acquired despite the reduces support of the organizations. This belief persists over time and economic growth. Conclusions: The meaning attributed to the transferability and sustainability of skills acquired during mediation skills training, refers to the vividly need to prevent and transform problematic situations, thus avoiding its evolution towards difficult approach conflicts. This need for personal and professional development of competencies is experienced as a personal and professional necessity that is maintained despite organizational difficulties.

Since the election of Evo Morales, Bolivia has experienced a contradiction between environmental discourse around the indigenous imaginary and extractive practices. These contradictions are not unique to the government but also affect many social organizations. The subject of mining is particularly revealing of these tensions. From the case of the Northern region of Potosí and the Mallku Khota conflict, we will show that these conflicts are not only based on a multiplication of actors and on competing development projects, but also on both a material reality and a discursive, normative and symbolic repertoire leading to a redefinition of natural resources management. Through a multi-level approach we analyze the flow of imaginaries and the mobilization of resources that the different actors use in a strategic ways. We will therefore see how the discourses of “acceptance” or “rejection” of mining depend less on the ideological environmental discourse than on the construction of coalitions and the development of the conflict.

The international normative framework relative to the regulation of means and methods of force is becoming more 'population-centric' in that both states and institutions of international civil society are ascribing greater weight to humanitarian considerations and individual rights. The material conditions as well as the strategic objectives of contemporary conflicts are two of the major driving forces behind this humanizing transformation. Contemporary jurisprudence, military doctrine and scholarly discourse recognize that the notion of a clear binary distinction between war and peace is untenable. In its place there is a growing appreciation of both the legal and the factual complexity of conflicts which can be described as full-spectrum, mixed or hybrid in character. Namely, in any given conflict there is likely to be a range of combat, law enforcement and humanitarian activities taking place simultaneously within a single operational theatre that can be characterized as urban, civilianized and transnational. The character of hostilities in these circumstances may frequently be described as unconventional, irregular and asymmetric and civilians are at extreme risk from the immediate and long term consequences of the use of force. Better objective criteria for conflict classification are needed to guide the application of the most appropriate and efficacious legal frameworks and for assessing the parameters of civilian immunity from attack. Connected to this, there needs to be progressive and principled interpretation and coordination of existing legal frameworks relative to the use of force, i.e. targeting and weaponry law. There are compelling theoretical, legal and strategic arguments for progressive reinterpretation of existing standards.

Balochistan is one of the federating units (provinces) of Pakistan; it constitutes 44 % of Pakistan’s total territory and has been in a state of confrontation with the state since 1948. This is because the majority of the Baloch consider that the Pakistani state annexed their land forcibly, against the will and desire of the people. The Baloch nationalists have never accepted this annexation, and as a result the state has been facing serious crises precipitated by various factors. Ever since Pakistan’s annexation of Balochistan, there has been an on-going conflict between the Baloch (i.e., the Baloch people) and the state of Pakistan. The fact is that the conflict in Balochistan is multidimensional, including political, social and economic factors, the avarice of the Pakistani state and the grievances of the Baloch people. In order to aid an understanding of the various backgrounds to the conflict, this thesis contributes to debates on the politics of education and conflict in Pakistan’s Balochistan. I have used statistics and analysed data gathered during my fieldwork in Balochistan and Pakistan to investigate the politics of education and examine various policy frameworks, rationales and perspectives on the role of education. In order to do so, this study adopts a qualitative method and employs multiple data sources: documentary data, semi-structured interviews with twenty-eight stakeholders (in the province and country), visual data, and observations. Drawing on functionalist and conflict perspectives on the role of education, this thesis examines whether education in Balochistan is designed to empower the people or is simply used as a tool to control them. I have found that the state is not willing to educate the Baloch people; rather, it wishes to control them. There are two ways in which education in Balochistan is being used to serve the purpose of control. Firstly, the state of education in terms of its type, quality, quantity and infrastructure is considered by the majority of Baloch to be a failure of government’s strategic policy. For instance, education in Balochistan has lagged behind in various areas of government policy and decision-making. Major problems in Balochistan’s educational system include a deeply inadequate supply of textbooks, insufficient monitoring of schools, shortages of teachers and schools for both boys and girls, and insufficient funding. Secondly, many Baloch decry Pakistan’s unjust efforts to impose its culture, language and radical religious ideologies on the Baloch people. Indeed, the politics of (mis)representation of the Baloch and their history, culture and language are implemented through the state’s official textbooks. Education in Balochistan, particularly in government-run schools, is highly biased against the Baloch culture, history and social set-up, and it is thus a contributory factor in the generation of retaliatory behaviour among Baloch students. Formal education in Balochistan is structured in ways that indoctrinate children with a different language, culture and history. To many scholars, controlling education negates Baloch national aspirations and thus contributes to the conflict in Balochistan.

