To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries.
Journal articles on the topic 'Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cierco, Teresa Maria. "(RETRACTED ARTICLE) Human Rights promotion in Serbia: a difficult task for the European Union." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 54, no. 1 (2011): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292011000100009.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the role of the European Union in the human rights protection, implementation and promotion in Serbia. It is clear that the EU demands on democratisation in the region of Western Balkans are crucial to achieve the respect for human rights. The human rights standards as part of the conditionality criteria of the EU is a clear message towards the countries aspiring membership. However, Serbia progress in the field has been difficult due to several internal constraints. This paper aims to uncover the democratisation process of Serbia on its path towards the EU, and its progress (or not) regarding human rights protection and implementation.
2
Hogic, Nedim. "The European Union’s Economic Conditionality and Europeanization of the Western Balkans." Southeastern Europe 46, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46020001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article evaluates the role that the economic conditionality of the European Union (EU) toward the six Western Balkan countries may play in the transformation of these countries as a part of their EU accession process. The article is a case study of a temporary policy shift that occurred in 2014 in relation to conditions that Bosnia and Herzegovina must fulfill to qualify for opening negotiations on EU membership. It also aims to address what this shift has achieved for the Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its progress towards EU accession. The shift, implemented via an economic plan called the Reform Agenda, was an attempt at Europeanization of the country’s economic policies that temporarily put aside the constitutional reform demands that had previously dominated the Europeanization discourse. After the first five years of the Reform Agenda, moderate gains primarily in the domain of economic development and fiscal stability were made; however, political fragmentation and nationalistic and secessionist ideas have prevented the reforms from making a stronger impact. Additionally, the lack of a defined desired outcome in terms of measurable economic reforms and the inadequate planning by the EU were not conducive to a more transformative impact.
3
Zmiyenko, Oleksandra. "The EU: Power(less) in Statelessness? The Case of the Baltic States." Journal of Social Policy Studies 16, no. 4 (December 24, 2018): 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2018-16-4-677-690.
Full textAbstract:
Oleksandra Zmiyenko – MA Law, European Interdisciplinary Studies – College of Europe; Academic Assistant at the College of Europe, EU International Relations Department, Bruges, Belgium. Email: Oleksandra.zmiyenko@coleurope.eu
Despite still being an emergent research area, statelessness has come to attract growing attention both from academics and among policy-makers. So far, this legal vacuum, that represents a violation of the right to nationality, and has consistently been perceived through the prism of other human rights-related issues. To avoid oversight, statelessness needs to be perceived as a distinct phenomenon and to be addressed as such on the policy-making agenda. The European Union has two overt examples of statelessness among its Member States: Latvia and Estonia. In these post-Soviet countries, statelessness emerged in conjunction with debates over state continuity and state succession. The main question to be asked is to what extent does the EU have leverage when it comes to addressing the problem of statelessness? In its Member States, where questions of citizenship fall under the national competences, the EU influence in this regard seems limited, which is even more apparent outside of the EU. However, for the countries with 'European aspirations', there are different ways to have an impact: either before or after accession. Given its terminological ambiguities and that possible solutions to statelessness may be offered from a diverse range of academic fields, the research methodology of this study is interdisciplinary: from legal to historical analysis. While conditionality imposed on the aspiring members has a clear outcome in terms of legislation changes, once these states have acceded, the EU tends to have less influence. Conditionality might serve as a possibility to address statelessness among the countries with 'European aspirations', while increased pressure to fulfil international obligations may be crucial in dealing with Member States.
4
Keil, Soeren. "Europeanization, State-building and democratization in the Western Balkans." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768977.
Full textAbstract:
The Western Balkans have seen rapid changes since the end of the violent conflicts in the 1990s. The European Union (EU) has been one of the main drivers for change, focusing on the political, economic and social transformation of the region to prepare the countries for membership in the Union. This introduction to the special issue will clarify the key terms and their interaction in the Western Balkans. EU enlargement has never before been this complex and inter-connected with processes of state-building and democratization. The focus on conditionality as the main tool of the EU in the region has had positive and negative effects. It can be argued that the EU is actively involved in state-building processes and therefore the termEU Member State Buildingwill be used to explain the engagement of the Union with the countries in the region. This paper will discuss the concept of EU Member State Building, its potential and its pitfalls. It will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the region is unlikely to take place without an active role for the EU; however, the current approach has reached its limits and it is time to think about alternative options to integrate the Western Balkans into European structures.
5
Obradović, Nikolina. "Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Family Policy Challenges in Meeting the European Union’s Standards and Recommendations." Revija za socijalnu politiku 27, no. 3 (December 16, 2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v28i3.1814.
