Journal articles on the topic 'Competition – Government policy – European Union countries'
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1
Frieden, Jeffry A. "Real Sources of European Currency Policy: Sectoral Interests and European Monetary Integration." International Organization 56, no. 4 (2002): 831–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403793.
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In the thirty years before Economic and Monetary Union was achieved, European currency policies varied widely among countries and over time. In this article, I argue that the sectoral impact of regional exchange-rate arrangements, in particular their expected real effects on European trade and investment, exerted a powerful influence on the course of European monetary integration. The principal benefit of fixing European exchange rates was facilitation of cross-border trade and investment within the European Union (EU); the principal cost of fixed rates was the loss of national governments' ability to use currency policy to improve their producers' competitive position. Empirical results indeed indicate that a stronger and more stable currency was associated with greater importance of manufactured exports to the EU's hard-currency core, while depreciations were associated with an increase in the net import competition faced by the country's producers. This suggests a powerful impact of real factors related to trade and investment, and of private interests concerned about these factors, in determining national currency policies.
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Rajabiun, Reza. "Strategic Considerations in the Emergence of Private Action Rights." World Competition 32, Issue 3 (September 1, 2009): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2009038.
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The design of mechanisms for the enforcement of rules regarding anticompetitive practices has been the subject of considerable controversy in both developed and developing countries. Public competition authorities have advantages in terms of scale economies and coordination of competing policy objectives. Private rights of action enhance the capacity of legal regimes to generate information and deter collusive agreements and exclusionary practices. Private enforcement also increases the transaction costs of regulatory capture. Given these differences, mixed regimes are likely to be superior to purely public or private arrangements. However, most national jurisdictions grant exclusive authority to public agencies and prosecutors. This article explores the puzzling resistance to the development of mixed competition enforcement regimes by studying recent attempts in the European Union (EU) to enhance private rights of access. The analysis suggests that decentralization of enforcement rights limits the capacity of a government to employ competition rules as an instrument of strategic trade policy. Evidence from EU illustrates that tensions between domestic and international policy considerations can generate distinctive paths of procedural development.
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Boiko, Nataliia. "UNITED KINGDOM MIGRATION POLICY AND MIGRATION FROM UKRAINE (1990–2020)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-41-49.
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The article is devoted to the formation and evolution of migration policy of British governments at the present stage. It is noted that migration processes are one of the main features of globalization. It is also claimed that the UK has always attracted migrants from different parts of the world, especially from the post-colonial countries and Eastern Europe. As a migration project, it has always been characterized by a high standard of living and a high level of wages in the European Union. However, as a member of the European Community until 2019, Britain has always differed from its European partners in its autonomy and separateness, particularly in the field of immigration policy. The author analyzes the current migration laws passed by the British governments from 1990 to 2020. The active development of migration legislation began during the premiership of the conservative John Major (1990–1997). Therefore, the Conservative government has taken steps only in the direction of quota migration flows. It was determined that the basic purpose of the migration legislation of the United Kingdom was the governments’ ability to comprehensively address the migration problem as a threat to national security. It was officially recognized during the reign of Gordon Brown (2007–2010). It has been proven that the priorities in the UK’s migration policy have been the issues of restraining and controlling the flow of immigrants, in particular their consequences for immigrants from Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the migration component of the Labor government of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and the Conservative government of Theresa May (2016–2019) as the most loyal and hostile cabinet ministers on immigration. The competition between the party principles of controlled (Labor) and rigid (Conservative) migration under their rule has led to the adoption of new laws. In essence and content, they were designed to cope with the growing migration crisis in the country. The importance of the media and information propaganda in the reflection of immigration as a trend of British domestic policy and a key cause of Brexit (2016–2019) is emphasized.
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Kramar, Hans. "Economic convergence on different spatial levels: the conflict between cohesion and growth." Raumforschung und Raumordnung 64, no. 1 (January 31, 2006): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03183103.