L'objecte d'estudi d'aquesta tesi és el rol de la ràdio en les crisis polítiques a partir de la construcció del discurs informatiu. El cas que s'analitza és la cobertura informativa realitzada per Ràdio Fe i Alegria a Veneçuela durant els dies de crisis del cop d'estat de 2002. Ens interessa estudiar la cobertura informativa d'aquesta emissora quant als gèneres i formats periodístics posats en pràctica pels periodistes de la ràdio, les dinàmiques de producció, els valors periodístics i els continguts transmesos per la ràdio, la qual cosa sol dir-se també la cultura periodística. En tal sentit, considerem que Ràdio Fe i Alegria va aconseguir en un temps de crisi romandre “professionalment autònoma” (Waisbord, 2013) en relació amb la seva cobertura dels fets i la seva identitat amb els postulats de la comunicació popular que la van portar a estructurar la seva pròpia agenda, promoure la participació de l'audiència i de múltiples actors de diferents visions polítiques. No obstant això, com hem vist en aquesta recerca, la “autonomia professional” dels periodistes de Ràdio Fe i Alegria va resultar clarament excepcional perquè la resta de l'ecologia mediàtica veneçolana es va desdibuixar al llarg de la crisi. Durant els fets del 2002, els cànons professionals del periodisme veneçolà van col·lapsar i com assenyala Andrés Cañizales (2003a; 2003b) els mitjans de comunicació de Veneçuela passaran anys havent de justificar a les generacions futures el pobre acompliment que van demostrar durant aquest període.
El objeto de estudio de esta tesis es el rol de la radio en las crisis políticas a partir de la construcción del discurso informativo. El caso que se analiza es la cobertura informativa realizada por Radio Fe y Alegría en Venezuela durante los días de crisis del golpe de estado de 2002. Nos interesa estudiar la cobertura informativa de esta emisora en cuanto a los géneros y formatos periodísticos puestos en práctica por los periodistas de la radio, las dinámicas de producción, los valores periodísticos y los contenidos transmitidos por la radio, lo que suele llamarse también la cultura periodística. En tal sentido, consideramos que Radio Fe y Alegría logró en un tiempo de crisis permanecer “profesionalmente autónoma” (Waisbord, 2013) en relación con su cobertura de los hechos y su identidad con los postulados de la comunicación popular que la llevaron a estructurar su propia agenda, promover la participación de la audiencia y de múltiples actores de diferentes visiones políticas. Sin embargo, como hemos visto en esta investigación, la “autonomía profesional” de los periodistas de Radio Fe y Alegría resultó claramente excepcional porque el resto de la ecología mediática venezolana se desdibujó a lo largo de la crisis. Durante los hechos del 2002, los cánones profesionales del periodismo venezolano colapsaron y como señala Andrés Cañizales (2003a; 2003b) los medios de comunicación de Venezuela pasarán años teniendo que justificar a las generaciones futuras el pobre desempeño que demostraron durante ese período.
The object of study of this thesis is the role of radio in political crises from the construction of informative discourse. The case that is analyzed is the information coverage made by Radio Fe y Alegría in Venezuela during the days of the 2002 coup crisis. We are interested in studying the coverage of this radio station in terms of the genres and journalistic formats put into practice by its journalists, the dynamics of production, the journalistic values and the contents transmitted by the radio, what is also called the journalistic culture. In this sense, we consider that Radio Fe y Alegría achieved to remain "professionally autonomous" (Waisbord, 2013) in relation to its coverage of the facts and its identity with the postulates of popular communication that led it to structure its own agenda, promote the participation of the audience and of multiple actors of different political visions even in a time of crisis. However, as we have seen in this research, the "professional autonomy" of the journalists of Radio Fe y Alegría was clearly exceptional because the rest of the Venezuelan media ecosystem was blurred during the crisis. During the events of 2002, the professional canons of Venezuelan journalism collapsed and, as Andrés Cañizales (2003a; 2003b) points out, the Venezuelan media will spend years having to justify to future generations the poor performance they showed during that period.

Artists have involved with their different styles and approaches to help resolving conflicts all over the world. They help in raising awareness of different conflicts through their activities that engage people with art. The creative elements of the art also help in exploring various means of conflict resolution and problem solving (Lumsden, 1997). This study examines the role of artist in society in the framework of conflict resolution and peacemaking. A qualitative research method is used in this research, which in result provides a better understanding of the work of Middle Eastern artists. The research includes in-depth interviews with two artists from the Gulf countries: Abbas Almosawi; a Bahraini artist, and Abdulnasser Gharem; a Saudi artist. The focus of this research is to identify the roles that artists play in society with respect to conflict resolution and peacemaking. Through utilizing a thematic analysis method to analyze the data, the finding identified six roles the artist plays in the society: 1) Observation. 2) Identifying problems. 3) reflection. 4) Partnering with NGO’s. 5) Leadership. 6) Influence. The research is also an attempt to shed the light on aspects that can help conflict resolution practitioners to apply the arts for their benefits and increase the effectiveness of their work. The research includes examples of art activities as well as artworks from various artists from the Middle East that show the level of involvement of art in conflict resolution and peacemaking.

