Academic literature on the topic 'Confessiones (Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo)'

The last Books of Augustine’s Confessions (XI-XIII) have been studied from different points of view, particularly from a philosophical or exegetical perspective, but not, taken as a whole and with detail, from an ecological point of view. For that reason, the article deals with the ideas about Creation in the three last Books of Confessions, as a point of departure to talk about ecology. Then the article presents the ideas about Ecology that Saint Augustine develops within the three last Books of his Confessions, underlining the spiritual and ecological consequences of the insights of the Bishop of Hippo. The article also discusses the relationship of the Document Laudato Si’ with the ideas that St. Augustine develops in the last book of his Confessions (Books XI-XIII).

In his Circumfession, Jacques Derrida journeys at length with Saint Augustine. The angle adopted is somewhat autobiographical, its philosophy staying as close as possible to the body, to the intimate, to the family. In Politics of Friendship, the Bishop of Hippo is one interlocutor among others. Once again, the autobiographical vein is kept alive, this time by book IV of Augustine’s Confessions. The episode of private life, the dear friend’s death, opens now onto political dimensions. Saint Augustine plays a pivotal role in what Derrida calls the infinitization of friendship. Over time, links were put in place, and the contemporary society cannot ignore or get rid of them. Our work here goes back to the traces left in the writings of Saint Augustine by the most classic canons of friendship incorporated into Christian theology. In our conclusion, we will see that Derrida puts this tradition in tension with fraternity, family, and community—all elements that the philosopher considers the most problematic in our current situation, and even more so for a democracy to come.

This paper expresses the principles of free will in the thought of the philosopher and bishop of Hippo, St. Augustine, in order to establish the understanding that there is about freedom and evil, since every human creature seeks to be free and good. In order to interpret the concepts of free will and the origin of evil, we will take into consideration these works of Saint Augustine: De libero arbitrio, Confessiones, and De ciuitate Dei; what is presented in the three books about whether sin comes from free will and whether the proof of God’s existence reveals him as the source of all good. In addition to the use of some commentators. In reviewing the texts one can affirm that God is not the author of evil, but the misuse of free will which in itself is a good, and praise God for the universal order, of which free will is a positive component, even if subject to sin. For Augustine, true happiness is found in accepting the Grace of God. The ability to choose, that is, free will, is not free until then. Freedom consists in having the will to return to the good. Free will conditions us to follow God’s will or not. However, only the one who chooses to carry out God’s will with God’s help will be free.

The article is a detailed discussion of Augustine’s conf. 12, 37, explaining how the bishop of Hippo was apparently talking about the book of Genesis, whereas in fact Augustine was making a reflection on his work and how it could be fruitful for his readers, since Augustine develops at length a text from Cicero (Top. 33).

The issue of time appears in the analysis that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the account of creation in Genesis, and offers better understanding the nature of created things and with them, created time. The way Augustine understands reality allows us to understand his interpretation of Genesis, which enriches the treatise’s view of time in Book XI of Confessiones, since in De Genesi ad litteram and De civitate Dei Augustine addresses time, not as experiences the soul, but as a creature made with other creatures, and linked to change and movement.

The article examines the expression ‘poculum tuum obliuionem’ in the writings of Saint Augustine, presenting the interpretation that the Bishop of Hippo makes of Psalm 23 (22) in his Enarrationes in Psalmos.

The article addresses the spirituality of marriage according to Saint Augustine and has three parts. In the first part, the context of the Roman family institution, in which the Christian vision of the family was born and matured, is presented. Secondly, the presentation of the Christian family in the time of Saint Augustine is made, highlighting the three heterodox currents of that time in relation to marriage, as well as the position of the Bishop of Hippo regarding the body. Subsequently, a presentation of the most significant texts of De Bono coniugali is made. Thirdly, some pastoral observations are presented, starting from the penitential practice of Saint Augustine in relation to the wounded families, to later make a comparison with the contents expressed by Pope Francis in the Apostolic Exhortation Amoris laetitia on the same topic.

