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1

Anae, Nicole. "“Among the Boer Children”." History of Education Review 45, no. 1 (June 6, 2016): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-12-2014-0049.

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Purpose – There exists no detailed account of the 40 Australian women teachers employed within the “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies during the Boer War. The purpose of this paper is to critically respond to this dearth in historiography. Design/methodology/approach – A large corpus of newspaper accounts represents the richest, most accessible and relatively idiosyncratic source of data concerning this contingent of women. The research paper therefore interprets concomitant print-based media reports of the period as a resource for educational and historiographical data. Findings – Towards the end of the Boer War in South Africa (1899-1902) a total of 40 Australian female teachers – four from Queensland, six from South Australia, 14 from Victoria and 16 from New South Wales – successfully answered the imperial call conscripting educators for schools within “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies. Women’s exclusive participation in this initiative, while ostensibly to teach the Boer children detained within these camps, also exerted an influential effect on the popular consciousness in reimagining cultural ideals about female teachers’ professionalism in ideological terms. Research limitations/implications – One limitation of the study relates to the dearth in official records about Australian women teachers in concentration camps given that; not only are Boer War-related records generally difficult to source; but also that even the existent data is incomplete with many chapters missing completely from record. Therefore, while the data about these women is far from complete, the account in terms of newspaper reports relies on the existent accounts of them typically in cases where their school and community observe their contributions to this military campaign and thus credit them with media publicity. Originality/value – The paper’s originality lies in recovering the involvement of a previously underrepresented contingent of Australian women teachers while simultaneously offering a primary reading of the ideological work this involvement played in influencing the political narrative of Australia’s educational involvement in the Boer War.
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2

Forth, Aidan. "Concentration Camps: A Short History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (February 2018): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01208.

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3

Dillon, Christopher. "Concentration camps: a short history*." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy037.

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4

IZUMI, MASUMI. "PROHIBITING "AMERICAN CONCENTRATION CAMPS"." Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2005.74.2.165.

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In September 1971 Congress repealed the Emergency Detention Act, Title II of the McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950. This act had authorized the President to apprehend and detain any person suspected as a threat to internal security during a national emergency. This article analyzes the Title II repeal campaign between 1967 and 1971, revealing that the public historical memories of Japanese American internment greatly influenced support for repeal in Congress and among the American public. Civil rights and antiwar protesters both feared that such a law might be used against them, but Japanese Americans had been interned during World War II. Their presence in the repeal campaign made the question of detention starkly real and the need for repeal persuasive. Conversely, their work for repeal allowed them to address a painful part of their American experience and speak publicly as a community.
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5

Morrison, Alexander. "Convicts and Concentration Camps." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 20, no. 2 (2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2019.0026.

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6

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la mémoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire 54, no. 1 (1997): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xxs.1997.3627.

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7

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la memoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 54 (April 1997): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771406.

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8

Halamová, Martina. "Returns from Concentration Camps." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 12 (September 21, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2017.12.7.

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The article is concentrated on the Czech post-war literature, especially on the Czech treatment of the theme regarding returns from concentration camps in the novels written in the second half of 20th century and in contemporary literature. The presented novels, thematizing the mentioned topic, are viewed as representations of those days discourses shaped by the “course of history”. Therefore, the article follows variation of the theme as well as the modification of heros in connection with the transformation of discourses, and tries to describe the reasons of the changing.
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9

Lake, Mackenzie. "Book Review: Concentration Camps: A Short History." Genocide Studies and Prevention 13, no. 1 (April 2019): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.1.1635.

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10

Buggeln, Marc. "Dan Stone, Concentration Camps: A Short History." European History Quarterly 47, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 791–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417729639au.

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11

Goeschel, Christian. "Suicide in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 628–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366558.

