Relevant bibliographies by topics / Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)

Academic literature on the topic 'Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)"

1

Popovski, Vlado. "The Different Fates of Albania and Macedonia at the London Conference of Ambassadors 1912-1913." SEEU Review 10, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2014-0008.

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2

Bregu, Edit, and Irvin Faniko. "The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013.

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Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory. Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
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3

Kotov, Boris S. "“Germany and the Balkan Feud”: The Russian Press Assessment of German Policy During the Two Balkan Wars of 1912–1913." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030094.

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By analysing leading Russian newspapers on the eve of the Great War, the author illustrates the perception of German policy by Russian public opinion during the two Balkan wars of 1912–1913. He concludes that during the ten months of the Balkan crisis, the attitude of the Russian press towards Germany underwent a significant transformation. In the first two months of the Balkan War (October and November 1912), when Berlin was not openly declaring its support for Austrian claims, one could find favourable comments on German policy in Russian newspapers. The attitude of the Russian press to Germany shifted in a negative direction under the influence of Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg’s speech in the Reichstag on 2 December 1912, when for the first time since the beginning of the Balkan War Berlin publicly declared its readiness to back its Austrian ally’s claims with arms in hand. Russian society experienced even greater disappointment in German politics after the start of the London Meeting of Ambassadors, at which the German representative supported the proposals of the Austrian side, and after a new speech by Bethmann-Hollweg in the German parliament on April 7, 1913, when the Reich Chancellor declared “racial opposites” between the Slavic and German peoples and laid full responsibility for maintaining a tense the situation in Europe affects the pan-Slavic circles of Russia. These two speeches by the head of the German government and Berlin’s support for Austrian claims at the London Conference were negatively perceived by the overwhelming majority of the Russian press. At the same time, the disagreements between Germany and Austria-Hungary that emerged during the Bucharest Peace Conference and immediately after it gave the Russian press reason to declare a serious crisis of the Triple Alliance. The article concludes that there was a significant increase in anti-German sentiment in Russia under the influence of German behavior during the Balkan crisis of 1912–1913. Thus, the two Balkan Wars became an important milestone not only in the history of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, but also in the propaganda preparations for the First World War.
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4

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.

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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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5

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.

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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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6

Hajdari, Ardita, and Nuri Bexheti. "Albanian Press on the Efforts of Cooperation be-tween Kosovo Albanians and the Bulgarians of Macedonia (1912-1914)." Balkanistic Forum 33, no. 1 (January 10, 2024): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v33i1.6.

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The article explores a particular source of Albanian newspapers for the cooperative efforts between Kosovo Albanians and Bulgarians in Macedonia. The Albanian press in the diaspora, particularly in Bulgaria, was of great importance for Albanian ideol-ogists after the closure of Albanian-language clubs, schools, and newspapers in Koso-vo. In Albanian newspapers, we can observe a different perspective on the efforts to cooperate between Albanian and Bulgarian insurgents until 1913. The Conference of Ambassadors in London and the waves of Albanian and Bulgarian refugees caused by the Balkan wars reaffirmed these tentative of collaboration for the common interest of both parties. These also resulted with joint Albanian and Bulgarian kachak forces in exile on the September Ohrid-Dibra uprising. Despite the failure of the uprising, Alba-nian newspapers remained supportive of the idea of common resistance.
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7

Iseni, Fati, and Agim Jakupi. "British Diplomacy on Demonstrations of March and April 1981 in Yugoslavia (Kosovo)." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/976fdv73.

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Great Britain since the late 19th and early 20th centuries had increased its interest for the developments in the Balkan region. Since the Berlin Congress in June 1878, the Conference of Ambassadors in London, December 1912-May 1913, then during WWI and WWII. Her interest continued also during the Cold War. Tito's Yugoslavia as a conglomerate of peoples had special diplomatic treatment from UK because of political, economic and military interests of the latter. Mostly after 1948 the UK built good relations with Yugoslavia. Her interest was Yugoslavia to remain stable as it was the west "protected" area from any Soviet Union threat. From this perspective the predictions were that the British could approve of any kind of internal behavior towards other ethnic minority communities. Thus in 1981 riots broke out in the province of Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and they escalated widely all over Kosovo. The UK closely followed all developments through its embassy in Belgrade and reported continuously to the FCO in London. This research will be exclusively based on these Telegrams. The declassified diplomatic reports testify more to a diplomatic and political correctness since then, from the fact that they clearly write about the discrimination that has been done to Kosovo in the Yugoslav legal and political system.
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8

Martin, Simon. "The Gendarme Mission in Albania, 1925–38: A Move on the English Chess Board?" Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004847.