Full textAbstract:
Family policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s entities (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic Srpska) is incoherent, with its different elements being scattered across different ministries and levels of government. The system is found to be inapt to respond to the needs of families, thus enhancing gender inequalities in the labour market and within families. As a country aspiring to join the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with other countries of the Western Balkans region, participates in regular policy dialogue with the European Union institutions. The latest European Commission assessment of the country’s Economic Reform Programme identifies low employment of women as one of the key challenges and implicitly calls for the country to develop an employment-oriented family policy. By analysing the system of family policy and its recent policy developments, the article assesses the country’s capacity to respond to the recommendation and create conditions for greater participation of women in the labour market. The question is whether the European Union’s conditionality and recommendations have the potential to transform the current family policy arrangements in the entities. Key words: work-family policy, female employment, gender inequalities, maternity leave, parental leave, early childhood education and care services, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
6
Bilgin, Recep, Seydali Ekici, and Fatih Sezgin. "The effect of international relations on democratization of Turkey between 2002-2010 during justice and development party rule." Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, no. 57 (November 8, 2022): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.57.09.22.
Full textAbstract:
Democratization takes place under different conditions in every country. The social structure and that of state play important roles, and there are many other internal and external factors for this process. Turkey also went through different phases for democratization processes. This is a qualitative study and formed by reviewing related literature and evaluating. It focuses on external factors between 2002 and 2010 because there was a struggle and long-lasting conflicts between secular elites and conservative democrats during this time. With the help and encouragement of European Union (EU), Justice and Development Party governments were able to eliminate the status quo inherited from 1980 military coup. Although democratization of Turkey proceeded with the effect of many different factors, the effect of international relations in this era was priceless for the governments of that time. Especially Turkey’s candidate process to membership of EU enforced conditionality by these countries. Even more the ruling party consented to democratize. Under the control of them, Turkey made a relatively smooth transition to more democratic state.
7
Kalashnikov, Nikolai. "CUBA - THE EU : CONTROVERSIAL PARTNERSHIP." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.09.
Full textAbstract:
The article studies the features of the establishment relations between Cuba and EU in the post-soviet period. Their development for more than 30 years has been uneven and conditionally divided into three stages. In the case of mutual economic interest of the parties, these stages are determined by the presence of a political factor. The European Union's efforts to achieve Havana's respect for its ideas about democracy and human rights have been met with constant resistance from Cuban authorities, who interpret such attempts as interference in internal affairs. The aggravation of political contradictions periodically led to a freezing of trade and economic ties. This situation reached critical scales after the adoption of the «Common Position» on Cuba by the European Union in 1996. At the same time, the peculiarity of the decisions taken by Brussels for political reasons was their non-proliferation to the bilateral relations of European countries with Cuba. It is necessary to take into consideration the changes of the international situation around Cuba. In particular, B. Obama's Cuban policy had an indirect influence on Europe's cancellation of the «Common Position», which opened up business opportunities for U.S. companies on the island and threatened the economic interests of the European Union here. This prompted Brussels to sign a cooperation agreement between Cuba and the EU in 2016, also as a result of political and economic changes on the island. However, the remaining contradictions are an obstacle to the establishment of a full partnership between Brussels and Havana.
8
Máčaj, Adam. "Impact of European Union Tariff Preferences on International Human Rights Treaties." Slovak Yearbook of European Union Law 2 (December 31, 2022): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54869/syeul.2022.2.329.
Full textAbstract:
Tariff preferences of the EU seek to, inter alia, incentivize third countries through more beneficial scheme of preferences to act in accordance with international human rights standards and other values prioritized by the EU. The aim of this contribution is to assess whether this motivation has real impact on third countries as regards their approach to core international human rights treaties and provide answer to the question whether improved tariff preferences influenced conduct of those countries, as regards accession to the said treaties and expansion of their territorial applicability. Through this assessment, the research seeks to analyse impact the positive conditionality had on acceptance and ratification of human rights treaties by countries that have not showed previous inclination to ratifications without the prospect of obtaining tariff preferences by the EU. The central method is to consider the international human rights treaty ratification years of all states benefitting from the EU regime of tariff preferences. By comparing the time of ratifying the required human rights treaties, and the year in which the respective states became beneficiaries of tariff preferences, the study confirms that, safe for several specific cases, the states receiving tariff preferences had little to no new obligations in terms of ratifying human rights conventions they were previously not bound by.
9
Padgett, Stephen. "Multilateral institutions, accession conditionality and rule transfer in the European Union: the Energy Community in South East Europe." Journal of Public Policy 32, no. 3 (November 5, 2012): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x12000086.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractConditionality is widely used by international organisations to induce “client states” to engage in structural reform. In the European Union (EU) it plays an important role in ensuring that accession countries adopt EU rules as a condition of membership. Reliance on external incentives, however, limits the effectiveness of bilateral accession conditionality, especially for pre-accession countries with uncertain membership prospects. This article argues that multilateral institutions can boost the rule transfer effects of bilateral accession conditionality by reinforcing its incentive structure. The contention is tested by empirical research into the Energy Community in South East Europe. The research uses cross-national and cross-sectoral comparison to evaluate the rule transfer effects of Community institutions relative to accession conditionality and the terms of energy interdependence. It finds that whilst accession status is the main predictor of alignment with the energy acquis, there is evidence that multilateral institutions of the Energy Community exert a significant reinforcement effect.