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Too often histories of the concentration camps tend to be ignorant of the wider political context of nazi repression and control. This article tries to overcome this problem. Combining legal, social and political history, it contributes to a more thorough understanding of the changing relationship between the camps as places of extra-legal terror and the judiciary, between nazi terror and the law. It argues that the conflict between the judiciary and the SS was not a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, as existing accounts claim. Rather, it was a power struggle for jurisdiction over the camps. Concentration camp authorities covered up the murders of prisoners as suicides to prevent judicial investigations. This article also looks at actual suicides in the pre-war camps, to highlight individual inmates’ reactions to life within the camps. The article concludes that the history of the concentration camps needs to be firmly integrated into the history of nazi terror and the Third Reich.
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12

Fleck, Christian, and Albert Müller. "Bruno Bettelheim and the concentration camps." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 33, no. 1 (1997): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199724)33:1<1::aid-jhbs1>3.0.co;2-y.

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13

Володимир Васильович Очеретяний and Інна Іванівна Ніколіна. "THE PROCESS OF CREATING THE NAZI CAMP SYSTEM IN POLAND DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111817.

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This article analyzes the process of creating the German camp system in Poland. The Nazi racial politics towards the Jews promoted their isolation from the so-called "full part of society". For this purpose, two main mechanisms for their separation were created: concentration camps, some of which were transformed into "factories of death", and Jewish ghettos. The establishment of concentration camps in Poland was preceded by a long process of organizational and legal registration first in Germany itself, and later on the territories occupied by it. This process was accompanied by numerous Jewish pogroms and arrests, which was an integral part of the Nazi anti-Semitic policy. Concentration camps were carefully thought out and well-organized institutions with a refined mechanism of prisoners’ maintenance, coercion and punishment. Different by their intended purpose were "death camps" that were not intended to hold prisoners, but to destroy them quickly and in large scale. Most of them were located on the territory of Poland, where the Jews from all over Europe were brought. These included Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and Maydanek. It was observed in the article that German concentration camps were created to isolate, repress and destroy the undesirable elements of the regime. Despite the early formation of this system, its dissemination in the territories occupied by the Nazis, particularly in Poland, took place in 1938-1939s. At that time the German concentration camps turned into an instrument of ruthless anti-Semitic policy that became a classic genocide. Due to the fact that the concentration camps capacities did not allow to sufficiently fulfill their tasks, during 1939-1945s in Poland, new, so-called "death camps" were established. They were equipped with gas chambers and crematorium that carried out large-scale destruction of the Jews.
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14

Moore, Paul. "‘And What Concentration Camps Those Were!’: Foreign Concentration Camps in Nazi Propaganda, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 649–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366557.

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This article examines nazi propaganda on non-German ‘concentration camps’ in the years 1933—9. It shows how the regime publicized internment facilities in Austria, the Soviet Union and South Africa during the Boer War for rhetorical effect. This examination is placed within the context of extensive nazi propaganda concerning Germany’s own camps, demonstrating that the two propaganda strands worked not contrary to each other, but rather in a mutually reinforcing manner. In addition, the article will explore the legacy of this propaganda material in shaping popular attitudes with the onset of war and genocide.
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15

WALSTON, JAMES. "HISTORY AND MEMORY OF THE ITALIAN CONCENTRATION CAMPS." Historical Journal 40, no. 1 (March 1997): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x96007042.

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The history of fascism in Italy has been extensively covered while fascist Italy's role in colonies before the war, and occupied areas during it, have only been touched upon. There has been little or no coming to terms with fascist crimes comparable to the French concern with Vichy or even the Japanese recognition of its wartime and pre-war responsibilities. This article uses Italy's internment policy in Africa before the war and in the Balkans and Italy during the war to illustrate the repression of historical memory. On the one hand, foreign Jews were interned to protect them from deportation by German, Croatian or Vichy French forces. The reasons were political and humanitarian. On the other, Balkan civilians were interned in conditions that led to the death of thousands. Similar and worse policies had been carried out in Africa before the war. There is some excellent specialist work on Africa which is not part of general knowledge; the Balkans have not even been covered by specialists. This article puts forward some explanations for the repression of the recent past.
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16

Burgard, Antoine. "Concentration Camps: A Short History by Dan Stone." Human Rights Review 19, no. 3 (June 16, 2018): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0514-6.

