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Books on the topic 'Concession process'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Natural Resources. Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands., ed. Yosemite concession contract: Joint oversight hearing before the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations and the Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands of the Committee on Natural Resources, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on contracting process and proposed Yosemite concession contract, hearing held in Washington, DC, March 24, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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2

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Natural Resources. Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations. Yosemite concession contract: Joint oversight hearing before the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations and the Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands of the Committee on Natural Resources, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on contracting process and proposed Yosemite concession contract, hearing held in Washington, DC, March 24, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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3

Valera, Ana Leyva. Proceso minero y participación ciudadana. 2nd ed. [Lima]: Fedepaz, 2005.

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4

Board, Ontario Environmental Assessment. In the matter of an application by McCain Refrigerated Foods Inc. for modifications to the existing process wastewater treatment plant serving the Harrowsmith Cheese Factory in Lot 4 and Part of Lot 5, Concession V, Township of Portland, County of Frontenac, including the construction of an additional wastewater holding lagoon: Decision and reasons for decision of the Board dated January 31, 1989. S.l: s.n, 1989.

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5

Yosemite concession contract: Joint oversight hearing before the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations and the Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands of the Committee on Natural Resources, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on contracting process and proposed Yosemite concession contract, hearing held in Washington, DC, March 24, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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6

Teitt, Sarah. Asia Pacific and South Asia. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198753841.013.20.

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There is a tendency to view R2P diffusion in the Asia Pacific region as a function of ‘norm containment’, which explains endorsement of R2P as a result of the weakening, deconstruction, or dilution of R2P to render it more compatible with the region’s state-centred security norms and practices. This chapter demonstrates, however, that R2P has diffused in the Asia Pacific region through a dynamic process of negotiation and compromise between international R2P norm advocates and Asia Pacific actors, which has witnessed concession and accommodation on both sides. Through case study analysis of how the governments of Japan and India have engaged with R2P, the chapter argues that the Asia Pacific’s socialization to R2P is most aptly characterized as a balance of R2P norm containment and localization, witnessed in Asia Pacific actors shaping the contours of the R2P norm and accommodating its prescriptions through gradual, incremental normative and institutional change.

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7

ALMEIDA, L. E. L. de. Direito do consumidor e democracia no processo de outorga de concessão de serviço público. Dialética, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48021/978-65-5956-222-0.

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8

Alexandrowicz, C. H. The Discriminatory Clause in South Asian Treaties in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (1957). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198766070.003.0010.

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The division of Indian and other South Asian markets among the various European nationalities led to vital changes of territorial sovereignty. The corresponding process of commercial, political, and military manoeuvering was accompanied by treaty making which formalised the initial power positions, and the relevant clauses and stipulations reflected the consecutive stages of the struggle. As soon as some of the European powers or agencies obtained from their Asian counterparts preferential treatment coupled with prohibitions directed against other European nationalities, all of them plunged into retaliatory practices, each attempting to secure the maximum of concessions or the establishment of a monopoly for itself. This chapter examines the various discriminatory or prohibitory clauses included in some treaties and the type or pattern of stipulation adopted by the contracting parties.

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9

Rivers, Larry Eugene. Day-to-Day Resistance. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036910.003.0002.

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This chapter examines the various forms of conservative resistance used by slaves in Florida and often elsewhere within the slave empire of the United States. William Dusinberre called these types of actions or inactions nonviolent “dissidence.” Indeed, bondservants actively, though discreetly, resisted their owners on a day-to-day basis. In doing so, many slaves believed that they could either get away with their recalcitrance or use it to negotiate concessions from their masters. Since enslaved blacks knew that violent attacks could mean immediate death, they naturally and intelligently sought other means of expressing their discontent concerning plantation or farm regimens. Sometimes they made life uncomfortable for their masters, and sometimes, in the process, they made life uncomfortable for themselves.

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10

Inclán, María. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869465.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the main argument of the book, namely that democratic transitions bring about opportunities for insurgent social movements to mobilize, succeed, and survive, but these opportunities do not necessarily follow each other progressively. A democratization process might open up opportunities to launch a cycle of protests, and the movement’s great mobilization capacity might create opportunities for it to survive. However, these openings might not be enough to reach significant concessions. Opportunities for success depend on whether negotiations with insurgents are included in democratizing pacts among political elites. To illustrate these arguments, the chapter provides an account of the development of the Zapatista movement from its public emergence in 1994 through 2003. This time frame contextualizes the movement within Mexico’s democratic transition. The chapter closes with an overview of the organization of the book.

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11

Inclán, María. Opportunities for Success. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869465.003.0004.

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This chapter first identifies democratization processes in which insurgents have successfully achieved their goals. It then compares those scenarios to one in which insurgents failed to better distinguish the conditions that might work as opportunities for them to succeed. These conditions are (1) being able to negotiate directly with the authorities, (2) having their interests included within democratizing pacts, and (3) counting with allies among elite actors negotiating peace and democratizing reforms. By applying these expectations to the case of the Zapatista movement, the chapter argues that when peace negotiations between insurgents and authorities occur separately from democratizing pacts among political elites, concessions to insurgent interests can be limited. Although insurgents might have allies in power and among those negotiating the new, more democratic order, if they are excluded from democratizing negotiations, their demands can easily be ignored.