10
Bojinović Fenko, Ana, and Ana Urlić. "Political Criteria vs. Political Conditionality: Comparative analysis of Slovenian and Croatian European Union accession processes." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study analyses the differences in content and procedure in the application of political criteria and political conditionality in the EU accession processes of Slovenia and Croatia. The article ascertains that with regard to substance, the Commission and EU member states did apply political criteria more extensively and meticulously to Croatia in comparison to Slovenia, but mainly due to the difference in the states’ initial assessment of preparedness for EU membership and the application of the principle of own merits. Empirical results, however, show that the differences in political conditionality did not only stem from Croatia’s post-conflict conditions, but also from the EU’s experience of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements and the concern about the EU’s absorption capacity. As for the accession process procedure, the latter has increasingly empowered the Commission rather than EU member states, which bears relevance for future (Western Balkans) enlargements
11
Dudley, Danijela. "European Union membership conditionality: the Copenhagen criteria and the quality of democracy." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 20, no. 4 (August 18, 2020): 525–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2020.1805889.
Full text
12
Cengiz, Firat, and Lars Hoffmann. "Rethinking Conditionality: Turkey's European Union Accession and the Kurdish Question." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 51, no. 3 (January 4, 2013): 416–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12010.
Full text
13
Brodersen, Kei Hannah. "The icty’s Conditionality Dilemma." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 22, no. 3 (July 2, 2014): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-22032048.
Full textAbstract:
The European Union has made cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia a crucial condition to furthering relations with Serbia. This approach, known as “icty conditionality”, stems from the conviction that the Tribunal is a key factor in rebuilding the rule of law in the Western Balkans. In contrast to the existing literature on eu conditionality in general or on icty conditionality in specific, this article emphasizes the relevance of all involved actors: it examines the interaction of icty conditionality, domestic factors and the icty’s judicial performance influencing the development of the rule of law in Serbia. The article concludes that the goal of using the icty as a tool to establish the rule of law in Serbia has failed due to a lack of norm diffusion, although all icty conditionality requirements have eventually formally been fulfilled. This was not only due to inconsistent application of icty conditionality on the eu’s side, but also on account of deficiencies in the legal operation of the Tribunal. Lastly, neither the eu’s demands nor the icty’s work fell on fruitful domestic grounds.
14
Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
15
Perković, Ana Ješe. "The European Union and the Democratization Process of the Western Balkans." Southeastern Europe 38, no. 1 (April 10, 2014): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03801005.
Full textAbstract:
This paper considers democratization process in the Western Balkans and the influence of the European Union on this process. After the fall of communism European Union has been deeply involved in the transformation of the post-communist societies in the Eastern Europe. The lack of democratic tradition, complexity of democratic process, weak institutions and weak civil society have been among the main obstacles for quick transition. Yet many authors have argued that the EU membership has been one of the most important foreign policy goals of the post-socialist governments and a foreign policy tool of European Union. The EU has been using a leverage of prospect of EU membership and EU conditionality for implementing certain policies, hence trying to encourage the democratization process. This paper compares a democratization process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with one in the Western Balkans, and looks at EU conditionality and its impact on the democratization process of the Western Balkan states. We argue that the prospect of EU membership has influenced democratization in the Western Balkans to some extent, but the implementation of reforms has been superficial in some policy areas due to ostensible compliance with EU rules of the political elites.
16
Babynina, Lyudmila. "Trade and Cooperation Agreement Between the EU and the UK: Conditionality Versus Sovereignty." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope220210516.
Full textAbstract:
The United Kingdom left the European Union on January 31, 2020. On December 31, 2020, the transition period ended, during which all EU rules and regulations applied to Britain. The trade agreement was reached in record time, but it is too early to talk about long-term mutual benefits. The British case in the system of trade and economic agreements of the European Union is unique. On the one hand, at the time of the negotiations, the UK retained EU law, was a member of the EU Single Internal Market and Customs Union, subject to the jurisdiction of the EU Court of Justice. On the other hand, the EU for the first time found itself in a situation when a third country was determined to distance itself as much as possible from EU rules while concluding a trade agreement, despite the obvious economic losses. At the same time, both sides understood that the absence of an agreement threatened all interested actors with serious losses, and that it must be concluded. As a result, the compromise text of the TCA reflects the fundamentally different approaches of the parties to bilateral cooperation, and its provisions suggest a change of its format in the future.
17
Lopandic, Dusko. "Small and medium size states in international relations and in European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 1 (2010): 79–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1001079l.