Nigeria has seen an upsurge in violent conflicts leading to insurgency and terrorism since it returned to civilian government in 1999, following sixteen years of military rule. The Niger Delta and Boko Haram insurgencies stand out among conflict groups in Nigeria as they have produced global consequences, hence provoking domestic and international counter-insurgency efforts. Military responses remain primary, but development responses are being increasingly employed. Addressing issues of poverty, exclusion, injustice and underdevelopment is considered to be more fundamental to solving contemporary conflicts. In this sense, development and security are linked, and human, rather than state security is seen to be prioritised. However, the nexus between development and security is fraught with contradictions and the notion of human security is vague. Development intervention appears to be securitized such that it becomes a tool for protecting the strategic interests of external interveners and a tool of control by domestic interveners. Therefore, this thesis explores the prospect of a human rights approach to development as a means of mediating the tension between development and security. It attempts to intellectually consider the triad among the three concepts in relation to the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts. The study explores how the internal and external development interventions towards the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts have been developed and the issues that have arisen concerning their effectiveness. The exploratory study uses a triangulation method that includes interviews, focus group, documentary analysis and observation. The thesis finds evidence of a paradigmatic shift towards a rights based approach to development in the internal and external interventions, but one that still yields to securitization and corruption and adversely affects sustainable development. Nonetheless, responses to the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts produce ramifications that justify general as well as specifically targeted responses to individual conflicts. More so, the study shows that the relationship between Nigeria and its external development partners seem to be less vertical.

Treaty rules governing the classification of armed conflicts have been said to give rise to problems in both theory and .practice. This requires examination, as classification determines the specific set of ius in bello rules which must be applied to a particular armed conflict. If classification rules are problematic, the treaty and/or customary rules critical to the protection of victims and the conduct of hostilities may not be applied. This thesis first examines the treaty classification system to determine its legal coherence and practical workability. Each category within this system is considered in order to identify the criteria and sub-criteria which need to be satisfied for cl situation to fall within it. In doing so, treaty negotiation records and commentaries, State practice, court judgments and commentators' writings are analyzed. The thesis also investigates whether certain types of armed conflicts fall outside the current system. Second, it determines whether there is a customary classification system, an issue which rarely receives attention. It is also examined for legal coherence and practical workability. . It is concluded that, in the main, the treaty classification system is legally coherent and workable in practice, although there are legal grey areas which require attention. It also concludes that there is a customary classification system, albeit one which is still emerging. Although this system clearly recognizes a distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts, whether there is more than one threshold for non-international armed conflicts is unclear. In addition, some of the criteria and sub-criteria are not clearly ascertainable, and their scope is also frequently unclear. These issues notwithstanding, assertions that the treaty classification system is inherently problematic are argued to be unfounded. The reluctance by some States to acknowledge that they are engaged in particular types of armed conflicts leads to a proposal that an independent, authoritative and contemporaneous mechanism for classification determination is desirable.

The problem of this study addressed how women experience the conflict variables of beliefs about conflict, anger arousal, conflict styles, and received and expressed violence as partners in love relationships and how these factors affect their reported satisfaction. Graduate women (M = 186) from University of North Texas completed the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS), a subscale of Relationship Beliefs Inventory (RBI), the Multidimensional Anger Inventory (MAI), and Interpersonal Conflict Tactics and Strategies Scale (ICTAS), and the Severity of Violence Against Women scale (SVAW). Data were analyzed using MANOVAs with ANOVAs to examine significant differences. Multiple regression procedures were used for the exploratory questions. Women reporting less satisfied relationships were expected to believe that disagreement was more destructive and to report higher anger arousal than those who were more satisfied. The hypotheses were supported. Women who were less satisfied also reported using less constructive conflict tactics and more destructive and avoidant tactics as well as receiving some forms of violence. Expressed violence was not significantly related to low satisfaction. Results suggested that these conflict variables are highly interrelated. Strong feedback loops may develop. Strongly held conflict beliefs may affect the use of destructive and avoidant conflict strategies and increase anger which may reinforce the conflict beliefs. Women who have received violence may use both destructive and avoidant tactics. Use of tactics that escalate then de-escalate conflict suggests that conflict strategies may not be mutually exclusive. However, when a woman is low in anger and has previously received violence from a partner, she may use more avoidant tactics. In contrast women who express violence to their partners may use all three conflict tactics including constructive tactics. This finding suggested that women may express violence as a last resort to get a reaction from their partners.