The article presents, in the first part, some socio-political phenomena from Saint Augustine’s time, which caused migrations, to discuss which was the reaction of the Bishop of Hippo to these events. The topic of migrations and refugees are dealt taking as point of departure the Favencio’s dossier (epp. 113-116), as well as the case of Fascio, as it is described in Saint Augustine’s ep. 268. As an example of economic migrants, the case of the family of Antonino of Fusala is analyzed, as described in ep. 20*. Starting from the migratory movements of Saint Augustine’s time, as well as the decline of the great institutions and the internal corruption of the Roman Empire itself, the article presents Saint Augustine’s spiritual idea of peregrinus and peregrinatio, highlighting the characteristics of this essential augustinian spiritual anthropological condition, making a diachronic research in the Works of the Bishop of Hippo to identify the presence and meaning of the word peregrinus. Finally, the article presents some practical conclusions to face the reality of migration in our days, taking inspiration from the ideas and the life of Saint Augustine.

The article addresses two specific areas on the topic of the iudex in Augustine, namely: his thought and his episcopal activity. First, the article deals with the roots of the concept of iudex in the Greek and Latin legal tradition. Later the idea of iudex is approached within the New Testament, particularly in the Pauline writings. Next, the theological and eschatological dimension of iudex in Saint Augustine is presented, highlighting the common use that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the term iudex, underlining words such as Iudicium, or legal situations such as the iudex qui litem suam fecit, or the decision of the iudex, considered from a theological and legal point of view. In this theological dimension, the aspect of God as universal and cosmological iudex is not excluded. Subsequently, the Donatist dispute is analyzed from a legal perspective, highlighting the ecclesiastical law of the state, discussing the epp. 133, 151 and 134, stressing in the latter the legal value of the word necessitas. The importance of the episcopal intercessio is also underlined, analyzing epp. 152 and 153, as well as the terms of reus, supplicium and supplicatio, within the framework of the Pelagian polemic. The article also considers the issue of compelle intrare, in epp. 93, 173, as well as in the s. 112. The correspondence of Saint Augustine with Boniface and Dulcitius (ep. 185, De correctione donatistarum), ep. 204 is analyzed in this same context, as well as some texts from c. Gaud. The dimension of the iudex in the Pelagian controversy is also addressed, discussing particularly texts from Gest. Pel. and c. Iul. imp., highlighting in this last work the legal vocabulary, particularly the words that refer to the iudex. The epìscopalis Audientia is also addressed, presenting the imperial laws that framed it, both those of Constantine, as well as those of Honorius and Arcadius, to later stress the actions that Saint Augustine performed as a judge. As an example of the performance of Saint Augustine as judge, ep. 7 * is discussed, highlighting the actions of the Bishop of Hippo as a judge in matters related to property, as well as Saint Augustine’s knowledge of the legal terms and procedures, presenting the example of ep. 8*, and his technical use of terms such as actio in rem, uindicatio, causa, among others. Finally, ep. 24* is discussed, where the knowledge that Saint Augustine had of the ius uetus and of the ius nouum is revealed.

Augustine worked as an educator for most of his life, initially –in the world– as a teacher, ultimately –in the Church– as a preacher. Although he wrote no systematic work on education, it is possible to deduce his views on the subject from what he says about it in a number of important works (De magistro, De doctrina christiana, and De catechizandis rudibus). He thinks education consists of the activity of an external teacher, a human, who enthusiastically points us in the direction of the activity of an interior teacher, God. To a large extent, Augustine bases this theory on careful observation and creative reasoning. One instance of this is provided in Confessiones, where Augustine, as bishop of Hippo, looks back on the years of his youth, and thus on his experience of learning and teaching. The current article not only investigates and clarifies how Augustine developed his views on education, and explains what these views were, but also shows how he applied them to his own work. Contrary to what has long been assumed, Augustine went about this in a methodical way, both in his written and in his spoken work. This is demonstrated on the basis of a book, intended to be read (De consensu euangelistarum 1), and of a sermon (Sermo 273), intended to be heard. His methodical approach, which is evident from a clear structure and a lucid argument, reveals the practical application of Augustine’s vision. As theory served as a model for practice, thus practice confirmed the theory.

In the present study, through a close reading of the Confessions , the author explores the concept of love in Saint Augustine as it pertains to the two possibilities of man, being towards the creation and being towards the Creator. He distinguishes two kinds of love corresponding to each one of these possibilities, love of the world (cupiditas) and love of God (caritas), and proceeds to analyze these loves. The main argument of the thesis is that these loves disclose the world to man in two opposed manners. The author argues that cupiditas seeks to find satisfaction in the creation and discloses it as an end in itself, whereas caritas loves the world for the sake of God and discloses it as a means to attaining God.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him to convert to the Christian faith. Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius (Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually, promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories (Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan. Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of evil resolved itself (7.12.18).
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die Christelike geloof te bekeer. Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat (Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou. Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek (Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant. 7.12.18).

