Books on the topic 'Concepts – Propagande'

In this accessible, unique study of a forgotten but noteworthy figure, the author tells the story of the life of Kurt Baschwitz (1886—1968), a scholar who fled from the Nazis. He wrote six books, never translated into English, on four related themes: the press, propaganda, politics, and persecution. Baschwitz independently developed concepts that are now seen as key to communication science and social psychology, and the author places Baschwitz’s ideas in the wider context of his dramatic life and times.

This is the first broad-ranging, comprehensive and comparative study of the concepts of propaganda and neutrality. Bringing together world-leading and early career historians, this open access book explores case studies from the time of the First World War to the end of the Cold War in countries such as Belgium, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Switzerland, Vichy France, USA, Argentina, Turkey, Portuguese Macau, Brazil, South Africa, Laos, Yugoslavia, Egypt, India, Malta, and Sweden. The individual chapters analyse the methods and channels of propaganda utilised in neutral countries, including rumours, newspapers, cartoons, films, pamphlets and magazines as well as radio broadcasts, official reports, diplomatic movements, cultural campaigns and soft power. They look to understand how these methods and channels have been deployed and how effective they have been in changing or reinforcing opinions and outcomes. Finally the book highlights the interaction between the concepts of propaganda and neutrality. It considers whether neutrality is a form of propaganda in itself, whether it is possible to be truly neutral in any propaganda battle and how the different forms of neutrality, including projected strict neutrality, non-belligerency and non-alignment, have been utilised by neutrals and belligerents to achieve propaganda goals in the last 120 years.

A truly international, authoritative A–Z guide to five centuries of propaganda, in both wartime and peacetime, which covers key moments, techniques, concepts, and some of the most influential propagandists in history. This fascinating survey provides a comprehensive introduction to propaganda, its changing nature, its practitioners, and its impact on the past five centuries of world history. Written by leading experts, it covers the masters of the art from Joseph Goebbels to Mohandas Gandhi and examines enormously influential works of persuasion such asUncle Tom's Cabin, techniques such as films and posters, and key concepts like black propaganda and brainwashing. Case studies reveal the role of mass persuasion during the Reformation, and wars throughout history. Regional studies cover propaganda superpowers, such as Russia, China, and the United States, as well as little-known propaganda campaigns in Southeast Asia, Ireland, and Scandinavia. The book traces the evolution of propaganda from the era of printed handbills to computer fakery, and profiles such brilliant practitioners of the art as Third Reich film director Leni Riefenstahl and 19th-century cartoonist Thomas Nast, whose works helped to bring the notorious Boss Tweed to justice.

Propaganda Prints reviews the history, cultural diversity and artistic legacy of art produced in the service of social and political change from ancient times to the present day. The author presents the arts of state control, of opposition, of revolution, of advertising, politics and self-promotion in their historical contexts, with three hundred images to evoke some of the dreams and concerns which have driven humanity through the last five thousand years. The Ancient Mesopotamians are there with the Romans, the Crusaders, the Normans, the Victorians, the Suffragettes, the Nazis and the Hippies. The American, French, Russian, Mexican, Chinese and Cuban revolutions all contribute as do many, far too many, wars. From Gutenberg's printing press to You Tube, from Alexander to Obama, this review of propaganda art reflects the best and the worst of us, and offers the pictures by way of consolation.

This chapter examines early discourses on the relationship between television and the developing black freedom movement, with particular emphasis on optimistic hopes that television could be a progressive tool for African American advancement and racial justice. Unlike radio, early network television appeared to take seriously obligations to present African Americans in respectful ways. In the early 1950s, for example, NBC's politically progressive chief censor worked to eradicate offensive black stereotypes from programming by scrubbing references to “darkies,” images of Stepin Fetchit–style characters. This chapter first considers the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's protest against the Amos 'n' Andy and response to the Beulah radio shows before discussing the role of entertainment television in the pre-civil rights period. It looks at the ABC program The Beulah Show. While Beulah exemplifies early television's initial foray into the arena of race relations and black representation, this chapter argues that it did not give viewers a concept of black and white on equal terms.

This chapter analyzes “merit” as one of the organizing concepts of the Bourbon program of reform. Merit was no longer understood as a condition or status resulting from someone’s ancestry and pure blood but rather as talent, skill, and good training. The text examines the many writings that propagated this idea in state-sponsored publications, the press, academies and salons, and in policies. It reflects on the contradictions the crown faced when promoting a meritocracy in places organized around differences of birth and race. Subversive interpretations arose from the expectations the application of this concept awoke and the frustration of its often weak implementation.

This chapter demonstrates how U.S. information officers devised plans to showcase the friendliness and sportsmanship of the U.S. Olympic team and encouraged private businesses to make the hosting cities a showground for U.S. enterprise and culture. In tandem with these efforts, U.S. propaganda depicted communist sport in a highly negative manner. Furthermore, in order to create and implement a propaganda strategy for the winter and summer Olympic festivals of 1952, the U.S. information program also facilitated cooperation with both the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) and the Amateur Athletic Union of the United States (AAU). This intervention challenged a long-held tradition, as the U.S. government began to work in concert with the private sphere in sport-related propaganda to new and uncharted levels under the mounting demands of the Cold War.

This chapter describes the contours of the epistemic crisis in media and politics that threatens the integrity of democratic processes, erodes trust in public institutions, and exacerbates social divisions. It lays out the centrality of partisanship, asymmetric polarization, and political radicalization in understanding the current maladies of political media. It investigates the main actors who used the asymmetric media ecosystem to influence the formation of beliefs and the propagation of disinformation in the American public sphere, and to manipulate political coverage during the election and the first year of the Trump presidency, , including “fake news” entrepreneurs/political clickbait fabricators; Russian hackers, bots, and sockpuppets; the Facebook algorithm and online echo chambers; and Cambridge Analytica. The chapter also provides definitions of propaganda and related concepts, as well as a brief intellectual history of the study of propaganda.