Konflikte am Arbeitsplatz sind allgegenwärtig–sie erschweren den Berufsalltag und können schlimmstenfalls auch zu privaten Problemen führen. Dennoch ist unklar, wie genau Aufgabenkonflikte das Wohlbefinden und die Leistungsfähigkeit von Beschäftigten beeinflussen. Mechanismen, wann und warum Aufgabenkonflikte negative Folgen haben, wurde bisher wenig erforscht. Begründet werden kann dies damit, dass Aufgabenkonflikte bisher zumeist in Feldstudien mittels retrospektiven (und zudem subjektiven) Momentaufnahmen untersucht wurden. Das erste Ziel meines Vorhabens war es demnach, Aufgabenkonflikte in einer Tagebuchstudie sowie in einem kontrollierten Setting im Labor zu untersuchen, um deren emotionale und kognitive Konsequenzen präzise und unmittelbar zu erfassen. Weiterhin haben bisherige Studien größtenteils situative Faktoren untersucht und persönliche Charakteristiken, die ebenfalls die Bewertung von Aufgabenkonflikten beeinflussen, außer Acht gelassen. Daher verfolgte ich als zweites Ziel eine ganzheitliche Sichtweise auf den Aufgabenkonflikt einzunehmen. Dafür explorierte ich, ob Unterschiede zwischen Personen emotionale Mimikry zu zeigen (d.h. die Emotionen anderer zu spiegeln) einen Einfluss auf die Beurteilung von Aufgabenkonflikten haben. Um das Bild auf Aufgabenkonflikte zu komplementieren bestand mein finales Ziel darin, die Wirksamkeit einer Intervention zur Abschwächung von Konfliktkonsequenzen zu untersuchen. Hierfür wählte ich eine allgemein bekannte Strategie der kognitiven Umbewertung („Reappraisal") und prüfte, ob diese Strategie einen Aufgabenkonflikt als weniger emotional aufreibend und somit weniger destruktiv erscheinen lässt. Durch die Integration von vier empirischen Studien, die in renommierten psychologischen Zeitschriften publiziert wurden, leistet meine Dissertationsschrift einen Beitrag dazu, die von Konflikten am Arbeitsplatz ausgehenden komplexen Wirkweisen besser zu verstehen, sowie Möglichkeiten aufzuzeigen Konfliktkonsequenzen zu modifizieren.
Workplace conflicts have been widely recognized as a core social stressor across occupations with detrimental effects for employees’ task progress and employees’ general stress levels and health. Yet, the presumed destructive effects of task conflicts on employee outcomes, such as well-being and performance, have not been confirmed consistently. Further, the fine-grained mechanisms that explain the effects of task conflicts on employee outcomes have not been fully explored yet. This may be because most previous research relied on retrospective self-reports and the complex nature of task conflicts and their multiple emotional and cognitive consequences are difficult to disentangle in cross-sectional field studies. The first aim of my thesis was to examine the short-term effects of task conflicts by measuring conflicts using a diary approach with event-sampling methodology in the field (Study 1) and by inducing conflicts under controlled circumstances in the laboratory (Study 2). Further, previous studies mostly investigated the effects of the conflict situation on health and productivity outcomes. Hence, my second aim was to identify participant characteristics that influence the conflict evaluation in addition to the characteristics of the situation. In Study 3, we explored whether individual differences in emotional mimicry (i.e., the imitation of emotions of others) affect the evaluation of task conflicts. Finally, my last aim was to seek for strategies that help to buffer the negative effects of task conflicts. Hence, in Study 4, we investigated the effectiveness of a conflict re-evaluation (i.e., reappraisal) intervention on several (objective) indices of negative affect. Insights gained from these four studies give a more precise picture of the nature of workplace conflicts and of the modifiability of their consequences.

Religion has often been viewed as a source of conflict and violence in international relations. Yet history provides that religion has also been a source and inspiration for peace building and non-violent resistance. The role of religious leaders in conflict transformation has been treated as a marginal phenomenon. Appleby (2000) points out that identifying and documenting the roles of religious actors in resolving protracted conflicts remains an unfinished task. This thesis is an attempt to meet such challenge by focusing on religious leaders and their role in search of solutions in deeply rooted conflicts. Working from the premise that religious leaders can make a substantial contribution in conflict transformation, the overarching goal of this thesis is to examine what roles religious actors play and how equipped they are to serve their communities in their capacity as peacemakers.