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although St Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.) was raised as a Christian, he refuted Catholicism as a youth in his search for divine wisdom and truth. Like the biblical prodigal son, he first had to realise the error of his aversion (turning away from the Catholic Church) before he could experience conversion (returning to the Catholic faith). Augustine narrates certain central events of his life in the Confessiones as a series of conversions, leading him from his native Roman North Africa to his conversion to Catholic Christianity in the Imperial City of Milan. Philosophy, especially Neo-Platonic thought, played a crucial role in his conversion process, as did the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and other Neo-Platonic intellectuals in Milan. Neo- Platonism also influenced Augustine's conception of the imago Dei (image of God). Although Augustine’s teaching of the concept of the imago Dei is found in all his works (but mainly in De Trinitate), a survey of the literature has shown that the way in which this concept is used to inform, structure and advance his conversion narrative in the Confessions, has not yet been investigated in a structured manner. In order to address this gap in scholarly knowledge, the thesis attempts to answer the following research question: How did the concept of the imago Dei inform and structure Augustine's conversion narrative, as recounted in his Confessiones, taking into account the theological and philosophical influences of Ambrose and the Neo-Platonists of Milan on his spiritual development? The investigation was conducted by an in-depth study and analysis of the Confessiones and relevant secondary literature within the historical, philosophical and religious framework of the work. An empirical approach, by means of textual analysis and hermeneutics, was used to answer the research question. The analysis of the Confessions is limited to its autobiographical part (Books 1 to 9). In order to carry out the analysis, a theoretical and conceptual framework was posited in Chapters 1 to 4, discussing the key concepts of conversion and of the imago Dei, as well as explaining the influence of Neo-Platonism and Ambrose on Augustine. In Chapter 5, this conceptual framework of the nature of the imago Dei is complemented by a literary framework for the Confessions to form a metaframework. The textual analysis was done within the meta-framework with reference to certain endowments (attributes) imprinted in the image, namely personality, spirituality, rationality, morality, authority, and creativity. The main conclusion is that Augustine's personal relationship with God had been harmed by the negative impact of sin on these endowments of the divine image in him. His gradual realisation that God is Spirit, his growth in faith, and his eventual acceptance of the authority of Scripture and of the Catholic Church, brought about the healing of the broken image of God in Augustine and also the restoration of God’s likeness in him. This enabled Augustine to be reconciled to God through Christ, who is the perfect Image of God, and helped to convert him to the Catholic Church, which is the Body of Christ.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die Heilige Augustinus, Biskop van Hippo (354–430 n.C.), as Christen grootgemaak is, het hy as jong man die Katolisisme verwerp in sy soektog na goddelike wysheid en waarheid. Soos die verlore seun van die Bybel, moes hy eers die fout van sy afkerigheid (wegdraai van die Katolieke Kerk) insien voordat hy tot bekering (terugkeer tot die Katolieke geloof) kon kom. Augustine vertel sekere kerngebeure van sy lewe in die Confessiones (Belydenisse) as ‘n reeks van bekeringe, wat hom gelei het van sy geboorteplek in Romeins-Noord-Afrika tot sy bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom in die Keiserstad Milaan. Filosofie, veral Neo-Platoniese denke, het ‘n deurslaggewende rol gespeel in sy bekeringsproses, soos ook die invloed van die Heilige Ambrosius, Biskop van Milaan, en ander Neo- Platoniese intellektuele in Milaan. Neo-Platonisme het ook Augustine se begrip van die imago Dei (Godsbeeld) beïnvloed. Alhoewel Augustinus se leer oor die begrip imago Dei in al sy werke aangetref word (maar veral in De Trinitate), het ‘n literatuurstudie uitgewys dat die manier waarop hierdie begrip gebruik word om sy bekeringsverhaal in die Confessions toe te lig, vorm te gee en te bevorder, nog nie op gestruktureerde wyse ondersoek is nie. Om hierdie leemte in vakkundige kennis te vul, poog hierdie tesis om die volgende navorsingsvraag te beantwoord: Hoe het die begrip imago Dei Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal toegelig en vorm gegee, soos vertel in sy Confessiones, met inagneming van die teologiese en filosofiese invloede van Ambrosius en die Neo-Platoniste van Milaan op sy geestelike ontwikkeling? Die ondersoek is uitgevoer deur middel van ‘n grondige studie en ontleding van die Confessiones en toepaslike sekondêre literatuur binne die historiese, filosofiese en godsdienste raamwerk van die werk. ’n Empiriese benadering, by wyse van teksontleding en hermeneutika, is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Die ontleding van die Confessiones is beperk tot die outobiografiese deel (Boeke 1 tot 9). Om die ontleding uit te voer, is ’n teoretiese en konseptuele raamwerk vooropgestel in Hoofstukke 1 tot 4, waar die sleutelbegrippe bekering en imago Dei bespreek is, asook die invloed van Neo-Platonisme en Ambrosius op Augustinus. In Hoofstuk 5 word hierdie konseptuele raamwerk vir die aard van die imago Dei aangevul deur ’n literêre raamwerk vir die Confessions om sodoende ‘n metaraamwerk te vorm. Die teksontleding is gedoen binne die metaraamwerk met verwysing na sekere geestesgawes (eienskappe) wat in die beeld neerslag vind, naamlik persoonlikheid, spiritualiteit, rasionaliteit, moraliteit, outoriteit, en kreatiwiteit. Die hoofgevoltrekking is dat Augustinus se persoonlike verhouding met God geskaad is deur die negatiewe impak van sonde op hierdie geestesgawes van die Godsbeeld in hom. Sy geleidelike besef dat God Gees is, sy groei in sy geloof, asook sy uiteindelike aanvaarding van die gesag van die Bybel en van die Katolieke Kerk, het meegebring dat Augustinus se gebroke Godsbeeld en -gelykenis herstel is. Daardeur is Augustinus met God versoen deur Christus, wat die volmaakte Godsbeeld is, en sodoende is hy bekeer tot die Katolieke Kerk, wat die Liggaam van Christus is.