Full textAbstract:
The position of small and medium size countries in international context has been studied. The main criteria of power in international relation is still the military and economic force, despite the fact that the size and resources of a country is not equivalent to its actual international influence. With the imposition of Vilsonian principles and with the creation of UN, the position of small and medium size countries has been somehow improved. It becomes even more favorable in the context of a well defined State coalition, which provides with some additional instruments of power. The European Union is the best example of a coalition providing a good framework for small and medium countries. In this article, six specifics mechanisms providing additional influence to small and medium size countries of the EU have been identified. They include the specificity of the EU legal system, decision making, the functioning of the EU bodies, the process of 'europeisation' etc.
18
Ivanov, Kalin. "Legitimate Conditionality? The European Union and Nuclear Power Safety in Central and Eastern Europe." International Politics 45, no. 2 (February 27, 2008): 146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800224.
Full text
19
Davies, Mathew. "The legacy of Atatürk: the limits of conditionality in Turkish European Union membership negotiations." Australian Journal of International Affairs 67, no. 4 (August 2013): 511–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2013.806027.
Full text
20
İçener, Erhan. "Understanding Romania and Turkey's Integration with the European Union: Conditionality, Security Considerations and Identity." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 10, no. 2 (June 2009): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850902899289.
Full text
21
Khomutenko, L., and O. Ieremenko. "MULTICULTURALISM AS A DERIVATIVE PHENOMENON OF LABOR MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Vìsnik Sumsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu, no. 1 (2019): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/1817-9215.2019.1-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores the essence of multiculturalism and its place in the politics of the European Union. This article looks at aspects of the impact of migration flows on countries of the world and world politics. It reveals the scope and main directions of international labor migration. The purpose of the article is to investigate the economic indicators of the countries most affected by irregular migration flows and to develop practical recommendations for improving the mechanisms of employment in international relations. Analyzing and summarizing the results of scientific works and research of domestic and foreign scholars, the tendency of characteristic changes of multiculturalism as part of cultural relations was considered. Several consequences of international labor migration from different countries are described. The importance of multiculturalism policy for international economic relations has been proved. Particular attention is paid to the problems and prospects of multicultural policy development in EU countries. Keywords: multiculturalism, migration, labor migration, emigration, immigration, economic migrants.
22
Strupinskienė, Lina, and Simona Vaškevičiūtė. "What Happened to Transitional Justice in Croatia After the EU Accession?" Politologija 101, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 8–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.1.
Full textAbstract:
This paper proposes to see Croatia’s becoming a member state of the European Union in 2013 as a particular critical juncture that created uncertainty over the type of decisions the government would take in the field of transitional justice once international pressure had stopped. It compares the period before and after the accession by looking into the three elements of transitional justice policy that were given priority by the EU conditionality framework – fighting impunity for war crimes, fostering reconciliation and respect for and protection of minority rights. It finds that all three have deteriorated in the post-accession period. On the one hand, the findings illustrate the power of international pressure, but on the other hand, they question the overall effectiveness of the conditionality policy, as it seems to not have affected deeper societal issues at stake and has not resulted in true transformation.
23
Danilović, Nemanja. "Regional international organizations with a special focus on the European Union." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104233d.
Full textAbstract:
After studying international organizations, we may freely say that their international legal personality is undeniable, while their role in international law and international relations is of great importance. For that reason, this paper is dedicated to one type of such organizations - to regional organizations, that is, to the European Union as one of the most important international organizations of the kind. Although the European Union was created with the goal of connecting and integrating European countries and its nations, today it plays one of the leading roles in world politics. The paper follows the concept and types of regional international organizations, as well as emergence, development, characteristics, values and goals, and the institutionalism of the European Union. Today, undeniably, the European Union plays one of the leading roles in international political, economic, strategic, geopolitical, cultural and social relations.
24
HAGLUND-MORRISSEY, ANNE. "EU VALUE PROMOTION ANDTHEEUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00048.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Summary: This study explores the EU "value diffusion strategy" included in its foreign policy, seen through the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The main argument is that the ENP can be seen as a framework through which the EU is trying to diffuse its common values and norms. Instead of offering a future EU membership as the main "carrot" for reforms - an efficient instrument to diffuse its values to neighboring European states - it is trying to exert influence by other means, such as using discursive practices, opening up EU agencies, programs and policies for the participation of the partner countries, granting financial aid, as well as by institutionalizing the relationship. Mainly positive conditionality is present, aiming at promoting norm compliance and reforms by the partner countries. However, negative conditionality may be applied as well.
25
Brusis, Martin. "European Union incentives and regional interest representation in Central and East European countries." Acta Politica 45, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2009.31.
Full text
26
Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
Full textAbstract:
The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
27
Éthier, Diane. "Promotion de la démocratie dans les Balkans: L'efficacité inégale de la conditionnalité et des incitatifs." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 803–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390606029x.