Abstract Background The succession process of a family firm is associated with a number of challenges, and hence a potential for conflicts is strongly pronounced. However, succession is of utmost importance for a family firm, as it is the only way to avoid a company closure in the long run. Previous literature has already extensively researched the phenomena of conflicts in family firms. However, there is a lack of research that looks from a multi-perspective lens into the context of succession and post-succession conflicts. Therefore, in the present research, we examine how family businesses experience and cope conflicts that appear after a successfully mastered intrafamily succession. Purpose This study aims to advance the understanding of conflicts in family firms related explicitly to the context of successions and post-successions. Hence, the thesis aims to determine how conflicts that appear in these contexts are experienced and how they are coped with. Method The study follows a qualitative methodological approach and an inductive analysis. The sample consists of three companies and 14 research respondents, and the data was collected with semi-structured qualitative interviews. Afterwards, the data was coded, and the emerging patterns and themes have been formulated and presented with a general model. Doing so, the focus was on patterns of succession- and post-succession-related conflicts and their coping strategies. Conclusion Our findings reveal that succession and post-succession-related conflicts are experienced as evoked intangible and provoked tangible conflicts and these conflicts are consciously as well as unconsciously coped with. Furthermore, our findings suggest that succession and post-succession family firm conflicts appear as conflict loops. Hence, the coping mechanisms identified and presented are helpful to solve a conflict, but the loop can hardly be escaped.

Cette recherche exploratoire étudie la dynamique identitaire de Martiniquais, selon le modèle de l’ego-écologie (Zavalloni et Louis-Guérin, 1984) qui définit l’identité sociale dans une transaction entre l’individu et la société. Nous avons choisi la méthode IMIS (Investigateur Multistade de l’identité sociale) afin de mettre en évidence l’impact du conflit et de la quête de reconnaissance sur la dynamique identitaire de cette population. Les résultats montrent que la reconnaissance peut s’effectuer dans la réciprocité, l’échange et le respect mutuel, comme dans les rituels sociaux de politesse (Picard, 2007), ou bien s’inscrire dans la lutte, le conflit, la violence qui peuvent débloquer des capacités d’action
Based on Zavalloni ego-ecological model (1984), which defines social identity as a transaction between individual and society, this research try to explore Martinican’s identity dynamic. The MISI (Multistage Investigator of Social Identity) have been chose to put in evidence the effect of social conflict and recognition quest on the identity dynamic of this population. The results show that recognition can be done in mutual respect, exchange, like as politeness socials’ rituals (Picard, 2007) or in fight, conflict which allow to free action’s capacities

The aim of the study was to investigate the relationship among conflict distress, conflict attributions (self/partner blame), perceived conflict behaviors (similarity/difference) and relationship satisfaction. Relationship Conflict Inventory (RCI), Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS), Conflict Behaviors Questionnaire and Demographic Information Form was administered to 58 dating couples. In order to investigate the predictive power of conflict distress level, conflict attributions (self/partner blame), perceived conflict behaviors (similarity/difference) and demographic variables on relationship satisfaction stepwise regression analyses was carried out. Moreover, separate cross partial pairwise intraclass correlations conducted in order to examine the relationship between one partner'
s conflict distress level, conflict attributions (self/partner blame), perceived conflict behaviors (similarity/difference) and the other partner'
s relationship satisfaction
and to examine the relationship between one partner'
s conflict distress, conflict attributions (self/partner blame) and the other partner'
s perceived conflict behaviors (similarity/difference). Additionally, it was also aimed to examine demographic variables'
(namely, gender) effects on each variable and in all analysis. The results revealed that higher levels of conflict distress and perceived difference on conflict behaviors predict lower levels of relationship satisfaction. Additionally, results yielded that in predicting women'
s relationship satisfaction conflict distress accounts as the only variable, whereas for men similarity on perceived conflict behaviors and blaming self predicted relationship saitsfaction. It is also found that one partner'
s conflict distress, partner blame and perceived conflict behavior difference negatively correlated with the other partner'
s relationship satisfaction
and one partner'
s conflict distress and partner blame is positively correlated with the other partner'
s perceived conflict behaviors (similarity/difference). Furthermore, results indicated no gender differences on conflict distress level, conflict attributions (self/partner blame), and perceived conflict behavior (similarity/difference). The results are discussed in the light of literature.

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the 'unrecognised state' of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the 'official' or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a 'no war no peace' situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