Thesis (MA (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to investigate the use of the quotations of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans in the conversion narratives in Augustine’s Confessions. The Confessions is an account of Augustine’s conversion to Catholic Christianity. Within the Confessions there are many conversion narratives which form part of a greater narrative that culminates in Augustine’s final conversion in Book 8 of the Confessions. Within these conversion narratives, Augustine often quotes from Romans. In the first chapter, I discuss the use of Rom. 10:14‐15 in the opening paragraph of the Confessions, particularly Augustine’s sensitivity to the diatribe style. The opening paragraph is also significant within the context of the conversion narratives, as it features Augustine in his converted state and effectively represents the goal towards which the conversion narratives will strive. My second chapter deals with the “aversion” narrative in Conf. 5.3.5 and the use of Rom. 1:21‐25. Much attention is given to Augustine’s allusion to apologetic works, particularly the Wisdom of Solomon, which Rom. 1:21‐25 emulates. Chapter three is concerned with the significance of Rom. 1:21‐25 in the intellectual conversion of Augustine. While Augustine reuses a quotation in Conf. 7.9.13‐15, I focus on the unique use of this quotation and its specific significance to the intellectual conversion. The fourth chapter deals with the scriptural conversion and Augustine’s use of Rom. 7:22‐25. In the final chapter, I discuss the use of the references to Romans in Book 8 which Augustine has already quoted earlier in the Confessions. I then show how these quotations affect the interpretation of the spiritual conversion at the end of Book 8.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die gebruik van die verwysings na Paulus se Brief aan die Romeine in die bekeringsverhale in Augustinus se Confessiones te ondersoek. Die Confessiones is ’n berig van Augustinus se bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom. In die Confessiones is daar baie bekeringsverhale wat deel vorm van ’n groter verhaal wat sy voltooiing in die slotbekeringsverhaal in Boek 8 van die Confessiones vind. In hierdie bekeringsverhale haal Augustinus dikwels Romeine aan. In die eerste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van Rom. 10:14‐15 in die inleidende paragraaf van die Confessiones, met klem op Augustinus se aanwending van die diatribe styl. Die inleidende paragraaf is ook van belang met betrekking tot die bekeringsverhale, omdat dit Augustinus in ’n bekeerde toestand uitbeeld en effektief die doel verteenwoordig wat die bekeringsverhale nastreef. My tweede hoofstuk handel oor die “afkeer”‐toneel in Conf. 5.3.5 en die gebruik van Rom. 1:21‐25. Aandag word gegee aan Augustinus se toespeling op apologetiese werke, veral die Wysheid van Salomo, wat deur Rom. 1:21‐25 nageboots word. Hoofstuk drie handel oor die belang van Rom. 1:21‐25 in die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal van Augustinus. In Conf. 7.9.13‐15 gebruik Augustinus weer ’n keer dieselfde aanhaling, en hier is die fokus op die unieke gebruik van hierdie aanhaling en sy spesifieke konteks binne die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal. Die vierde hoofstuk handel oor Augustinus se bekering tot die Skrif en sy gebruik van Rom. 7:22‐25. In die laaste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van verwysings na Romeine wat Augustinus alreeds vroeër aangehaal het in Boek 8 van die Confessiones. Ten slotte toon ek aan hoe hierdie aanhalings die interpretasie van die geestelike bekeringsverhaal aan die einde van Boek 8 beïnvloed.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Two literary conversion narratives with much historical detail, are compared in this thesis: the Confessiones written by the renowned fourth century church-father, St. Augustine, and Surprised by Joy written by the twentieth century writer and scholar, C.S. Lewis. In order to understand St. Augustine's conversion to the Christian faith, Christian religion as a social phenomenon in the Ancient World is discussed. As background for the discussion and comparison of the two conversion narratives, a brief biography is given of St. Augustine and of Lewis, as well as a description of each one's course of conversion. The research is structured In terms of beacons that St. Augustine identified during the course of his conversion: people who played a significant role, events that influenced his life, and inner conflict that spurred him on his way. By means of an analysis regarding theme and content, it is shown that there are clear similarities between the beacons identified by Augustine and Lewis in their conversion narratives.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie tesis word twee literêre bekeringsverhale waarin die historiese werklikheid deur die skrywers weergegee word, met mekaar vergelyk: die Confessiones van die vierde eeuse kerkvader Augustinus, en Surprised by Joy van die twintigste eeuse skrywer en geleerde C.S. Lewis. Om Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal histories te kan plaas teen die agtergrond waarin hy geleef en tot bekering gekom het, word 'n uiteensetting gegee van die Christelike godsdiens as 'n sosiale fenomeen in die Antieke Wêreld. 'n Kort lewensbeskrywing van Augustinus en Lewis en 'n oorsig van die weg wat elkeen se bekering gevolg het, dien as agtergrond vir die bespreking en vergelyking van die twee bekeringsverhale. Die navorsing word gestruktureer aan die hand van bakens wat Augustinus op sy bekeringsweg uitgelig het: persone wat 'n beduidende rol gespeel het, gebeure wat hom beïnvloed het, innerlike konflik wat hom voortgedryf het. Die tesis toon deur 'n analise op grond van inhoud en tematiek aan dat daar duidelike ooreenkomste is tussen die bakens op Augustinus se bekeringsweg en dié op Lewis se bekeringsweg.

Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I attempt to open up new perspectives on the literary qualities and the unity of Augustine's Confessions by reading the work in the light of the context within which it first functioned. Part 1, Prolegomena, consists of a survey of secondary literature (in chapter 1) that focuses on research on the literary characteristics of the work, followed by a theoretical exploration of the two aspects that constitute the focus of this study, the genre and the audience of the Confessions. Chapter 2.1 examines how the literary practices and generic conventions of late Antiquity should inform our reading of the work. This is achieved through a discussion of the implications of genre analysis in general (2.1.1), followed by an examination of the conventions of the ancient protreptic genre (2.1.2), a look at the parallels between the Confessions and three of its literary antecedents and between the Confessions and Augustine's Contra Academicos (2.1.3), and an evaluation of the perspectives offered on the unity of the work by this procedure (2.1.4). Chapter 2.2 starts with a discussion of the concept of intended audience (2.2.1) and proceeds to provide the background needed to follow the arguments on the specific segment of Augustine's audience that I consider here, the Manicheans (2.2.2). Part 2 of the dissertation consists of the analyses of selected passages but attempts at the same time to give an accurate account of how genre and intended audience are embodied in the text as a whole. In chapter 3 I show that Augustine's meditation on Ps 4 in the central section of the Confessions (9.4.8-11) is a protreptic that targets a Manichean audience (3.1) through Augustine's identification with this audience (3.2) and the prevalent use of Manichean terminology and categories (3.3). In chapter 4 I analyse in a more systematic way the expression of protreptic purpose through various devices throughout the Confessions: foreshadowing in the opening paragraph (4.1), the use of a shifting persona (4.2), allusion to Matt 7:7 (4.3), and the theme of the protreptic power of reading and listening (4.5). I evaluate how pervasive the expression of protreptic intent is (4.4) and end with an examination of the protreptic-paraenetic purpose of the first section of the allegorical exposition of the creation story in book 13 (4.6). Chapter 5 examines the degree to which the Manicheans are targeted by the text as a whole as an important segment of its intended audience. I examine the use of the theme of friendship to evoke Augustine's erstwhile Manichean friendships and the history of failed communication with this group (5.1), the role Augustine intends curiositas to play in coaxing the Manicheans into reading yet another attempt to convert them (5.2), and once again how pervasive the concerns with a Manichean audience is (5.3). I conclude this chapter, like the previous one, with an analysis of the last section of the allegory in book 13, where I discern towards the end an intensification of indications that Augustine is preoccupied with his Manichean audience (5.4).
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif probeer om nuwe perspektief te bied op die literêre eienskappe en die eenheid van Augustinus se Confessiones deur die werk te lees in die lig van die konteks waarbinne dit aanvanklik gefunksioneer het. Deel 1, Prolegomena, is In oorsig oor die sekondêre literatuur (in hoofstuk 1) wat fokus op studies van die literêre tegnieke in die werk, gevolg deur In teoretiese verkenning van die twee aspekte wat die fokuspunt van die studie vorm, naamlik die genre en die gehoor van die Confessiones. Hoofstuk 2 ondersoek hoe literêre praktyke en genre-verwante konvensies van die laat Antieke die lees van die werk behoort te beïnvloed. Dit word gedoen aan die hand van In bespreking van die implikasies van genre-analise in die algemeen (2.1.1), gevolg deur In oorsig oor die konvensies van die antieke protreptiese genre (2.1.2), In bespreking van die paraIIele tussen die Confessiones en drie literêre voorlopers daarvan asook tussen die Confessiones en Augustinus se Contra Academicos (2.1.3) en In evaluering van die perspektiewe wat hierdie werkwyse bied op die eenheid van die werk (2.1.4). Hoofstuk 2.2 behels In bespreking van die konsep teikengehoor (2.2.1), gevolg deur In opsomming van die agtergrondinligting wat nodig is om die argumente oor die spesifieke segment van Augustinus se gehoor wat hier oorweeg word (die Manicheërs), te volg (2.2.2). Deel 2 van die proefskrif bestaan uit die analises van geselekteerde passasies maar probeer terselfdertyd om In getroue weergawe te bied van hoe genre en gehoor in die teks as geheel beliggaam word. Hoofstuk 3 toon dat Augustinus se oordenking van Ps 4 in die sentrale gedeelte van die Confessiones (9.4.8-11) In protreptiese werk gerig op In Manichese gehoor is (3.1). Augustinus vereenslewig hom met sy teikengehoor (3.2) en gebruik deurgaans Manichese terminologie en kategorieë (3.3). Hoofstuk 4 ondersoek hoe die protreptiese doelwit in die Confessiones uitgedruk word deur die gebruik van verskeie tegnieke: voorafskaduing in die aanvangsparagraaf (4.1), die gebruik van In verskuiwende persona (4.2), verwysing na Matt 7:7 (4.3) en die tema van die protreptiese uitwerking van lees en luister (4.5). Ek evalueer hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die uitdrukking van die protreptiese doelwit is (4.4) en sluit met In analise van die protrepties-paranetiese funksie van die eerste deel van die allegoriese interpretasie van die skeppingsverhaal in boek 13 (4.6). Hoofstuk 5 ondersoek die mate waarin die teks as geheel die Manicheërs as die teikengehoor van die werk aandui. Dit toon hoe Augustinus die tema van vriendskap gebruik om sy vroeëre Manichese vriendskappe op te roep en verwys na die geskiedenis van onsuksesvolle kommunikasie met hierdie groep (5.1); dit toon hoe curiositas 'n rol speel om die Manicheërs oor te haalom nog 'n poging om hulle te bekeer te lees (5.2) asook hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die bemoeienis met 'n Manichese gehoor is (5.3). Die hoofstuk sluit af, soos die vorige een, met 'n analise (nou van die tweede deel) van die allegorie in boek 13, met klem op die sterker wordende aanduidings dat Augustinus hier 'n Manichese gehoor in die oog het (5.4).

Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett
In my dissertation I seek to contribute to the revival of interest in Augustine’s political thought by attempting to uncover his doctrine of eternal law. While absent from his mature writings, including the City of God, this doctrine is central to the investigation of justice in Augustine’s early writings. After considering Augustine’s summary of this early investigation in the Confessions, the most surprising feature of which is Augustine’s insistence on the importance of specifically political questions to his mature understanding of justice, I take up the two treatments of eternal law. In the dialogue On Free Choice, the eternal law is contrasted with the temporal law and is understood in terms of the fundamental command to “order,” which means in the first place wisdom, but also “right and honorable” action. In the anti-Manichean polemic Contra Faustum, the eternal law is presented as the will of God that commands the preservation of the natural order, which means that actions are truly just insofar as they conduce to “mortal health.” I argue that these two discussions of eternal law indicate the limitations of any kind of “higher law” doctrine. On Free Choice demonstrates the difficulty of breaking free of the guidance of temporal law and its harmonization of the demands of eternal and temporal law depends on an understanding of moral virtue whose independence is rather assumed than proven. Contra Faustum shows that the natural ends of self-preservation, procreation, and civic peace are only the beginning points of moral reasoning, since the pursuit of those ends is governed by further moral criteria that cannot easily be understood in terms of nature. In the end, then, I argue that the doctrine of eternal law, while illuminating a great deal about the problems of politics and morality as Augustine encountered them, points to the crucial importance of the question of human virtue and of acquiring the prudence that provides for this virtue in light of the necessary limitations of political life. It is probably for this reason that Augustine does not return to the doctrine in his later writings and does not rely on it in his reconciliation of the two cities in the City of God
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