As concerns over misinformation, political bots, and the impact of social media on public discourse manifest in Germany, this chapter explores the role of computational propaganda in and around German politics. The research sheds light on how algorithms, automation, and big data are leveraged to manipulate the German public, presenting real-time social media data and rich evidence from interviews with a wide range of German Internet experts—bot developers, policymakers, cyberwarfare specialists, victims of automated attacks, and social media moderators. In addition, the chapter examines how the ongoing public debate surrounding the threats of right-wing political currents and foreign election interference in the Federal Election 2017 has created sentiments of concern and fear. Imposed regulation, multi-stakeholder actionism, and sustained media attention remain unsubstantiated by empirical findings of computational propaganda. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of social media discourse during the German parliamentary election 2016. Pioneering the methodological assessment of the magnitude of automation and junk news, the author finds limited evidence of computational propaganda in Germany. The author concludes that the impact of computational propaganda, nonetheless, is substantial in Germany, promoting a dispersed civic debate, political vigilance, and restrictive countermeasures that leave a deep imprint on the freedom and openness of the public discourse in Germany.

The interdisciplinary collection contains 16 essays by scholars from literary and cultural studies, by sociologists, historians, musicologists, art historians and media experts. Following the introduction to the key issues in cultural politics and propaganda and a synopsis of the essays, an article surveys the reciprocal perception of Austria and the USA from the 18th century onwards. The following essays analyze various historical phases in the complex relationship between Austria (and Central Europe) and the USA. Several essays survey the strategies used to promote Austrian tourism and contrast them with advertisements for American sights, and document the implementation of aid programs for the impoverished societies in Austria in the aftermath of World War One. There follow articles that discuss the role of exiled Austrians in the dissemination of a positive image of Austria and a favorable view of the USA, while two contributions are devoted to the misrepresentation of significant individuals active in Austria in the interwar years. Special attention is then paid to the role of the Marshall Plan in economic reconstruction in Austria and Western Europe, and to the promotion of liberal democracy in the media during the Cold War. The impact of transatlantic exchange programs for scholars and scientists in the countries of Europe under Soviet influence is also considered. The wide range of essays concludes with critical perspectives on political phenomena, such as the apparently exaggerated role of Austrian resistance fighters in the liberation of the country from the Nazi tyranny in 1945, and on the controversy over Dr. Kurt Waldheim as reflected in popular music in the 1980s. The transfer of new concepts of contemporary art in museums and of contrasted cinematic genres resulting in a merger is illustrated in the final two essays.

Focusing on the intersection of literature and politics since the beginning of the 20th century, this book examines authors, historical figures, major literary and political works, national literatures, and literary movements to reveal the intrinsic links between literature and history. Literary works have often engaged political issues, and many political writings give close attention to literary concerns. This encyclopedia explores the complex relationship between literature and politics through detailed entries written by expert contributors on authors, historical figures, major literary and political works, national literatures, and literary movements, covering specific themes, concepts, and genres related to literature and politics from the 20th century to the present. The work covers cover authors that include Margaret Atwood, James Baldwin, Philip K. Dick, W.E.B. Du Bois, William Faulkner, Ernest Hemingway, Jack London, Toni Morrison, George Orwell, John Steinbeck, and Virginia Woolf, just to mention a few. International in scope, Literature and Politics Today: The Political Nature of Modern Fiction, Poetry, and Drama covers writing ranging from the beginning of the 20th century to the present, with special emphasis on works written in English. The content of the some 150 alphabetically arranged entries is ideal for high school students working on assignments involving literature to explore such current yet historically ongoing social issues as censorship and propaganda. This book is appropriate for public libraries where it will serve to support student research and to help general readers learn more about enduring political concerns through literary works. Academic libraries will find this reference a valuable guide for undergraduates studying literature, history, political science, law, and other disciplines.

This chapter explores the complexities of the racial hierarchies of desire in Salvador by articulating what it calls the specter of sex tourism. It examines the Brazilian ideologies of race that shape the sexual economies of tourism by introducing the concepts of racial democracy, whitening, and mestiçagem (racial and cultural mixing). It also considers the racialized erotics of tourism propaganda and the construction of the mulata (a woman of mixed black and white ancestry) as Brazil's national erotic icon. Finally, it discusses the ways in which Bahian women of African descent who are not engaged in sex work are implicated in the sexual economies of tourism because of assumptions about their licentiousness and availability.

Contemporary conflicts and warfare are invariably connected to some recurrent elements: globalization; the decline of the State; the emergence of transnational relations, both cultural and economic; late capitalism; post-industrialism; the end of ideologies and metaphysics; and the rise of the “society of spectacle” and the information age. These elements are all generally recognized as being the distinctive characteristics of postmodernity. The media plays an important role in understanding conflict dynamics and in illuminating some characteristics of postmodern conflict. The literature on the relationship between the media and conflict develops concepts and theories which are essential for understanding the role of the media in the evolution and conduct of contemporary conflicts. This literature focuses on two different aspects: firstly, the specific activities of the mass media, i.e. the media coverage of conflicts, and secondly, the interaction between the media and the political and military decision-making processes. Following either the powerful media paradigm or the limited effects hypothesis, these works develop in the same period very different concepts like propaganda and the CNN effect. It is important to keep in mind that these concepts are the result of an attempt to clarify the existing conceptualization of the role of the media in present conflicts and do not represent consolidated categories as such.

A series of treason trials highlighted the increasing concerns over the succession to the throne by a practicing Catholic, James Duke of York. After rescinding the Declaration of Indulgence in 1673, the Test Act required all office holders to receive Anglican communion and acknowledge the King as the head of the Church of England. The lapse of the Licensing Act in 1679 increased the number of unlicensed printers and the amount of political propaganda for both sides. Plays and popular entertainments were carefully screened for political content as well as blasphemy.