management as a route for solving conflicts. It argues that present approaches used to solve conflicts in protected areas have been ineffective in their aim because they fail to address the very root causes of conflicts as well as to understand their complex, diverse and dynamic nature. The thesis thus calls for a shift away from instrumental forms of participation, that put the control over the participatory process on conservationist and protected area managers, towards collaborative processes that would help to address the underlying issues in dispute. Although seldom acknowledged, conflicts in protected areas generally include struggles over complex issues such as modernity, identity, authority, ownership, knowledge systems and different cultural notions of nature and land use, among others. The long-term transformation of conflicts requires that these issues are adequately understood and addressed. A shift away from the dominant participatory paradigm also requires breaking away from a managerial conflict resolution approach that treats conflicts as static, negative and undifferentiated phenomena. In its place an approach that emphasises the dynamic, differentiated nature of conflicts and their transformative power in forcing necessary social changes in protected area management is advocated. Special attention is paid here to analysing the dynamics of power relations among actors and the history of their interactions in order to determine the factors that limit or offer opportunities for a productive engagement among actors in addressing the root cause of conflicts. In order to demonstrate the complex, dynamic and diverse nature of conflicts in protected areas this thesis studies three different types of conflicts currently taking place in Canaima National Park, Venezuela: conflicts over the use of fire, tourism management and the building of a high voltage power-line. Through this differentiated analysis this thesis concludes with a discussion of the types of collaborative processes that could help address and discuss the core issues in dispute in each case but also the factors that limit and offer opportunities for such engagement

La notion de cyberdélit est analysée, dans le cadre de la thèse, sous l'angle de la responsabilité civile. Le champ de l'étude est ainsi circonscrit à trois types de délits civils : les atteintes aux droits de la personnalité, les atteintes aux droits de la propriété intellectuelle et à la concurrence déloyale. Ces délits commis par le biais de l'Internet posent de nombreuses difficultés aux règles de droit international privé, justifiant qu'une nouvelle façon de les appréhender soit proposée, tant sur le terrain de la compétence juridictionnelle que sur celui de la loi applicable. Les propositions sont de deux ordres. La première, se fondant sur les difficultés de localisation du délit, suggère une nouvelle méthode de localisation adaptée aux cyberdélits. En effet, les méthodes du droit positif, la méthode de localisation objective du délit ainsi que la méthode de la focalisation, s'avèrent inadéquates. Il est ainsi proposé une méthode de localisation fictive des cyberdélits. La seconde, prenant appui sur la position délicate des victimes de cyberdélits qui engagent une 1e action aux fins d'obtenir une réparation ou la cessation de l'illicite, suggère une protection de ces dernières. La pertinence d'une protection des victimes se fonde sur l'identification d'une asymétrie structurelle à l'égard, à la fois des prestataires techniques de l'Internet et des auteurs des faits illicites eux-mêmes. Des règles protectrices des victimes de cyberdélits s'imposent donc afin de rétablir un juste équilibre entre les parties
The study focuses on the analysis of three different types of cybertorts : defamation, violation of the right to privacy and copyright infringements occurring on the Internet. Cybertorts are a recent phenomenon challenging conflict of laws rules. The difficulties arising from the application of traditional rules to these specific torts justify that a new way to deal with them be adopted as regards conflicts of laws rules and rules for jurisdiction. The proposals are dual. The first one builds on the difficulties of localization of cybertorts to suggest a new method. The positive methods based on an objective localization or on the target or destination of the website are inadequate. The study proposes a fictitious localization of cybertorts. The second one, building on the difficulties encountered by the victims of cybertorts when they act for the defense of their rights, suggests that they should be granted some protection. Indeed, the analysis shows the existence of an asymmetric relationship between the victim and the online intermediaries and the tortfeasor. Some protective rules appear to be necessary to strike a fair balance between the parties

Tesi presentada al Doctorat de Educació, Societat i Qualitat de Vida de la Universitat de Lleida per en JoanMa Torres. Dirigida pel Doctor Fidel Molina. Aquesta tesi presenta noves perspectives en la conceptualització de la convivència urbana obrint nous escenaris per a la configuració de les polítiques públiques de metropolitanes. La principal idea centra la conceptualització de la convivència i els indicadors claus en aquesta. Els resultats evidencien factors higiènics i motivants en la convivència urbana així com nexes causals en els conflictes comunitaris. La producció de la recerca genera una piràmide convivencial i un baròmetre de la convivència per tal de poder mesurar i millorar la gestió de la complexitat urbana per part dels actors urbans.
Tesis presentada en el Doctorado de Educación, Societat y Calidad de la Vida de la Universidad de Lleida por JoanMa Torres. Dirigida por el Doctor Fidel Molina Luque. Esta tesis presnta nuevas perspectivas en la conceptualización de la convivéncia urbana abriendo nuevos escenarios para la configuración de las políticas públicas metropolitanas. La principal idea centra la conceptualización de la convivéncia y los indicadores claves en ésta. Los resultatos evidencian factores higiénicos y motivantes en la convivéncia urbana así como nexos causales en los conflictos comunitarios. La producción de la investigación genera una pirámide convivencial y un barómetro de la convivéncia por tal de poder medir y mejorar la gestión de la complejidad urbana por parte de los actores urbanos.
Thesis presented on the Doctorate in Education, Society and Quality of Life of the University of Lleida by JoanMa Torres. Supervised by Doctor Fidel Molina. This thesis presents new perspectives in the conceptualisation of urban coexistence, opening up new scenarios for the configuration of public metropolitan policies. The main idea focuses on the conceptualisation of coexistence and the key indicators here. The results show hygienic and motivating factors in urban coexistence and causal links in community conflicts. Production of the research creates a coexistence pyramid and a coexistence barometer to be able to measure and improve the management of urban complexity by the urban actors.