Full textAbstract:
Résumé.Certains travaux indiquent qu'en matière de promotion de la démocratie, la conditionnalité des élargissements de l'Union européenne (UE) vers l'Europe du Sud et de l'Est s'est avérée plus efficace que les incitatifs employés par diverses organisations internationales. Cet article confirme la validité de ce constat en démontrant que, dans les Balkans, la conditionnalité du Processus de stabilisation et d'association de l'UE a eu des retentissements plus marqués que les incitatifs du Pacte de stabilité pour l'Europe du Sud-Est. En outre, à l'aide des théories des relations internationales, l'article analyse les fondements de l'efficacité de la conditionnalité de l'UE et les raisons pour lesquelles celle-ci a néanmoins des effets inégaux d'un pays à l'autre.Abstract.Various works indicate that, in the matter of democracy promotion, the conditionality of the European Union (EU) enlargements towards Southern and Eastern Europe has proved to be more effective than incentives of many international organizations. This article confirms the validity of this finding. It shows that, in the Balkans, the conditionality of the EU Stabilization and Association Process has had more significative impacts than the incentives of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. Furthermore, with the help of international relations theories, it explains the determinants of the EU conditionality efficiency and the reasons why its effects nevertheless vary from one target state to another.
28
Brière, Chloé. "Conditionality in defining the future cooperation in criminal matters between the United Kingdom and the European Union." ERA Forum 21, no. 3 (November 16, 2020): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-020-00641-7.
Full text
29
Salavatova, Anastasia. "European Integration as a Determinant Factor of Macedonian National Identity." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021209218.
Full textAbstract:
The concept of the EU normative power implies transformation challenges which project norms on the national level of European periphery. The research aims to assess extent the EU requirements contradict the Macedonian national identity and determine changes that either are perceived as imposed or reflect implicit European norms. Depending on the level of the EU engagement europeanization of national identity takes different forms ranging from institutional changes with the European mediators’ assistance (conflict settlement, the name issue) to the search of alternative national legitimation models apart from socialist Yugoslavia. Conditionality of explicit requirements that refer to disputes with neighbouring countries is integrated into national narrative in the form of sacrifice, which still is perceived as external pressure. Implicit norms like decommunization are more difficult to identify but imply a long-term deconstruction of national identity. Such deconstruction could provide not just prospects for the future of the Macedonian nation and state but allows to select and describe implicit European norms that are disseminated into the periphery. The article outlines conditionality between European standards and requirements and transformations in basic principles of Macedonian national identity.
30
Slyusarenko, Kateryna, Irina Maksymova, and Anastasiia Beskrovna. "INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF UKRAINE AND THE EU." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3007.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign trade relations between Ukraine and the EU are developing under the terms of the Association Agreement coming into force. The article presents both positive and negative sides. The dynamics of foreign trade between Ukraine and the EU countries is analyzed, Ukraine's export and import structure is represented, as well as the proposed priorities of the development of foreign economic relations between Ukraine and the European Union
31
Khairunnisa, Meyfitha Dea. "Ekspor Sampah Uni Eropa ke Indonesia sebagai Bentuk Eco-Imperialism." Transformasi Global 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2021.008.02.3.
Full textAbstract:
Environmental policy has become an important aspect in reviewing environmental issues in international relations. The European Union is a regional institution that has been very active in international environmental cooperation. However, at the same time the European Union is one of the largest waste exporters to countries in Asia, including Indonesia. Waste export is a free trade mechanism that allows developed countries to send waste to developing countries to be processed as industry materials. This then becomes contradictory to the commitment of the European Union in promoting environmentally friendly policies and policies for the export of waste are considered as a form of eco-imperialism. This article discusses how the waste export policy by the European Union has become a form of ecological colonization for Indonesia as a waste recipient. Keywords: waste export; eco-imperialism; environmental policy
32
Szolucha, Anna. "The EU and ‘Enlargement Fatigue’: Why Has the European Union Not Been Able to Counter ‘Enlargement Fatigue’?" Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 1 (May 13, 2010): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i1.124.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides an up-to-date overview of the problems connected with European integration. It focuses on the phenomenon of ‘enlargement fatigue’ and examines its meaning as utilised by the media, EU officials and academics. The article argues that ‘enlargement fatigue’ is not a new concept since the EU has witnessed many 'symptoms' of fatigue at multiple times in its history. The two main arguments that are often presented in order to explain why the EU has not been able to counter ‘enlargement fatigue’, namely the insufficiently tight conditionality applied to prospective members and the EU's crisis of confidence and accountability after the failed attempt to introduce the Constitutional Treaty and prolonged Lisbon Treaty ratification process, are insufficient to explain why fatigue has been so persistent a phenomenon. This article argues that the EU's failure to develop a new vision of the organisation and adjust its structural design accordingly is a reason why the Union has not dealt successfully with fatigue. Such a vision would encompass notions of “variable geometry”, “avant-garde groups” and make European borders flexible and fuzzy.