Basic semiotic theories are taught in most art schools as part of a contextual studies program, but many students find it difficult to understand how these ideas might impact on their own practice. Visible Signs tackles this problem by introducing key theories and concepts, such as signs and signifiers, and language and speech, within the framework of visual communication. Each chapter provides an overview of a particular facet of semiotic theory, with inspiring examples from graphic design, typography, illustration, advertising and art to illustrate the ideas discussed in the text. Creative exercises at the end of the book will help exemplify these ideas through practical application. The fourth edition of Visible Signs includes new imagery and updated exercises, as well as coverage of propaganda, diversity in ‘neutral’ communication (like emojis), and issues related to social media representation.

This contribution not only tries to place the current debate in the context of developments over the last twenty-five years, but also exhorts academics to design less ‘holistic’ concepts (which easily degenerate into propaganda used in political debate), to contribute to transparency by providing sober empirical evidence, and to express more appreciation for marginal yet continuous incremental improvements in the business world. The public rhetoric about corporate social responsibility has not had any significant effect on everyday life in the corporate sector, nor has the wealth of currently available academic research and suggestions. To put it in a nutshell: even for the most risk-exposed companies or industries, everything beyond the (hard-) core business is of secondary importance. Any empirical evidence is only a snapshot of the status quo. Identifying drivers for change and emerging trends is a more compelling challenge than simply describing the current state of affairs.

Christian martyrdom is a performance that employs the body as both an instrument and an arena in which to portray a message about ideal Christian behavior in opposition to “the world,” enacting a sacrificial death imitating that of Jesus. Drawing upon Greco-Roman traditions of the hero myth and the Stoic noble death, as well as Hellenistic, Jewish narratives of death in obedience to God’s law, Christian martyrologists constructed the propaganda of martyrdom. Their rhetoric of resistance, both spoken and enacted, transformed elite concepts of Roman imperial virtue by applying them to a despised minority. The public ordeal of the martyrs shows their transformation from an identity defined by “the world” into a new identity—that of the triumphant Christ—proclaimed through the spectacle of their dying. Martyrs’ worldly bodies thus are visibly and spectacularly transformed by annihilation into vessels dedicated to the power of their God.

Satires’ vitriolic nature made them poor tools of propaganda. Rather than as instruments of persuasion, they often read as anxious to foreground their own inflated diffusion, power to provoke, and coherence through retrospective serialization that suggested a fictional continuity. If part publicity stunt, however, these satires also cannily exploited and extended the reformed theological concept of “communication” by which the traditional corporeal understanding of the social body, figured in Communion, was replaced with spiritual connection to Jesus and, ultimately, to fellow worshipers. Satires’ emphasis on foreignness and distance from one’s neighbors in particular facilitated a kind of “stranger sociability” with fellow reformed readers they did not know. This theological origin suggests that the modern public sphere began with the communication of the Mass before it transformed into mass communication.

The book examines, from the perspective of feminist disability theories, the concepts and role of women in selected Spanish discourses and literary texts from the late fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. It explores a wide range of Spanish medical, regulatory and moral discourses in order to show how these inherit, reproduce and propagate an amalgam of Western traditional concepts of the female embodiment. The book also examines concrete representations of deviant female characters, with a focus in the figure of the syphilitic prostitute and the physically decayed aged women, in a variety of literary texts such Celestina, Lozana andaluza and selected works by Cervantes and Quevedo. The analysis of the personal testimony of Teresa de Avila, a nun suffering neurological disorders, complements the discussion of early modern women’s disability. By expanding the meanings of present materiality/social construction disability theories, the book concludes that femininity, bodily afflictions, and mental instability characterize the new literary heroes in paradoxical contrast with the Spanish apex of imperial power. The broken female bodies of pre-industrial Spanish literature reveal the cracks in the foundational principles of established masculine truths such as physical and moral integrity and religious and ethnic intolerance.

This chapter reconstructs the intellectual-historical background to Carl Schmitt’s well-known analysis of the problem of dictatorship and the powers of the Reichspräsident under the Weimar Constitution. The analysis focuses both on Schmitt’s wartime propaganda work, concerning a distinction between the state of siege and dictatorship, as well as on his more general analysis of modern German liberalism. It demonstrates why Schmitt attempted to produce a critical history of the history of modern political thought with the concept of dictatorship at its heart and how he came to distinguish between commissarial and sovereign forms of dictatorship to attack liberalism and liberal democracy. The chapter also focuses on the conceptual reworking of the relationship between legitimacy and dictatorship that Schmitt produced by interweaving the political thought of the Abbé Sieyès and the French Revolution into his basic rejection of contemporary liberal and socialist forms of politics.

The history of mankind is fraught with clashes in the quest for liberty—in the name of often contradictory ideals of freedom. Roshwald explores the diverse understandings of the term liberty and its spectrum of application, in order to achieve a coherent and consistent definition of the concept in respect to both the individual and society. The issue of liberty is examined not only from the traditional angle of political philosophy but also from a philosophical-anthropological perspective. After analyzing examples of specific approaches to freedom, and describing a theoretically and practically viable definition of liberty, the book suggests the possibility and ways of attaining the ideal. The concept of liberty has been tarnished by propaganda, conflicting political claims, and uncritical usage. This book attempts to restore value to the meaning of liberty, arguing that it must be clearly understood and defined in the context of human experience in order to be universally enjoyed. Through a cogent analysis of contradictions in individual and societal perceptions of the over-used and abused principle, this interdisciplinary volume rescues liberty from its current role as being a mere slogan and presents the possibility for individual and collective freedoms to coexist. A selected Bibliography chronicles historical and contemporary treatises on liberty.