In his three major polemical campaigns, that is, against the Manichees, Donatists and Pelagians, Augustine used imagery derived from medicine and was, in tum influenced by the language he used. While much of the language of sickness and disease remained conventional, some usages came to bear significant theological weight, notably infirmitas and contagio. The former became a designation for the culpable weakness affecting each member of the human race since the Fall. The latter became a technical term for the transmission of original sin associated with concupiscentia. Sickness imagery assumes the analogy of the soul and body, advancing his project to integrate the two parts of the human person. It also enabled him to discuss humanity's fallen nature without slipping into Manichaean determinism or Pelagian autonomy. Finally, sickness imagery enabled Augustine to suspend the tension between the inherited guilt and free-will in readily accessible metaphor. Images of health and healing also helped Augustine sustain tensions in his thought. But even more significantly, the image of Christ the Physician proved critical throughout his polemical career. Against the Manichees it is the Divine Physician who lays out the stages of sacred history according to a great therapeutic strategy for the human race. Against the Donatists it is the wisdom of the Physician who prescribes painful means of cure which is urged against Donatist complaints of persecution. Finally, against the Pelagians, Christus Medicus becomes a technical soteriological term. This family of metaphors, drawn from the Scriptures, classical literature, pagan religion and common experience appear time and time again. While they may have become commonplace in the writings of other Christian authors, in Augustine's polemical theology they came to shape and inform key aspects of his thought.

Abstract Saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430) adapted classical thought to Christian doctrine and in various writings, including De civitate Dei, established the foundations for medieval and modern Christian theology. Born in north Africa, Augustine started out as a teacher, orator, and worldly man. He took a concubine for some years and had a son, Adeodatus. He fell in with the Manicheans, who believed that good and evil, light and darkness, were equal powers in conXict with each other. In 386, two years after taking the prestigious chair in rhetoric at Milan, Augustine experienced the conversion to Christ for which his mother Monica had long and fervently prayed. After giving up his post and his plans for marriage, Augustine became a priest and then bishop of Hippo (in Algeria today) until his death.

Abstract Saint, Bishop of Hippo Regius (now Annaba, Algeria), Doctor of the Western Church. His enormous influence on the doctrines of Western Christianity owes much to his skill and perseverance as a philosopher. In the history of philosophy itself he is a secondary figure, partly because he didn’t have the taste or leisure to acquire more than a scrappy knowledge of the 800-year tradition preceding him.