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17

Hajkova, A. "Concentration Camps in Nazi Germany: The New Histories." German History 29, no. 3 (November 17, 2010): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq128.

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18

Kurashige, Lon Yuki, Karen L. Ishizuka, and Robert A. Nakamura. "America's Concentration Camps: Remembering the Japanese American Experience." Journal of American History 83, no. 1 (June 1996): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945482.

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19

Yoo, David. "Captivating memories: museology, concentration camps, and Japanese American history." American Quarterly 48, no. 4 (1996): 680–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.1996.0045.

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20

Martin, Roger, and Association des Deportes du Jura-F.N.D.I.R.P. "Les Jurassiens dans les camps de concentration." Le Mouvement social, no. 148 (July 1989): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778818.

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21

Beorn, Waitman Wade. "Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw030.

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22

Brink, Cornelia. "Secular Icons: Looking at Photographs from Nazi Concentration Camps." History & Memory 12, no. 1 (2000): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ham.2000.0001.

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23

Caplan, Jane. "Dan Stone. Concentration Camps: A Very Short Introduction." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz921.

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24

Tamura, Eileen H. "Remembering the Past: Life in America’s Concentration Camps." Journal of American Ethnic History 20, no. 4 (July 1, 2001): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502747.

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25

Wünschmann, Kim. "Cementing the Enemy Category: Arrest and Imprisonment of German Jews in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-8/9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 576–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366556.

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Understandably, research has focused overwhelmingly on Jews in the camps of the Holocaust. But the nazis had been detaining Jews in concentration camps ever since 1933, at times in large numbers. Who were these prisoners? This article analyzes nazi policies that brought Jews into the concentration camps. It ventures into the inner structure and dynamics of one of the most heterogeneous groups of concentration camp inmates. By contrasting the perpetrators’ objectives with the victims’ experiences, this article will illuminate the role of the concentration camp as the ultimate means of pressure in the fatal process of turning a minority group into an outsider group: that is, the act of defining and marking the enemy which was the critical stage before the destruction of European Jewry. Furthermore, it will examine Jewish reactions to SS terror inside the camps.
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26

Krammer, Arnold, Wolfgang Benz, and Barbara Distel. "Dachau Review: History of Nazi Concentration Camps: Studies, Reports, Documents." German Studies Review 12, no. 3 (October 1989): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430681.

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27

Marcuse, Harold. "Nikolaus Wachsmann. KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps." American Historical Review 122, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.1.139.

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28

Fackler, Guido. "Cultural Behaviour and the Invention of Traditions: Music and Musical Practices in the Early Concentration Camps, 1933-6/7." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366704.

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This article investigates music in the concentration camps before the second world war. For the camp authorities, ordering prisoners to sing songs or play in orchestras was an instrument of domination. But for the prisoners, music could also be an expression of solidarity and survival: inmates could retain a degree of their own agency in the pre-war camps, despite the often unbearable living conditions and harsh treatment by guards. The present article emphasizes this ambiguity of music in the early camps. It illustrates the emergence of musical traditions in the pre-war camps which came to have a significant impact on everyday life in the camps. It helps to overcome the view that concentration camp prisoners were simply passive victims.
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29

Philp, Kenneth R., and Richard Drinnon. "Keeper of Concentration Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism." Western Historical Quarterly 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969384.

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30

Cole, Bradford, and Roger Daniels. "American Concentration Camps. Volumes 1-9: July 1940-November 1945." Western Historical Quarterly 21, no. 3 (August 1990): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969715.

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31

Finan, William W. "The Last Gulags." Current History 111, no. 746 (September 1, 2012): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.746.244.

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32

Smith, Iain R., and Andreas Stucki. "The Colonial Development of Concentration Camps (1868–1902)." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 39, no. 3 (September 2011): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2011.598746.

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33

Iriye, Akira, and Richard Drinon. "Keeper of Concentration Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism." Journal of American History 74, no. 4 (March 1988): 1384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894497.