This chapter recuperates Mary Church Terrell as a critical theorist of Black racial uplift. The first President of the NACW, Terrell went on to have a sixty-year career in Civil Rights activism. This chapter moves across the span of her career, mapping her development of a concept called “dignified agitation,” which she introduces in a 1913 speech. She returns to this formulation throughout her career, and the author argues that this idea of dignified agitation is one that she both learned and propagated as part of the NACW school of thought. But it also acts as a bridge concept, and she, as a bridge figure to Civil Rights era Black women intellectuals, who both respected the NACW school of thought and sought to move beyond it in critical ways. Because of the deliberate ways that Terrell wrote about her love of dancing in her autobiography, this chapter also considers the ways in which she is part of a genealogy of Black women’s pleasure politics, even though the current Black feminist discourse on pleasure typically focuses on blues women in this time period. Because Terrell is considered one of the foremost proselytizers of respectability, a turn toward her articulation of pleasure politics richly complicates the manner in which we read her as a theorist of racial resistance and gender progressivism.

“Bias” is a term that circulates frequently in the contemporary landscape of political media, a term intended to diagnose a failure when media outlets fail to maintain journalistic objectivity. Beyond Bias interrogates what would seem, at first glance, to be examples of utterly biased political media—contemporary conservative documentary films. However, rather than dismiss such cases of political representation as exemplars of ideological nonsense, reactionary propaganda, and so on, Beyond Bias locates in conservative media a mode of discourse central to contemporary democratic debate in the United States. Specifically, this book identifies conservative media as a mode of hysterical discourse. As the book makes clear, hysterical political discourse occurs when debate is simulated as a means to avoid a more substantive exchange. Drawing from psychoanalytic theories of hysteria and aesthetic politics, and likewise by placing conservative documentaries in the context of many concerns central to Documentary Studies (participation, observation, representation, the archive, etc.), Beyond Bias views conservative documentary, and conservative media and politics more generally, not as the biased excesses of the contemporary political landscape but rather as texts central to understanding the implicit, though sometimes affectively traumatic, antagonisms inevitable in democracy and constitutive of democratic debate.

At a time when the methods and purposes of intelligence agencies are under a great deal of scrutiny, author Wesley Britton offers an unprecedented look at their fictional counterparts. In Beyond Bond: Spies in Film and Fiction, Britton traces the history of espionage in literature, film, and other media, demonstrating how the spy stories of the 1840s began cementing our popular conceptions of what spies do and how they do it. Considering sources from Graham Greene to Ian Fleming, Alfred Hitchcock to Tom Clancy, Beyond Bond looks at the tales that have intrigued readers and viewers over the decades. Included here are the propaganda films of World War II, the James Bond phenomenon, anti-communist spies of the Cold War era, and military espionage in the eighties and nineties. No previous book has considered this subject with such breadth, and Britton intertwines reality and fantasy in ways that illuminate both. He reveals how most themes and devices in the genre were established in the first years of the twentieth century, and also how they have been used quite differently from decade to decade, depending on the political concerns of the time. In all, Beyond Bond offers a timely and penetrating look at an intriguing world of fiction, one that sometimes, and in ever-fascinating ways, can seem all too real. At a time when the methods and purposes of intelligence agencies are under a great deal of scrutiny, author Wesley Britton offers an unprecedented look at their fictional counterparts. In Beyond Bond: Spies in Film and Fiction, Britton traces the history of espionage in literature, film, and other media, demonstrating how the spy stories of the 1840s began cementing our popular conceptions of what spies do and how they do it. Considering sources from Graham Greene to Ian Fleming, Alfred Hitchcock to Tom Clancy, Beyond Bond looks at the tales that have intrigued readers and viewers over the decades. Included here are the propaganda films of World War II, the James Bond phenomenon, anti-communist spies of the Cold War era, and military espionage in the eighties and nineties. No previous book has considered this subject with such breadth, and Britton intertwines reality and fantasy in ways that illuminate both. He reveals how most themes and devices in the genre were established in the first years of the twentieth century, and also how they have been used quite differently from decade to decade, depending on the political concerns of the time. And he delves into such aspects of the genre as gadgetry, technology, and sexuality-aspects that have changed with the times as much as the politics have. In all, Beyond Bond offers a timely and penetrating look at an intriguing world of fiction, one that sometimes, and in ever-fascinating ways, can seem all too real.

W. E. B. Du Bois was a prominent civil rights leader, sociologist, historian, educator, author, and thinker of the early twentieth century. Du Bois’s works in all of his areas of endeavor are filled with allusions to the classical mythology, philosophy, and history that permeated his education. This book examines the influence of Du Bois’s education in the classics on Du Bois’s thought on education, the arts, government, and society. It then discusses the influence of classical philosophy on some of Du Bois’s distinctive ideas, such as the concept of the Talented Tenth, his opposition to Booker T. Washington’s industrial education, and his support of propaganda through art. The influence of the thought of Plato and Cicero on Du Bois receives particular attention. Finally, it explores Du Bois’s critique of the classical tradition in his responses to modern racism and colonialism. Alongside Du Bois’s critique of the classical tradition, he also exhibited an increasing interest in the history—ancient and modern—of Africa and Asia. In his attempts to combat modern prejudice, Du Bois appealed to the long traditions of thought and story of peoples outside of Europe, in several instances pioneering the research of non-European history. Du Bois’s influence by the classics and simultaneous appreciation of the history of Africa and Asia eventually culminated in a modern cosmopolitanism that calls for an appreciation of all cultures and heritages.