33
Martynov, Andrii. "The European Union in the postmodern system of international relations." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2.
Full textAbstract:
In the history of international relations, discussions continue on the definition of criteria and chronological boundaries of different systems of international relations. The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical problems of positioning the European Union in the postmodern system of international relations. The Modern period was characterized by a block approach to security. The postmodern system of international security is based on a combination of hierarchical and network characteristics of the international system. The sovereign states of the European Union are often critical of each other, although this fact may for some time be masked by the need for solidarity in relations with the outside world and its risks. As soon as the factor of identity or proximity of interests is leveled off, the motives for concerted joint action disappear. Real politics is also influenced by the idea of European integration of many speeds. Following the enlargement of the EU to 28 member states (before the withdrawal of the United Kingdom), the core of European integration (the six founding members of the European Communities) and the concentric circles touching the core stood out. The accession of new EU member states to the highest achievements of European integration is possible at different speeds. Neutral EU countries such as Finland and Sweden have responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine by applying to join NATO. The United States still has a special consolidating role in the alliance. The postmodern multipolar system of international relations will consist of several hierarchical structures. First, it will be transformed military-political blocs, and secondly, networks of interaction between states that are regional leaders in their regions. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has consolidated the European Union and the United States. The Euro-Atlantic space is in fact a consolidated pole of power in the postmodern system of international relations. The United Kingdom is ensuring the expansion of the Euro-Atlantic space through the AUCUS into the Pacific. The postmodern system of international relations is multipolar. It is not limited to bipolar US-China confrontation. In the postmodern system of international relations, the European Union is not only a pole of power, but also its typological symbol.
34
Kovačikova, Hana. "Western Balkans Regional Common Market: What lesson can be taught from EEA?: A case study of public procurement." Strani pravni zivot, no. 4 (2020): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz64-29635.
Full textAbstract:
The European Union pursues on the international scene to safeguards its values, support the rule of law, foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development and support the integration of all countries into the world economy including through the progressive abolition of barriers on international trade. Trade agreements are used as an effective tool to this end. Within its present external action, European Union tries to cover its trade relations regionally homogenously. Through regionally homogenous trade agreements, Union can export its values, principles, and rules easier, which is also a way of strengthening its position geopolitically. This paper analyses trade agreements concluded between the European Union and candidate countries from Western Balkans. All these agreements recognise the accession to the European Union as their final goal. To achieve it, candidate countries need to fulfil various conditions, including the approximation and harmonisation of their legal orders with the EU acquis. Just recently (in November 2020), Western Balkans countries' leaders announced the creation of Regional Common Market which shall serve as a tool for approximation with European Union's Internal Market Rules. To this regard, author analysed the European Economic Area, where the export of European Union's Internal Market Rules was successfully realised, and which might therefore serve as an example for pre-accession cooperation between Western Balkans countries and European Union. Author chose the area of public procurement as a model case study.
35
Lazowski, Adam. "Enhanced multilateralism and enhanced bilateralism: Integration without membership in the European Union." Common Market Law Review 45, Issue 5 (October 1, 2008): 1433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2008097.
Full textAbstract:
Over the years the European Union and the European Communities have developed political and legal relations with third countries. Yet, legal integration with third countries without their membership in the club is a relatively new phenomenon employed, inter alia, in the relations with the EEA countries, the Swiss confederation and countries of Western Balkans (within the framework of the Energy Community). To reflect the nature of these new frameworks in the field of external relations, the notions of “enhanced multilateralism” and “enhanced bilateralism” are used. Arguably, the shared legal framework has led to the creation of the European Union Legal Space whereby selected pieces of acquis are applicable between the EU and the third countries. This, being a fascinating jigsaw puzzle of legal regimes, may be a source of concern as such forms of integration are capable of undermining the coherence of the EU legal order in the long run. This article looks at these models of integration and makes an attempt to identify the main benefits and risks.
36
Del Biondo, Karen. "Democracy Promotion Meets Development Cooperation: The EU as a Promoter of Democratic Governance in Sub-Saharan Africa." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 5 (December 1, 2011): 659–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011044.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses whether the European Union (EU) has a standard substantive content that it tries to promote in sub-Saharan Africa. It is argued that the EU's policies are both broad and limited. On the one hand, the EU promotes a holistic agenda of 'democratic governance', inspired by the paradigms of international development cooperation, namely good governance, the securitization of development policies and participatory development. This is clearly reflected in the aid programmes. At the same time, there is some differentiation between various sub-Saharan African countries, which can be explained mostly by the specific situation and needs of the countries and by the openness of partner countries to democracy assistance. On the other hand, when looking at EU political conditionality, only a very limited, electoral, democratic model is promoted, with little variation according to the specific situation in the country.