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34

Lambertz, Jan. "The Urn and the Swastika: Recording Death in the Nazi Camp System*." German History 38, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz107.

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Abstract Why did Nazi concentration camps routinely send death notifications and even cremation urns to families of dead prisoners, including Jewish prisoners, until well into the war years? This article challenges the assumption that these practices served solely to provide reassurance that the prisoners had died under ‘normal’ circumstances. In the case of Jewish prisoners, urns sent home for burial to families in the Reich were part and parcel of a system of intimidation waged through local Gestapo offices. These urns also illuminate changing practices around prisoner deaths within camps themselves and the dissonant character of Nazi camp organization. On the one hand, camp administrators adhered to long-standing German state practices, establishing civil registries on camp premises to record prisoner deaths. On the other hand, they flouted bureaucratic norms, fabricating the causes of prisoner death on a grand scale and using bureaucratic procedures to veil the gross mistreatment of inmates. In many camps, prisoner labour was forced to help manufacture and uphold this imperfect subterfuge. These histories point to one of the few places in which the death of Jewish prisoners in the Nazi detention system was systematically recorded and conveyed back to families and Jewish communities in the Reich. Yet, paradoxically, the ‘processing’ of death in the major concentration camps was in many respects untrustworthy, and intimidation now also hovered over what had been a credible, neutral civil procedure.
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35

Brink. "Secular Icons: Looking at Photographs from Nazi Concentration Camps." History and Memory 12, no. 1 (2000): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2000.12.1.135.

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36

Marks, Shula. "The Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War: A Social History." Journal of Southern African Studies 41, no. 5 (August 26, 2015): 1133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2015.1073065.

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37

Daniels, Roger, and Richard Drinnon. "Keeper of Concentration Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865876.

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38

Wachsmann, Nikolaus. "Looking into the Abyss: Historians and the Nazi Concentration Camps." European History Quarterly 36, no. 2 (April 2006): 247–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691406062613.

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39

Lyon, Eileen Groth. "“An Unbendable Strength in Our Rosary”." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 4 (October 26, 2021): 546–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10018.

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Abstract The struggle to resist dehumanization and maintain a sense of identity and dignity in the German concentration camps has been a key theme in survivor testimonies. Some prisoners assert the paramount importance of religious faith in mustering the inner strength needed to survive. However, the clandestine nature of religious practice in the camps has meant that memoirs provide only fragmentary glimpses of these practices and their significance in the camps. This article seeks to reconstruct a fuller picture of the religious life of Catholic Poles at the Gusen Concentration Camp in Upper Austria from 1940 to 1945. In particular, the article focuses on the activities of a living rosary group organized by Wacław Milke and Władysław Gębik. This group was unusual in the breadth of its activities and its extensive network of contacts. Not only did it organize religious devotions, but it also provided life-saving practical assistance to other prisoners.
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40

Temime, Emile, and Jean-Claude Farcy. "Les camps de concentration francais de la premiere guerre mondiale (1914-1920)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 54 (April 1997): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771424.

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41

Orth, Karin. "Dan Stone, Concentration Camps. A Short History. Oxford, Oxford University Press 2017." Historische Zeitschrift 307, no. 2 (October 5, 2018): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2018-1477.

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42

Stelingowska, Barbara. "Wysiedlenie widziane oczami dziecka z Zamojszczyzny." Narracje o Zagładzie, no. 6 (November 23, 2020): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.24.

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The article undertakes the topic of forced population displacement seen through the eyes of a child from Zamojszczyzna along with war-time fates of Polish families deported duringthe Second World War. The history of Zamojszczyzna lands is composed of tragic experiences of people forced out of their family households, imprisoned in the transit camps, deported to be involuntary labourers in the Third Reich, or murdered in concentration camps KL Auschwitz and KL Lublin (Majdanek). The survivors had to carry on throughout their lives with an indelible mark left by war-time childhood reflected by the name “a Child of Zamojszczyna” (the said status was granted to persons who were prisoners of the transit camps in Zamość and Zwierzyniec [solely children until the age of fourteen] and those imprisoned in concentration camps [for at least one day]).
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43

Hill, Leonidas E., and Robert H. Abzug. "Inside the Vicious Heart: Americans and the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps." Journal of American History 73, no. 3 (December 1986): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903086.