Just five weeks after its publication in January 1836, Awful Disclosures of the Hotel Dieu Nunnery sold over 20,000 copies. By “escaped nun,” Maria Monk, the book provided a shocking exposé of convent life, from licentious priests to tortured nuns to infanticide. Despite Maria Monk’s unveiling as an imposter, her book went on to become the second bestseller before the Civil War, after Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Far from representing a curious aberration, Monk’s book was part of a larger phenomenon, involving riots, propaganda, and politics. The campaign against convents was intimately connected with cultural concerns regarding reform, religion, immigration, and in particular the role of women in the republic. At a time when concern for “female virtue” consumed many Americans, nuns were a barometer of attitudes toward women. The veiled nun stood as the inversion of the true woman, needed to sustain the purity of the nation. She was a captive for a foreign foe, a fallen woman, a “white slave,” and a “foolish virgin.” In the first half of the nineteenth century, ministers, vigilantes, politicians, and writers, both male and female, crafted this image of the nun, locking arms against convents. The result was a far-reaching antebellum movement that would shape perceptions of nuns and women more broadly in America.

Jurisdiction is the foundational concept for both national laws and international law as it provides the link between the sovereign government and its territory, and ultimately its people. The internet challenges this concept at its root: data travels across the internet without respecting political borders or territory. This book is about this Jurisdictional Challenge created by internet technologies. The Jurisdictional Challenge arises as civil disputes, criminal cases, and regulatory action span different countries, rising questions as to the international competence of courts, law enforcement, and regulators. From a technological standpoint, geography is largely irrelevant for online data flows and this raises the question of who governs “YouTubistan.” Services, communication, and interaction occur online between persons who may be located in different countries. Data is stored and processed online in data centres remote from the actual user, with cloud computing provided as a utility. Illegal acts such as hacking, identity theft and fraud, cyberespionage, propagation of terrorist propaganda, hate speech, defamation, revenge porn, and illegal marketplaces (such as Silkroad) may all be remotely targeted at a country, or simply create effects in many countries. Software applications (“apps”) developed by a software developer in one country are seamlessly downloaded by users on their mobile devices worldwide, without regard to applicable consumer protection, data protection, intellectual property, or media law. Therefore, the internet has created multi-facetted and complex challenges for the concept of jurisdiction and conflicts of law. Traditionally, jurisdiction in private law and jurisdiction in public law have belonged to different areas of law, namely private international law and (public) international law. The unique feature of this book is that it explores the notion of jurisdiction in different branches of “the” law. It analyses legislation and jurisprudence to extract how the concept of jurisdiction is applied in internet cases, taking a comparative law approach, focusing on EU, English, German, and US law. This synthesis and comparison of approaches across the board has produced new insights on how we should tackle the Jurisdictional Challenge. The first three chapters explain the Jurisdictional Challenge created by the internet and place this in the context of technology, sovereignty, territory, and media regulation. The following four chapters focus on public law aspects, namely criminal law and data protection jurisdiction. The next five chapters are about private law disputes, including cross-border B2C e-commerce, online privacy and defamation disputes, and internet intellectual property disputes. The final chapter harnesses the insights from the different areas of law examined.

Contemporary Chinese voices approach the topic of happiness from many diverse positions and perspectives. Happiness, often represented by the Chinese character fu 福‎, is part of the visual propaganda campaign of the Chinese Dream, and raising levels of happiness has become an official government target. Much is written and said about happiness by the Chinese government, but also by authors of self-help books, by journalists, TV chat show hosts, pop psychologists and China’s netizens. This book is the first attempt at analyzing these various writings and related images to see what concepts and agendas inform this proliferation of happiness discourse. Through comprehensive analysis of text and images in multimedia formats, the essays in this volume reflect the diversity and pervasiveness of Chinese happiness discourse enacted by different social groups and actors. The aim of this volume is to analyse out what different social actors, different philosophical, psychological, cultural, political ideas bring to the subject of happiness in contemporary China. The authors bring a number of theoretical perspectives and conceptual approaches to this endeavour, resulting in a multidisciplinary and multi-methodological volume. The different chapters illuminate how the recent discourse of happiness encompasses both motifs of individual self-interest and collective socialist ethics. The volume shows that happiness has emerged as a culturally and historically specific and relevant topic for China’s population that resonates across class divisions. As such, the book make a significant contribution from the perspective of the Humanities to the understanding of individual and collective happiness in China today.

In a work that will force scholars to re-evaluate how they approach Sinophone studies, Wai-Siam Hee demonstrates that many of the major issues raised by contemporary Sinophone studies were already hotly debated in the popular culture surrounding Chinese-language films made in Singapore and Malaya during the Cold War. Despite the high political stakes, the feature films, propaganda films, newsreels, documentaries, newspaper articles, memoirs, and other published materials of the time dealt in sophisticated ways with issues some mistakenly believe are only modern concerns. In the process, the book offers an alternative history to the often taken-for-granted versions of film and national history that sanction anything relating to the Malayan Communist Party during the early period of independence in the region as anti-nationalist. Drawing exhaustively on material from Asian, European, and North American archives, the author unfolds the complexities produced by British colonialism and anti-communism, identity struggles of the Chinese Malayans, American anti-communism, and transnational Sinophone cultural interactions. Hee shows how Sinophone multilingualism and the role of the local, in addition to other theoretical problems, were both illustrated and practised in Cold War Sinophone cinema. Remapping the Sinophone: The Cultural Production of Chinese-Language Cinema in Singapore and Malaya before and during the Cold War deftly shows how contemporary Sinophone studies can only move forward by looking backwards.

This book considers how emotions propagate power by exploring whose lives are grieved and what kinds of grief are valuable within and eroticized by medieval narratives. The book argues that grief is not only routinely eroticized in medieval literature but that it is a foundational emotion of medieval elite culture. Focusing on the concept of grief as desire, the book builds on the history of the emotions and Georges Bataille's theory of the erotic as the conflict between desire and death, one that perversely builds a sense of community organized around a desire for death. The link between desire and death serves as an affirmation of living communities. The book incorporates literary, visual, and codicological evidence in sources from across the Mediterranean — from Old French chansons de geste, such as the Song of Roland and La mort le roi Artu and romances such as Erec et Enide, Philomena, and Floire et Blancheflor; to Byzantine and ancient Greek novels; to Middle English travel narratives such as Mandeville's Travels. In the author's reading of the performance of grief as one of community and remembrance, the book assesses why some lives are imagined as mattering more than others and explores how a language of grief becomes a common language of status among the medieval Mediterranean elite.