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Abstract The analysis of economic disparities within the European Union strongly depends on the regional level considered. Whereas the economic gap between the member states has decreased over the last decades, regional disparities have rather deepened. The reason for these contradictory findings can be found in the increasing disparities within many of the member states: Especially in growing economies the gap between urban centres and rural peripheries tends to widen. The spatial concentration of research and development, high skilled labour, infrastructure and foreign investment in the capitals will therefore supposably become a big challenge for the accession countries, which will have to face increasing international competition. Joining a common market of more than 450 million people means new opportunities, challenges and threats for economic development, which have to be faced by local, regional and national governments as well as by European institutions. EU-policies act in the dichotomy between the conflicting goals of economic growth and cohesion. Since they strongly influence regional conditions for production it is of great political interest whether a certain measure fosters economic efficiency by favouring the highly developed centres or rather enhances convergence by promoting lagging regions. The answer is, however, not trivial and needs closer examination: Measures encouraging regional cohesion on the European level can also increase disparities within a state or a region at the same time. This is the reason why the regional effects of EU-policies have to be analysed on different spatial levels. Dealing with the spatial impacts of various European Policies (Regional Policy, TransEuropean Networks, Common Agricultural Policy, Research and Technological Development Policy) there is some evidence that these policies try to compensate the effects of growing competition in the common market by concentrating their efforts on urban growth poles within the underdeveloped countries. Doing that, the European Union comes up to the two conflicting goals of growth and cohesion by promoting efficient economic development in the member states on the one hand and regional convergence on the European level on the other. This approach is of course mainly directed at European objectives and brings about new problems for the member states: According to the principle of subsidiarity the growing divergence within the member states is, however, not a policy task of the European Union but of the member states: Therefore national politics are still required to take on responsibility for these intranational problems by adopting their transport, regional and economic policies to the new challenge.
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Bednarczyk, Jan L., Katarzyna Brzozowska-Rup, and Sławomir Luściński. "Opportunities and Limitations of Hydrogen Energy in Poland against the Background of the European Union Energy Policy." Energies 15, no. 15 (July 29, 2022): 5503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15155503.
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One of the strategic goals of developed countries is to significantly increase the share of renewable energy sources in electricity generation. However, the process may be hindered by, e.g., the storage and transport of energy from renewable sources. The European Union countries see the development of the hydrogen economy as an opportunity to overcome this barrier. Therefore, since 2020, the European Union has been implementing a hydrogen strategy that will increase the share of hydrogen in the European energy mix from the current 2 percent to up to 13–14 percent by 2050. In 2021, following the example of other European countries, the Polish government adopted the Polish Hydrogen Strategy until 2030 with an outlook until 2040 (PHS). However, the implementation of the strategy requires significant capital expenditure and infrastructure modernisation, which gives rise to question as to whether Poland is likely to achieve the goals set out in the Polish Hydrogen Strategy and European Green Deal. The subject of the research is an analysis of the sources of financing for the PHS against the background of solutions implemented by the EU countries and a SWOT/TOWS analysis on the hydrogen economy in Poland. The overall result of the SWOT/TOWS analysis shows the advantage of strengths and related opportunities. This allows for a positive assessment of the prospects for the hydrogen economy in Poland. Poland should continue its efforts to take advantage of the external factors (O/S), such as EU support, an increased price competitiveness of hydrogen, and the emergence of a competitive cross-border hydrogen market in Europe. At the same time, the Polish authorities should not forget about the weaknesses and threats that may inhibit the development of the domestic hydrogen market. It is necessary to modernise the infrastructure; increase the share of renewable energy sources in hydrogen production; increase R&D expenditure, and, in particular, to complete the negotiations related to the adoption of the Fit for 55 package.
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Pach, Janina, and Mieczysława Solińska. "Problem pomocy dla małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw w Polsce po akcesji do Unii Europejskiej." Przedsiębiorczość - Edukacja 6 (January 1, 2010): 310–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20833296.6.23.
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Small and medium enterprises (SME) play an important role both in Poland and other countries of the European Union. Their contribution both as a percentage of the total number of enterprises, in general employment and in the production of particular products and gross domestic product confirms their importance for economy.The role of SME in Poland would be greater if the indicator of their activity (which is now below 50%) was higher, and the sustainability of SME’s was improved. Moreover, the crucial condition for enlargement of SME’s importance is the improvement of their investment capacity and increasing expenditure on research and development in this sector. About 50% of entrepreneurs fail to make any investments and do not conduct any research that determine national and international competitiveness. There are many reason for this situation, especially financial limitations, which can be supplemented by state aid. However, there are some restrictions on supporting SME’s by government as a result of the Common European Competition Policy. One of its basic rules is prohibition of state aid that deforms and limits competition, which is a base of economic development. In this situation state aid is allowed only on condition that its implementation does not restrict competition. The size and type, conditions and circumstances of state aid and its duration are precisely stipulated by the regulations.
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Grzymała-Busse, Anna. "The Discreet Charm of Formal Institutions." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 3 (April 2006): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005284216.
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Why do some new democratic political politicians constrain themselves and reduce their discretion to extract resources from the state and the processes of privatization? Postcommunist democracies show surprising variation in the adoption of formal institutions of monitoring and oversight. These institutions regulate markets, empower citizen oversight, and police the use and distribution of state assets. These have arisen rapidly in some countries and with considerable delays in others. Accounts that link institutional creation to European Union imposition, initial bargaining, and parliamentary divisions do not fully explain the variation. Instead, in the nine consolidated democracies and free markets examined here, robust political competition triggered mechanisms of anticipatory institution building and moderation of government behavior.