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44

Levy, Claude, Jean-Claude Favez, and Genevieve Billeter. "Une mission impossible? Le CICR, les deportations et les camps de concentration nazis." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 24 (October 1989): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769169.

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45

Taylor, Sandra C. "Leaving the Concentration Camps: Japanese American Resettlement in Utah and the Intermountain West." Pacific Historical Review 60, no. 2 (May 1, 1991): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3640490.

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46

Lawrence, Ruth E., and Marc P. Bellette. "Gold, timber, war and parks : A history of the Rushworth Forest in central Victoria." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 122, no. 2 (2010): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs10022.

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The Rushworth Forest is a Box and Ironbark open sclerophyll forest in central Victoria that has been subject to a long history of gold mining activity and forest utilisation. This paper documents the major periods of land use history in the Rushworth Forest and comments on the environmental changes that have occurred as a result. During the 1850s to 1890s, the Forest was subject to extensive gold mining operations, timber resource use, and other forest product utilisation, which generated major changes to the forest soils, vegetation structure and species cover. From the 1890s to 1930s, concern for diminishing forest cover across central Victoria led to the creation of timber reserves, including the Rushworth State Forest. After the formation of a government forestry department in 1919, silvicultural practices were introduced which aimed at maximising the output of tall timber production above all else. During World War II, the management of the Forest was taken over by the Australian Army as Prisoner of War camps were established to harvest timber from the Forest for firewood production. Following the War, the focus of forestry in Victoria moved away from the Box and Ironbark forests, but low value resource utilisation continued in the Rushworth Forest from the 1940s to 1990s. In 2002, about one-third of the Forest was declared a National Park and the other two-thirds continued as a State Forest. Today, the characteristics of the biophysical environment reflect the multiple layers of past land uses that have occurred in the Rushworth Forest.
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47

Simón, Paula. "Catalan editions in resistance: The publication of testimonial narrative about French concentration camps in Catalan during Franco’s dictatorship." International Journal of Iberian Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00050_1.

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As part of its repressive programme, Franco’s regime significantly limited the publication of literature in Catalan, a language that was pejoratively reduced to the category of dialect. In that context, the decision of writing and editing books in Catalan during the military dictatorship (1939‐75) was itself an act of resistance. This article studies a series of testimonial narratives that were published in the late 1960s and early 1970s in Spain about French concentration camps, including Crist de 200.000 braços. Refugiats catalans als camps de concentració francesos (1968), by Agustí Bartra; El desgavell (1969), by Ferran Planes; and Cartes des dels camps de concentració (1972), by Pere Vives i Clavé. Testimonial narratives about French concentration camps already circulated in the countries where Spanish intellectuals were exiled. However, writers such as Bartra, Planes, Vives i Clavé (survivors of Argelès-sur-Mer, Saint-Cyprien and other French concentration camps) and some Catalan editors committed to the Republican cause were interested in telling their traumatic experiences to Spanish and Catalan readers living in Spain. Therefore, they undertook the task of editing these works although in many cases they were strongly censored. Taking this into account, the purpose of this article is to analyse some aspects of these editions in order to consider how their testimonial narratives remain in constant tension between two forces: Republican writers’ intention to show their own version of recent history and the Spanish government’s imposition of its own institutional and conservative official discourse.
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48

Friedman, Saul S., and Robert H. Abzug. "Inside the Vicious Heart: Americans and the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 696. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869996.

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49

Laband, John. "Elizabethvan Heyningen. The Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War: A Social History." American Historical Review 120, no. 2 (April 2015): 760. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.2.760.

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50

Bernhard, Michael. "Tomasz Kizny, Gulag: Life and Death Inside the Soviet Concentration Camps." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.191.

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