This book is about the ways in which culture matters to memory. It explores how memory is deeply entwined with social relationships, stories in film and literature, group history, monuments, ritual practices, material artifacts, and a host of other cultural devices. Culture in this account is not a bounded group of people or variable to be manipulated but, rather, the medium through which people live and make meaning of their lives. The focus of analysis becomes one of understanding the mutual constitution of people’s memories and the social–cultural worlds to which they belong. An interdisciplinary team of leading scholars has been brought together in this volume to offer new theoretical models of memory as both a psychological and a social–cultural process. The following themes are explored: the concept of memory and its relation to evolution, neurology, culture, and history; the particular dynamics of different cultural contexts of remembering, such as families, commemorations, giving testimony, and struggling with difficult memories such as in therapy; life course changes in memory from its development in childhood, through its anticipatory function in emerging adulthood, to managing its decline in old age; and the national and transnational organization of collective memory and identity through narratives propagated in political discourse, the classroom, and media. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the complex and interconnected relationship between culture, mind, and memory.

The attacks of September 11 and the resulting War on Terror have defined the first decade and a half of the 21st century. This text closely examines and analyzes the primary documents that provide the historical background of today's worldwide War on Terror. 9/11 and the War on Terror: A Documentary and Reference Guide provides readers with a rare opportunity to read and examine a variety of primary documents related to the September 11, 2001 attacks and the larger War on Terror—both in the United States and globally. Thematically organized into chapters, each document comes with an introduction and analysis written by an expert in the field that supplies the crucial historical background for the users of this title to learn about the complexities of the global War on Terror. This book showcases key primary documents that follow the trajectory of events of the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent War on Terror. Through the examination of various types of documents—such as speeches, diplomatic exchanges, military communications, and government reports—issued by opposing sides in the global conflict, readers will gain valuable insight into how these primary sources influenced the 21st-century world. Each primary source is prefaced by an introduction and followed by an analysis written by a scholar specializing in the field. The accompanying analyses enable readers to better gauge the role of diplomacy, military strategy, national security concerns, and ideological propaganda in the global War on Terror.