37
Ristic, Katarina. "The limits of EU conditionality towards neighborhood countries: The case of the Eastern Partnership." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 1 (2017): 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1701126r.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the limits of the European Union policy making towards the Eastern Neighbours, as well as towards the Russian Federation. In-depth analyses of the existing contractual relations proved that the EU neighborhood policy is a nonfunctional mixture of foreign policy interventionism, enlargement policy and conditionality instruments. The article has found that high economic interests, security and peace intentions and fight against the global threats in the Eastern Neighborhood are not subject to the typical EU conditionality, since proven instruments work only under the umbrella of the enlargement policy and membership prospect. The author has concluded that the EU will have to look old/new form of partnerships for the neighborhood countries in order to keep stability, peace and security around its borders. Current relations with the Eastern Partnership countries are neither developed, neither confident, despite the hybrid legal frameworks with some of them. A vital strategic partner in the East remains the Russian Federation, and it is expected that relations in the Eastern Neighborhood will be adjusted to the current position of Russia in this region. This can not be dependent, even of the membership prospect for Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia, which seems to be inadequate offer at the moment, like it was at all the previous historical moments and developments. New agreements signed with these three countries did not help prevent conflicts, tensions, or the huge pro-Russian opposition in these countries. Implementation of comprehensive Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are yet to come, and these countries still lack democratic and efficient governance, and implementation of the number of paragraphs from the previous Partnership and Cooperation Agreements. PCAs are still in force with the rest of the countries of the Eastern Partnership (except Belarus). DCFTA Agreement with Ukraine is not yet ratified by all EU member states (Netherlands).
38
Furåker, Bengt. "European trade union cooperation, union density and employee attitudes to unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 9, 2020): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933118.
Full textAbstract:
European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.
39
Mathlouthi, Naim. "The EU Democratisation of The Southern Neighbours Since the “Arab Spring”: An Inherently Inadequate Approach." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i4.110.
Full textAbstract:
This Article draws on the analysis of historical relations between the European Union and the Southern Mediterranean countries and highlights the main initiatives and consequences of the adopted practices of democratisation in the region following the Arab Uprisings. The main focus is on the continuity and limited changes in the new approach. One of the main findings is that the limited reform of the EU approach primarily resulted from the inherited political constraints. The net result was a set of structured security-orientated relationships that will continue to repeat earlier mistakes before 2011. The mechanisms of democracy promotion including conditionality remained inherently full of contradictions. The double standards in applying the conditionality principle in addition to the lack of significant leverage rendered the EU democratisation approach of the Southern neighbours inapt. Despite the 2011 ENP review promise of a substantial change in the EU democratisation approach, it seems that the EU’s initial euphoria following the “Arab spring” has waned as it seems to repeat the same old approach of liberalisation and securitisation of the Southern Mediterranean region rather than democratisation.
40
Toggenburg, Gabriel N., and Karen McLaughlin. "The European Union and Minorities in 2013." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_011.
Full textAbstract:
This article reflects selected developments that took place from 1 January to 31 December 2013 both in the EU’S internal policies (Section ii) as well as in the EU’S external relations (Section iii). With regard to the internal dimension, developments in the field of Roma integration, the fight against hate crime and the protection of minority languages are traced. For the external dimension, the article covers the EU’S enlargement policy, its policies vis-à-vis countries in its wider neighbourhood in the East and in the South, and finally, the EU’S engagement at the broader international level.
41
Bourantonis, Dimitris, Sarantis Kalyvitis, and Constantine Tsoutsoplides. "The European Union and Greece: Political Acceptability and Financial Transfers." Politics 18, no. 2 (May 1998): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00065.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper a conceptual model is developed that relates loyalty to a community of countries to the material benefits derived from it, measured by the transfer of extra income. We argue that the extent of a country's welfare, and consequently its acceptance to participate in a community increase together with the latter's scope for influence on the former. We use the paradigm of Greece, which is one of the main recipient countries in the EU. It was found that financial transfers concerning regional policy affect in the long-run ‘the acceptance of European integration’ by the public in Greece while social policy funds appear to have short-run positive effects on public opinion.
42
Antokhiv-Skolozdra, O. M. "Canada-EU relations in political sphere." Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no. 27 (April 8, 2021): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/apfs.v0i27.935.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.
43
Makhovka, Viktoriia, and Olha Nesterenko. "Characteristics of international business development between ukraine and poland." ЕКОНОМІКА І РЕГІОН Науковий вісник, no. 2(73) (September 23, 2019): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26906/eir.2019.2(73).1623.