Les disputes violentes per l'accés i control de la terra i els recursos naturals associats a ella, com l'aigua, els boscos i els minerals, han alimentat els cicles històrics de violència relacionats amb el desenvolupament de l'conflicte armat intern (CAI) colombià. Per tant, aquesta dissertació busca comprendre com els patrons històrics d'accés i control de la terra, i els recursos naturals associats a ella, han influenciat el desenvolupament de cadascuna de les etapes de l'CAI colombià, i com durant el desenvolupament de l'CAI es han modelat els processos d'accés i control de la terra. En aquest sentit, aquesta dissertació ha abastat disciplines com l'ecologia política, els estudis agraris i els estudis de conflicte i pau, per analitzar les relacions entre el CAI colombià i l'acaparament de terres, la reforma agrària i la gestió dels conflictes. La dissertació comença explorant els vincles entre la reforma agrària i el conflicte armat intern en quatre països que van travessar un procés similar a l'colombià, és a dir, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua i Sud-àfrica. Els resultats revelen que la tipologia de la reforma agrària, la relació de poder entre les elits i la desigualtat socioeconòmica són els factors més influents en el post-conflicte colombià. Amb base en aquestes troballes, suggereixo que la nova reforma agrària a Colòmbia no compleix amb les condicions per a la construcció de la pau basada en l'accés i repartiment just de la terra. Després, s'analitzen els processos històrics d'acaparament de terres per identificar els actors, motivacions i principals mecanismes subjacents a aquests processos, així com els seus vincles amb la violència en cadascuna de les etapes de l'CAI. Els resultats obtinguts revelen que fenomen d'acaparament de terres és un procés atemporal i permanent que segueix provocant disputes violentes per l'accés i control de la terra, transgredint d'aquesta forma els propòsits dirigits a la construcció de pau. La dissertació avança explorant les associacions entre les diferents formes de violència associades a l'conflicte armat i la variació de l'àrea collida dels principals cultius agrícoles, entre 1987 i 2015, per a cada un dels departaments que conformen el territori colombià. Les troballes d'aquesta anàlisi suggereixen, d'una banda, que l'expansió de l'cultiu de coca no està vinculada amb el desplaçament massiu de la població rural, per contra, involucren altres formes de violència com els homicidis, les desaparicions forçades i el confinament, que sovint són perpetrades pels actors armats i narcotraficants per obligar la població rural a canviar l'ús tradicional dels seus sòls, de l'altra, que la intensificació dels cultius agro-industrials involucra altres formes de violència que solen ser menys visibles que els desplaçaments forçats, mateixos que sovint envolten ""accions legítimes"" per apropiar-se de la terra com ara la compra-venda, els arrendaments i aliances empresarials entre la població rural i empresaris agrícoles, en condicions de desigualtat. Finalment, la dissertació culmina amb el capítol de conclusions que ofereix algunes contribucions conceptuals i metodològiques als estudis interdisciplinaris que tracten d'explorar la relació entre recursos naturals i conflictes armats interns.
Las disputas violentas por el acceso y control de la tierra y los recursos naturales asociados a ella, como el agua, los bosques y los minerales, han alimentado los ciclos históricos de violencia relacionados con el desarrollo del conflicto armado interno (CAI) colombiano. Por lo tanto, esta disertación busca comprender cómo los patrones históricos de acceso y control de la tierra, y los recursos naturales asociados a ella, han influenciado el desarrollo de cada una de las etapas del CAI colombiano, y cómo durante el desarrollo del CAI se han moldeado los procesos de acceso y control de la tierra. En este sentido, esta disertación ha abarcado disciplinas como la ecología política, los estudios agrarios y los estudios de conflicto y paz, para analizar las relaciones entre el CAI colombiano y el acaparamiento de tierras, la reforma agraria y la gestión de los conflictos. La disertación comienza explorando los vínculos entre la reforma agraria y el conflicto armado interno en cuatro países que atravesaron un proceso similar al colombiano, a saber, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua y Sudáfrica. Los resultados revelan que la tipología de la reforma agraria, la relación de poder entre las élites y la desigualdad socioeconómica son los factores más influyentes en el post-conflicto colombiano. Con base en estos hallazgos, sugiero que la nueva reforma agraria en Colombia no cumple con las condiciones para la construcción de la paz basada en el acceso y reparto justo de la tierra. Luego, se analizan los procesos históricos de acaparamiento de tierras para identificar los actores, motivaciones y principales mecanismos que subyacen en tales procesos, así como sus vínculos con la violencia en cada una de las etapas del CAI. Los resultados obtenidos revelan que fenómeno de acaparamiento de tierras es un proceso atemporal y permanente que sigue provocando disputas violentas por el acceso y control de la tierra, transgrediendo de esta forma los propósitos dirigidos a la construcción de paz. La disertación avanza explorando las asociaciones entre las diferentes formas de violencia asociadas al conflicto armado y la variación del área cosechada de los principales cultivos agrícolas, entre 1987 y 2015, para cada uno de los departamentos que conforman el territorio colombiano. Los hallazgos de este