A prática da participação política digital com a apropriação do Facebook e Twitter em estratégias políticas eleitorais A cada quatro anos, os brasileiros vão às urnas eleger seus representantes a prefeito e vereadores. Um passo importante no exercício da cidadania e na renovação das esperanças por uma nação mais desenvolvida nos âmbitos social, econômico e político almejado por cada voto computado. A decisão sobre a quem depositar nossas expectativas não é tarefa fácil. Envolve, sobretudo, uma análise crítica dos programas de governo, da vida pregressa e das propostas de cada concorrente. Apesar de ainda existir uma certa apatia por parte dos cidadãos em relação à política, percebe-se que, por outro lado, em pleno século XXI, a comunicação sobre as práticas que envolvem as discussões e o métier nesse campo encontra terreno fértil em diferentes espaços públicos. Nesse sentido, na questão da busca pela informação, o cidadão tem, além das mídias tradicionais (jornal, rádio e televisão), um novo aporte tecnológico que é a internet. O que difere a web dessas outras mídias é justamente a possibilidade de produção de conteúdos sobre política pelos públicos (antes restrita aos profissionais da mídia de massa) e a capacidade de interação, de conversação digital, não-física entre candidatos e eleitores. Com isso, as práticas entre esses atores sociais convergem na mesma direção, com produção e difusão de conteúdo. Nesse processo, eleitores passam a ser colaboradores no jogo político quando divulgam ideias e opiniões dos candidatos de sua preferência para seu grupo social. No cerne desse contexto virtual e de disputa política, cabe ressaltar a participação dos cidadãos em sites de redes sociais, como Facebook e Twitter. Estas plataformas constituem espaços públicos que permitem a expressão e troca de opiniões, a interação entre os participantes e a divulgação de informações. Na propaganda eleitoral, o uso desses dispositivos integra as estratégias das campanhas e o seu dinamismo na questão tempo-espaço propicia agilidade na comunicação de conteúdos e a possibilidade de diálogo entre os que disputam uma eleição e os votantes. A adoção de sites de redes sociais como um novo canal de divulgação e promoção de propaganda política foi experimentada nas campanhas norte-americanas em 2008. No nosso entendimento, no Brasil, Facebook e Twitter foram significativos para potencializar as estratégias de campanha eleitoral em 2012. O Twitter teve um papel relevante ao pautar a mídia tradicional e, já em 2010, quando foram eleitos presidente, senadores, governadores, deputados federais e estaduais, complementou significativamente as ações de campanhas políticas digitais (OLIVEIRA, 2011). Nas eleições de 2012, a primeira de âmbito municipal com a apropriação de sites de redes sociais para APRESENTAÇÃO propaganda política, o Facebook foi considerado o que mais os candidatos a prefeituras brasileiras utilizaram para disseminar suas campanhas (AGGIO; REIS, 2013). A autorização dada pela Justiça Eleitoral brasileira para utilização da internet nas disputas políticas consta na Lei nº 12.034, de setembro de 2009, que reformulou conceitos sobre as bases da regulamentação da propaganda eleitoral na rede. A partir de então, os candidatos passaram a ter liberdade total para utilizar blogs, mensagens instantâneas e sites de redes sociais. Com a autorização da Justiça Eleitoral para a utilização dessas plataformas virtuais em propaganda política, candidatos a cargos eletivos buscaram o apoio de agências de comunicação para divulgar suas ações de campanha e escolher estratégias de marketing eleitoral visando otimizar suas imagens frente a públicos diversificados. Apesar do uso do site de rede social Orkut nas eleições de 2004, a regulamentação específica para o uso da internet em campanhas eleitorais é direcionada ao pleito de 2010 (pois antes a web era utilizada segundo a legislação de rádio e televisão) ou focada em campanhas online realizadas em outros países. Trata-se de mais uma oportunidade, para quem pleiteia um cargo político, de expressar ideias e propostas, de divulgar o ritmo cotidiano de campanha, além de compartilhar fatos e acontecimentos e, principalmente, dialogar e interagir com um público disposto a consumir informação política. Este livro, fruto de estudos desenvolvidos durante o mestrado no Programa de Pós-graduação em Estudos da Mídia da UFRN, apresenta o contexto de campanhas e estratégias eleitorais adotadas pelos postulantes à Prefeitura do Natal (RN) ao incorporar os sites Facebook e Twitter como possíveis espaços de disseminação de informação política e interação com eleitores. Com isso, buscamos compreender as práticas de participação e de comunicação dos candidatos a prefeito e eleitores em plataformas de redes sociais virtuais nas Eleições 2012, considerada a primeira de âmbito municipal a se apropriar desses meios para propaganda política. Também procuramos verificar a maneira pela qual se concretizou o relacionamento entre os que disputaram a cadeira do executivo municipal potiguar em 2012 e seus eleitores. Além disso, a obra busca analisar quais foram os tipos de questionamentos e demandas direcionados aos candidatos e qual foi o posicionamento adotado ao responder os comentários deixados nas postagens. Outro enfoque deste trabalho é verificar a frequência com que os concorrentes se comunicaram com seus eleitores e que tipo de informação política foi disponibilizado nessas redes. Podemos inferir que a chegada das campanhas eleitorais ao ciberespaço e seu uso na esfera política foram, inicialmente, de desconhecimento para os candidatos porque exigiram, como acreditamos que ainda continuam exigindo, mais engajamento, formação e capacitação para entender a funcionalidade e o potencial das redes sociais virtuais. Às vezes, mesmo os profissionais contratados e especializados no desenvolvimento de estratégias que objetivam conquistar a opinião pública não conseguem atender as expectativas de determinados candidatos, que por desconhecimento sobre o uso desses dispositivos, acreditam ser tarefa fácil garantir uma quantidade significativa de visualização das publicações e alcance das páginas. Numa campanha eleitoral, candidatos têm como uma das metas falar para um maior número de pessoas possível e conquistar a maior votação que puderem. Portanto, utilizam de todo o aparato técnico e tecnológico para atingir tal premissa. Os usuários precisaram de tempo para se adaptar às novas práticas de comunicação e interação oriundas desses ambientes digitais. Tempo para conhecer as funcionalidades dessas mídias e de familiarização com as linguagens e o novo contexto. A mudança social que emerge da reconfiguração das práticas de comunicação para o espaço público digital não depende especificamente dos meios, que são condição necessária, mas não suficiente para se alcançar essa mudança. Os próprios usuários, participantes ou agentes sociais que utilizam a mídia digital também têm comprometimento com essa mudança. Mesmo com a expansão de canais participativos, ainda cabe o questionamento sobre os efeitos políticos provenientes da comunicação digital. Ainda que existam mais espaços de expressão e discussão destinados aos eleitores, a contrapartida comunicacional do candidato é relevante, no sentido de que este leve em consideração as mensagens e contribuições enviadas por aqueles que escolhem quem irá representá-los na esfera municipal de governo. O que os cidadãos esperam, com a internet, é ter voz ativa e suas opiniões potencializadas em processos de tomada de decisão. Nas campanhas eleitorais isso não é diferente. O cidadão quer ser ouvido, quer ter sua participação valorizada nos espaços de redes sociais, quer se comunicar e interagir com seus candidatos. Ele quer a oportunidade de cobrar, fiscalizar e monitorar diariamente as ações de representantes eleitos pelo povo. Do outro lado, candidatos têm a oportunidade de disponibilizar, de forma constante, informações que estejam imbuídas de teor relevante politicamente e que possam propiciar diálogos com os eleitores no atendimento às demandas, no esclarecimento de dúvidas e na tessitura de comentários acerca do conteúdo publicado nos perfis virtuais. As práticas de comunicação vivenciadas no universo online são contemporâneas e as transformações oriundas do uso de tecnologias digitais na vida social, cultural, econômica e política ainda não são conhecidas em sua totalidade, nem mesmo a extensão dos graus de efeitos e consequências provenientes do seu uso, que dependem do modo como as pessoas as apropriam e para qual finalidade. Os pensamentos otimista e pessimista acompanham o incremento das tecnologias digitais na comunicação humana. O fato é que na política, a incorporação dessas ferramentas virtuais no escopo das estratégias de campanhas online é recente. Por isso, esta obra, diante da efervescência do cenário político brasileiro, busca tratar das práticas comunicativas estabelecidas entre candidatos e eleitores na realidade virtual. No que se refere a campanhas eleitorais, especialmente as de partidos pequenos, que dispõem de poucos recursos financeiros e de pouco espaço para visibilidade de suas ações, a internet e os sites de redes sociais são um instrumento de baixo custo. São espaços onde as informações podem ser difundidas em diferentes formatos (vídeos, fotos, links, texto) e propícios para discussões públicas. Em relação a 2010, podemos inferir que no Brasil, em 2012, as redes sociais foram utilizadas na propaganda política eleitoral e ganharam mais força nas eleições municipais para prefeito e vereadores em 5.565 municípios. Natal, capital do Rio Grande do Norte, com 528.364 eleitores, foi uma dessas cidades em que a campanha eleitoral também se projetou nas redes sociais. Seis candidatos disputaram os cargos à Prefeitura e 489 concorreram às 29 vagas disponíveis na Câmara de Vereadores. Nesta obra, o leitor poderá vivenciar e compreender como as práticas de comunicação, participação e interação foram concebidas no Facebook e Twitter pelos candidatos Carlos Eduardo (PDT), Fernando Mineiro (PT), Hermano Morais (PMDB), Robério Paulino (PSOL), Rogério Marinho (PSDB) e pelos eleitores potiguares. Nesta perspectiva, apresentamos um esboço da estrutura deste livro. Nossa abordagem, portanto, começa com uma discussão dos principais conceitos que norteiam esta análise. O primeiro capítulo versará sobre o tema da internet e da esfera pública, partindo das definições sobre o que é a esfera pública. Consideramos o ambiente online como um ambiente possível de aglutinação de uma esfera pública política, e das mudanças nesse contexto. Já o segundo capítulo abordará o tema central da análise desta obra, que é a participação política. Nele, trataremos dos conceitos de participação, do interesse pelo processo político e de algumas experiências participativas online. Outro conceito que é pertinente ao tema deste livro se refere à questão da visibilidade política no meio digital e da interação em ambientes midiáticos. Além disso, neste tópico será abordada ainda a questão da abrangência do Facebook e do Twitter no Brasil, suas características como meios de comunicação e particularidades da conversação nessas plataformas. A seguir, no quarto capítulo, nos dedicamos a explicar os procedimentos adotados para análise das práticas de participação entre candidatos e eleitores nas mídias sociais. No quinto capítulo serão apresentados os resultados desta análise qualitativa do conteúdo coletado no Facebook e no Twitter dos candidatos, com base em referenciais teóricos, o que nos possibilitará tecer comparações sobre o modo com que cada um se apropriou dessas plataformas e as formas de uso no marketing eleitoral, nas práticas de comunicação das ações de campanha e na interação. Ao mesmo tempo, analisaremos os questionamentos de eleitores endereçados aos candidatos.