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Emerging from the Balkan wars and the London Conference of Ambassadors of 1913, the nation state of Albania frustrated the expansionist ambitions of Serbia and Greece which had planned to partition the area. Early indications suggested Albania would be, potentially, one of the most destabilising regions of the Balkans. This was primarily due to its geographical position vis à vis the Adriatic coast, and to the manner in which the Great Powers deemed Albanian independence an issue of international concern. For Britain, the proximity of the important military base of Malta and the existence of oil in Albania were further reasons why Italian domination had to be checked, and it is of little surprise that Albania quickly became the focus of attention for jealous and covetous eyes.
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9

Pacukaj, Sokol. "Greece and Albania during the Second World War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 6 (November 15, 2016): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2016-0047.

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The purpose of this article is to present the relations between Greece and Albania in a very sensitive period as the Second World War. The nationalist sentiments have dominated both in Greek and in the Albanian and this have often resulted in armed conflict. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Albania found itself without a wing is its lands were highly sought by neighbors like Greeks and Serbs. Greece has already advanced its claims after the first Balkan wars and these claims were also the key in the conference of ambassadors in London which began in 1913 and ended in 1916. During the Second World War, Albania was the gateway to the Italian military which have invaded Greece. The events of the Second World War will be analyzed in this article with a qualitative methodology and mostly based in the study of archival documents and the literature review for the theoretical background.
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10

Berxholli, Arqile, Sejfi Protopapa, and Kristaq Prifti. "The Greek Minority in the Albanian Republic: a Demographic Study." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408337.

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Albania, founded at the Congress of Vlora on November 12, 1912, has a far more homogeneous national population than its neighboring states in the Balkans. The Sixth London Conference of the great powers in 1912–1913 ruthlessly divided the territories inhabited by Albanians. The conference fragmented more than half the territories inhabited by ethnic Albanian regions as follows: in the east and the northeast—Kosova, Dibra, Ohri, Struga and Pollugu up to Shkup (Scoplje); in the north—Tivari, Ulqini, Tuzi, Plava and Gucija; and in the south—Camerija. These lands, with an autochthonous Albanian population, were annexed by Serbia, Montenegro (in 1918 by the new Yugoslav State) and by Greece in 1913. Thus, the borders of Albania were confined to an area of 28,748 square kilometers and a population of a little more than 800,000.
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Books on the topic "Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)"

1

Dragoj, Nuri. Prapaskenat e Konferencës së Londrës: 1912-1913. Tiranë: Iceberg, 2013.

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2

Iancu, Carol. L' émancipation des juifs de Roumanie (1913-1919): De l'inégalité civique aux droits de minorité : l'originalité d'un combat à partir des guerres balkaniques et jusqu'à la Conférence de paix de Paris. Montpellier: Centre de recherches et d'études juives et hébraïques, Université Paul Valéry, 1992.

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3

Shqipëria në Konferencën e Ambasadorëve 1912-1913. Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik, 2017.

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Dokumente britanike për çështjen shqiptare në Konferencën e Ambasadorëve në Londër: 1912-1913. Tiranë: Botimet "Toena", 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)"

1

Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. "Peacemaking in London." In Venizelos, 341–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.003.0038.

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This chapter outlines the issues for decision in December 1912-early 1913, at the peace conferences for which Sir Edward Grey had offered London as venue. These were, for Venizelos 1) the future of Salonika, 2) the fate of the Aegean islands, still claimed by Turkey, and 3) Albania/Northern Epirus. The chapter describes the division of the negotiations into two, one between the Balkan allies and Turkey, the second a conference of ambassadors to deal with other issues including the Aegean islands and Albania/Northern Epirus. Streit, Skouloudis, Metaxas and Danglis took part in the London talks, but Venizelos would not include Ion Dragoumis, who opposed Venizelos's conciliatory policy towards Bulgaria and hopes of a Balkan federation.
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"The Second Hague Conference on the Bill of Exchange (1912)." In T.M.C. Asser (1838-1913) (2 vols.), 1665–86. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004397972_069.

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3

VanderKam, James C. "The Last Oxford Years 1909–1913 and The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament." In R. H. Charles, 290–333. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192869289.003.0011.

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Abstract The chapter relates information about Charles becoming a Fellow of Merton College Oxford, his lecture before the Church Conference of 1910 critiquing Albert Schweitzer’s views, the Drew Lecture on Immortality in 1912, and his appointment as Speaker’s Lecturer in Biblical Studies (the lectures were on the Book of Revelation). There is also a consideration of the context for his work on the Zadokite Fragments, recently found and published by Solomon Schechter, the controversy about access to the manuscripts of the work, and his translation and commentary on it. The chapter describes the subsequent find of copies of the text among the Dead Sea Scrolls and surveys the contributions they make to study of the text and the community behind it. Much of the chapter sets the context for and describes Charles’s best-known publication, this time as editor, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, a two-volume collection of introductions and annotated translations of the texts that fell into both categories. The Pseudepigrapha volume contains many of his own translations and notes on Jewish texts. There is coverage of reviews of the work and the legacy of the book in modern times.
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