análisis sugieren, por un lado, que la expansión del cultivo de coca no está vinculada con el desplazamiento masivo de la población rural, por el contrario, involucran otras formas de violencia como los homicidios, las desapariciones forzadas y el confinamiento, que a menudo son perpetradas por los actores armados y narcotraficantes para obligar a la población rural a cambiar el uso tradicional de sus suelos, por el otro, que la intensificación de los cultivos agroindustriales involucra otras formas de violencia que suelen ser menos visibles que los desplazamientos forzados, mismos que a menudo envuelven “acciones legítimas” para apropiarse de la tierra tales como la compra-venta, los arrendamientos y alianzas empresariales entre la población rural y empresarios agrícolas, en condiciones de desigualdad. Finalmente, la disertación culmina con el capítulo de conclusiones que ofrece algunas contribuciones conceptuales y metodológicas a los estudios interdisciplinares que tratan de explorar la relación entre recursos naturales y conflictos armados internos.
Violent disputes over access to and control of land and its associated natural resources, such as water, forests, and minerals, have fueled historical cycles of violence related to the development of the Colombian internal armed conflict (IAC). Therefore, this dissertation seeks to understand how the historical patterns of access and control of land, and the natural resources associated with it, have influenced the development of each of the stages of the Colombian IAC, and how during the development of the IAC they have shaped the processes of land access and control. In this sense, this dissertation has covered disciplines such as political ecology, agrarian studies, and conflict and peace studies, to analyze the relationships between the Colombian CAI and land grabbing, agrarian reform, and conflict management. The dissertation begins by exploring the links between agrarian reform and the internal armed conflict in four countries that went through a process like that of Colombia, namely, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua and South Africa. The results reveal that the typology of agrarian reform, the power relationship between the elites, and socioeconomic inequality are the most influential factors in post-conflict Colombia. Based on these findings, I suggest that the new agrarian reform in Colombia does not meet the conditions for the construction of peace based on access and fair distribution of land. Then, the historical processes of land grabbing are analyzed to identify the actors, motivations and main mechanisms that underlie such processes, as well as their links with violence in each of the CAI stages. The results obtained reveal that the phenomenon of land grabbing is a timeless and permanent process that continues to provoke violent disputes for access to and control of land, thus transgressing the purposes aimed at building peace. The dissertation advances by exploring the associations between the different forms of violence associated with the armed conflict and the variation of the harvested area of the main agricultural crops, between 1987 and 2015, for each of the departments that make up the Colombian territory. The findings of this analysis suggest, on the one hand, that the expansion of coca cultivation is not linked to the massive displacement of the rural population, on the contrary, they involve other forms of violence such as homicides, forced disappearances and confinement. that are often perpetrated by armed actors and drug traffickers to force the rural population to change the traditional use of their land, on the other hand, that the intensification of agro-industrial crops involves other forms of violence that tend to be less visible than displacement forced, which often involve "legitimate actions" to appropriate land such as buying and selling, leasing and business alliances between the rural population and agricultural entrepreneurs, under conditions of inequality. Finally, the dissertation ends with the conclusions chapter that offers some conceptual and methodological contributions to interdisciplinary studies that try to explore the relationship between natural resources and internal armed conflicts.
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals

This thesis investigates how the behaviors and skills learned during childhood play are conducive towards successful conflict resolution in adulthood. From reviewing the literature, it is clear that pretend play, social play, and games help the socio-cognitive development of a child. Through these types of play, children learn how to become better at taking another person’s perspective, effectively communicate, and regulate their socio- emotional behavior. Additionally, recognizing that negotiation seems to be the most mature way to handle conflict, I argue that children learn to navigate opposition through engaging in their own peer to peer conflicts during play. As a result, using their practiced perspective-taking, communication, and socio-emotional skills learned from play, they improve in their conflict management. Although there has not been substantial studies connecting play and conflict resolution, it is clear that the skills learned during play are associated with constructive resolution–-which as adults, is usually negotiation. Nonetheless, there needs to be more research done on how engaging in conflict and having these broad behaviors and attributes are more directly related to successful conflict management.

In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.