Portugal was not always the best place for poets in the sixteenth century. Against the backdrop of an expanding empire, poets struggled to articulate their worth to rulers and patrons. Many of their works considered what poetry could do and what its value was. The answers that poets like Luís de Camões, Francisco de Sá de Miranda, António Ferreira, and Diogo Bernardes offered to these questions ranged from lofty ideals to more practical concerns of making ends meet. This book articulates a ‘pragmatics of poetry’ that combines literary analysis and book history with methods from sociology to explore how poets thought about themselves and negotiated the value of their verse. Poets compared their work to that of lawyers and doctors and tried to set themselves apart as a special group of professionals. They threatened their patrons as well as flattered them and tried to turn their poetry from a gift into something like a commodity or service that had to be paid for. While poets set out to write in the most ambitious genres, they sometimes refused to spend months composing an epic without the prospect of reward. Their books of verse, when printed, were framed as linguistic propaganda as well as objects of material and aesthetic worth at a time when many said that non-devotional poetry was a sinful waste of time. This is therefore a book about how poets, metaphorically and more literally, tried to turn poetry and the paper it was written on into gold.

This book provides readers a rare opportunity to hear from some of the most hidden off-street sex workers in the population, those living dual lives, trading sex alongside ‘square’ mainstream employment. Stereotypes about who trades sex, of ‘exiting’ and transitioning to and from sex work as being chaotic, as well as simplistic, binary framings of sex work as something one is either in or out of, trapped or survived, are challenged by these sex workers whose practices uncover a fluid Continuum of Sex Industry Work and Square Work (SIWSQ) Involvement. Sex workers (Contributors) share lived experiences of combating labour precarity and insecure work, concerns about Brexit, and the UK Whorearchy that stratifies the sex industry and influences pricing and value, along with the stress of keeping secrets while living under the constant threat of being outed. Contributors engage in skilful stigma-avoidance, selective disclosure, on-and offline audience/information segregation, and manage people and devices to conceal stigmatised work in the digital age. The phenomenon of duality is thoroughly examined and in doing so we learn about the impacts of constructing a precarious labour markets while legislating poverty, and the lies we propagate about who trades sex and how we treat them. Ultimately, those living dual lives do so in response to economic conditions that we co-create. Our focus must be on reshaping the structures, systems and social forms that circumscribe our social realities and not in the vilification of these innovators.

Federations have existed in a modern form since the constitution of the United States entered into force in 1789. Riker defines a federation as follows (1975, p. 101) “a political organization in which the activities of government are divided between regional governments and a central government in such a way that each kind of government has some activity on which it makes final decision.” The process of getting to the federation, the integration process, is best described as federalism.There is some agreement on the core of what a federation is, and some disagreement over whether to apply the term “federation” strictly to states and state-like actors or in a broader sense. Federations are concrete ways to organize government, but in many writings, they are also given positive attributes, such as enhanced democracy and efficiency, too.There are two ways to think about federalism: as a politico-ideological theory of action and as an academic theory of regional integration. The first theory is propagated by writers such as Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, Jean Monnet, and Altiero Spinelli. This theory is of political rather than academic interest. Academic theories of regional integration are divided into two groups, following the common practice in international relations theory: liberal theories (by far the largest group) and realist theories.Federalism theory as a theory of regional integration was abandoned too early because, inter alia, it had been linked to the development of the European Community, which was in crisis from the mid-1970s till the mid-1980s. This was a mistake. Federalism theory provides the scholar with at least two tools. First, under the title “federation,” it introduces a large number of theories, methods, and empirical studies on how to analyze the European Union and other regional integration projects. Second, as a federalism theory, especially in the realist or the Riker-McKayian version, it provides a theory of how countries may unite peacefully. This approach must be developed in terms of (a) the concept of threat, which must be broadened to include economic, social, and cultural elements, and (b) the role of a basic common culture, which primarily facilitates the founding of the federation and constitutes the foundation securing the maintenance of the new federation.A brief analysis of the development of today’s European Union, following the realist approach, demonstrates that, broadly speaking, a correspondence exists between threat and the integration process: In times of threat, the process of integration and federalization advances; in periods of peace and no crisis, the integration process stagnates.