Full textAbstract:
The essence of international business, its active development and expansion, that influence the integration of economic systems and intensification of business relations between countries, are considered. The attention is paid to the international market of the European Union, first of all to Polish-Ukrainian cooperation due to the modern development of international business. The importance of the development of trade and business between Ukraine and Poland is determined, taking into account close relations in the field of economy, politics, culture and historical connections. The legal framework between Ukraine and Poland is substantiated, which ensures the proper development of bilateral cooperation at the level of strategic partnership and emphasizes the presence of an active dialogue between countries. The main agreements between Ukraine and the European Union, which influence the economic cooperation between Ukraine and Poland, are considered, taking into account Polish membership in the EU. The implementation of special projects by the European Union to support the development of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation is determined. The increase of the intensity of economic exchange between Ukraine and Poland, the active development of trade and investment in various spheres of business and the growth of economic indicators are determined. The peculiarities of the development of the small business sector and its influence on the stabilization of socio-economic processes between European countries are substantiated, emphasizing Poland's experience in development of the small business as a driving force on the way to economic integration. The main aspects and characteristics of international business between Poland and Ukraine are determined and the main differences in doing business in these countries are revealed, emphasizing the perspectives of development.
44
Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
45
Lodge, Juliet. "European Union and the EFTA countries: enlargement and integration." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624064.
Full text
46
Schimmelfennig, Frank. "The normative origins of democracy in the European Union: toward a transformationalist theory of democratization." European Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (July 2010): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000068.
Full textAbstract:
Institutional democratization has made considerable progress in the history of the European Union (EU). Mainstream theories of democratization, however, fail to capture this process because they are wedded to the nation-state context. This paper therefore proposes a transformationalist theory of democratization beyond the state. EU democratization results from the conflict about the redistribution of political competences between institutional actors in a multilevel system, in which liberal democracy is the shared norm of legitimate authority. To the extent that institutional actors, who push for further integration in order to increase efficiency, undermine existing democratic institutions at the national level, their competitors can put into question the legitimacy of integration by invoking the shared liberal democratic community norms and shame them into making democratic concessions. The normative origins of democracy in the EU are illustrated in case studies on democratic membership conditionality, legislative rights of the European Parliament, and the institutionalization of human rights in the EU.
47
Manero Salvador, Ana. "The drastic change of the EU relationship with ACP countries in the context of international economic relations." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 13, no. 1 (March 11, 2014): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-05-2013-0015.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The aim of this paper is to analyze the adjustment of relations between the EU and ACP countries to multilateral requirements. Design/methodology/approach – Has been carried out an analysis of the previous situation, the reasons and the result of the adjustment. To do this, they have been pursued literary and documentary sources. Findings – The European Union's relations with the ACP countries have changed drastically. Now there is no unity of action of ACP, and the relations with the EU relations are atomized. Originality/value – The submitted article summarizes and critically analyzes the evolution of the European Union's relations with ACP countries. The relationship with the ACP has been historically and currently lost its specificity, so it is diluted in the context of the external action of the European Union.
48
Winzen, Thomas, and Frank Schimmelfennig. "Explaining differentiation in European Union treaties." European Union Politics 17, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516640386.
Full textAbstract:
Since the early 1990s, European integration has become increasingly differentiated. Analysing the conditions under which member states make use of the opportunity to opt out of, or exclude other countries from, European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations, respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. Opt-outs from treaty revisions are limited to the area of core state powers, whereas they also occur in the market in the context of enlargement.
49
Wróbel, Izabela. "The ‘green’ agreement between the European Union and Japan." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (October 19, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17582.1.
Full textAbstract:
In the European Green Deal, the European Commission expressed its will to build alliances with European Union’s (EU) partners who have a similar approach to environmental protection. The first green alliance was concluded by the EU with Japan on 27 May 2021. The aim of the paper is to analyse the content and nature of this alliance and to assess its potential effectiveness as an instrument for the implementation of the European Green Deal and its possible impact on international relations and respectively EU, national, and international legal norms in the field of the environment. As shown in this study, the first green alliance is not a model solution. On the one hand, this instrument requires a formal correction (involving Member States and relevant EU institutions in adopting any amendments in line with the principles of division of competences between the EU and its Member States and institutional balance, clarification of the nature of obligations), on the other hand, it is deeply embedded in the unique international legal framework of EU-Japanese relations. However, the first green alliance has great potential to influence the EU's relations with other third countries and the content of the resulting legal norms at various levels.
50
Vogt, Jeffrey. "A Little Less Conversation: The EU and the (Non) Application of Labour Conditionality in the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 31, Issue 3 (September 1, 2015): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2015016.
Full textAbstract:
This article argues that despite recent reforms to the labour conditionality of the EU GSP programme, many countries in which the government either commits serious violations of fundamental labour rights or fails to protect against such violations by private actors (by adopting appropriate laws and enforcing them when breached) continue to benefit. This includes the special incentive arrangement (GSP ), which is meant for countries with exemplary records with respect to international human rights standards, including labour rights. This is in part due to the European Commission’s clear preference that enforcement actions under the GSP programme should be avoided, even long after dialogue and cooperative mechanisms have failed to produce concrete results. Further, the European Commission’s peculiar interpretation of the GSP Regulation, which is based on what I argue is a misunderstanding of the International Labour Organization (ILO) supervisory system, is also responsible for past and likely future inaction.