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12

Pulignano, Valeria, and Nadja Doerflinger. Labour Markets, Solidarity, and Precarious Work. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791843.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the processes and the conditions explaining union success in fighting precarious work, based on a comparative study of multinational subsidiaries in the metal and chemical industries in Germany and Belgium. It examines how unions in each plant made different use of institutional and associational power resources to avoid concessions for the relatively protected standard (or permanent) workforce, while improving the conditions of the less protected non-standard (temporary and agency) workers. To fight precarity, trade unions need to build and sustain power. Power resources associated with encompassing institutions and associational power are essential to building inclusive solidarity among different groups of workers. Findings show that fragmented and less encompassing institutions in Germany allow employers to exploit exit options. However, inclusive and strong institutions in Belgium are not an antidote per se to employers’ strategic threats.

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13

Canҫado Trindade, Antônio Augusto. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830009.003.0016.

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In the domain of protection of the rights of the human person, the interaction between the international and national legal norms, with the primacy of the norm most favourable to the victims, contributes to the universality of the corpus juris of the International Law of Human Rights. This secures the unity and primacy of law (prééminence du droit, rule of law), in the light of the principle pro persona humana. The five panels have addressed, in the light of the principle of humanity, respectively: jurisdiction; responsibility; immunities; treaties; and other sources of international law. The operation of international human rights tribunals is guided by principles, without undue concessions to State voluntarism. Their hermeneutics of human rights conventions take into account: autonomous sense of their terms, effet utile, and objective character of their obligations; their dynamic, evolutive, and teleological interpretation, and their collective guarantee. They give expression to a law of protection, victim-oriented, grounded on general principles of law and common superior values. The European Convention of Human Rights operates, like other regional systems, within the conceptual framework of the universality of human rights; it is not a ‘self-contained’ or ‘self-sufficient’ regime. Hence the importance of jurisprudential cross-fertilization, harmoniously reinforcing the corpus juris of protection as a whole, thus contributing to the historical process of humanization of international law.

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14

Benedicto, Edna Aparecida Ferreira. Palavra e escrita de homens: As mulheres no discurso parlamentar do novo código civil brasileiro. Brazil Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31012/978-65-5861-182-0.

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Na sociedade brasileira, homens e mulheres foram tratados de forma diferente na elaboração dos códigos jurídicos até a segunda metade do século XX, não considerando os pontos em que os gêneros se aproximam ou distanciam. Pautados na estrutura patriarcal conservadora, formulado no contexto de transição de uma sociedade escravista para a capitalista, a elaboração do primeiro Código Civil brasileiro submeteu as mulheres aos homens, compreendidas como relativamente incapazes, relegadas a um papel de submissão, travestindo a força física dos homens em poder e autoridade. Mudanças no status jurídico das mulheres ocorreram ao longo do século XX, primeiro pelo reconhecimento das mulheres como sujeitas de direito, expandindo a partir da concessão dos direitos sociais, depois políticos e, por fim, os direitos civis que começam a serem delineados com o Estatuto da Mulher Casada/1962. Formulado e legislado basicamente por homens, o Novo Código Civil/2002 garantiu em seus dispositivos legais, a igualdade entre homens e mulheres. Mudanças políticas, sociais, econômicas, culturais e jurídicas, tanto dentro do país quanto fora, marcaram todo o processo de tramitação da lei em suas três décadas de processo legislativo, obrigando os parlamentares a adequarem suas falas a nova realidade, principalmente jurídica, Estudando os discursos dos parlamentares, as proposições de emenda, os debates nas comissões e os relatórios o estudo hora sintetizado no livro, fruto dos estudos de mestrado da autora, faz uma analise histórica do processo que consolidou, mesmo que não de forma ideal, a igualdade entre homens e mulheres no Novo Código Civil de 2002.

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15

Wolak, Jennifer. Compromise in an Age of Party Polarization. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510490.001.0001.

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Congressional debates are increasingly defined by gridlock and stalemate, with partisan showdowns that lead to government shutdowns. Compromise in Congress seems hard to reach. But do politicians deserve all the blame? Legislators who resist concessions and stand firm to their convictions might be doing just what voters want them to do. If this is true, however, then citizens must shoulder some of the responsibility for gridlock in Congress. This book challenges this wisdom and argues that Americans value compromise as a way to resolve differences in times of partisan division. Using evidence from a variety of surveys and innovative experiments, the book demonstrates that citizens want more from politics than just ideological representation—they also care about the processes by which disagreements are settled. Americans believe that compromise is a virtuous way to resolve political disputes. Because people’s desire for compromise is deeply rooted in socialized support for democratic values, principled beliefs about compromise can serve as a check on partisan thinking. Across a range of settings, people’s support for compromise persists even when it comes at the cost of partisan goals and policy objectives. People give warmer evaluations to members of Congress who are willing to compromise and view compromise legislation as more legitimate. People care about not just outcomes, but also the way decisions are reached. Winning isn’t everything in politics. People also value the democratic principle of compromise.

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