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Yaroshenko, I. V., and I. B. Semigulina. "Global Experience of State Support in the System of Public Management of Territorial Communities’ Development." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 4, no. 46 (2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2020-4-19-28.
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Achieving sustainable development of the countries against the background of overcoming the problems and backwardness of some territories, reducing the disproportion of socio-economic indicators, creating conditions for the development of competitive economic environment, and achieving a high standard of living form the main directions of regional policy in many countries, including the European Union. Detailed study of the experience in the formation and implementation of regional policy, the positive examples and trends of some countries and, in particular, EU member states, that have achieved economic growth and improved the welfare of their residents, are relevant for the development of modern Ukraine and its regions during the ongoing European integration processes, socio-economic changes and the formation of Ukraine’s own national regional policy. Analysis of the uneven development of territories and the identification of the main characteristics of this asymmetry allow not only to determine the current state of disproportion in regional development potentials, but also to assess the regional policy directions aimed at eliminating the disproportion. European integration direction in Ukraine’s policy confirms the relevance of a comprehensive study of the regional policy experience in the world and the EU, in particular, especially that of the best practices of Central and Eastern Europe, the latter demonstrating stable positive changes in socio-economic development. This experience could be useful for Ukraine to form and implement its own regional policy principles of organizing regional and local development management and building up local self-government.
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GUDZ, PETER, MARYNA GUDZ, and BARBARA DĄBROWSKA. "COMMON POLICIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE SPHERE OF INDUSTRY: PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES IN THE NEW REALITY OF POSTPANDEMIC." Economic innovations 23, no. 3(80) (August 20, 2021): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2021.23.3(80).85-100.
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Topicality. The urgency of studying the problems and challenges of the European Union's common industrial policy in the post-pandemic is due to the need to overcome the recession caused by the epidemic crisis and find innovative ways and means to transform European economies to rebuild the economy for the welfare of citizens and environmental security. Another prerequisite for the intensification of industrial policy as a driver of development of the EU common market is the realization of competitive advantages over the economies of the United States and China.Aim and tasks. The aim of the work is to analyze the problems and general challenges of the European Union's industrial policy in the new realities after the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has created many problems and posed many challenges to the European Union, but this is not the first crisis it has faced. The paper analyzes the challenges that have arisen during the measures taken to correct the economic downturn, as well as plans for the recovery and development of the European Union, including on the basis of digitization of the common industrial policy.Research results. The day, the genesis of the new, the fourth stage of the development of the industrial policy of the European Union has been designated. Established, according to the main method of industrial policy, and at the same time, 24 industrial halls of the 27 countries ЄC to improve the competitiveness of the European industry, as a step towards the development of the age of the mainstream of work. It was approved by the tools for the implementation of the industrial policy and criteria and indicators of evaluation and development. Sectoral analysis of industry, allowing you to camp for 2018 p. advanced development of machinery and equipment for the indicator of additional costs for production of coke and products of naphtha processing, automobiles, hairstyles and applications, industrial production of metal products for machinery. An analysis of the indicator of security to the given variability in the industrial spheres has taken into account the tendency to the concentration of security in the five countries of the world, some of the economies of Nimechchin. Analyzed the Eurocomisin's praise for April 2020. The plan for the development of Europe and the plan for the middle of the initial ones is the concept of industrial ecosystems. The concept of Europe is a light leader and ecology of the economy, realizing the industry and economy of the state government, the energy and economics of the program “Green Ladies”, as well as the economics of the economy.Conclusion. Problems and directions of overcoming challenges, determined by coronary crisis in industry and economy in general are identified: assistance in resumption of activity of industrial enterprises, coordination of partnership principles, limitation of pandemic expansion, preservation of jobs, tax benefits and credit policy of national banks aimed at investment development, financial assistance governments to support small and medium-sized businesses, assistance to relevant sectors of economic activity. The common industrial policy of the European Union covers many areas. Therefore, it is known that in times of the COVID-19 pandemic, the common industrial policy will face many challenges and problems. The article highlights not only the difficulties that the European Union had to overcome, but also the measures and measures it has taken to solve these problems. Putting the safety of its citizens first, the European Union has temporarily suspended its common industrial policy to focus on priorities. The most important aim was to help the most needy Member States and to support the economic sectors most affected. In addition, the Union has also launched a ten- action plan to rebuild Europe. The reconstruction plan for Europe allowed the European Union authorities to focus on the original goals of the Union, thus putting the new industrial strategy for Europe into effect. The European Council plans not only to increase the global competitiveness of its industry as well as its autonomy and resilience, but also to increase the resilience of the single market and ensure the leading role of the EU in the ecological and digital transformation.
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Berthold, Norbert. "Das Bündnis für Arbeit – Ein Weg aus der institutionellen Verflechtungsfalle?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 2, no. 4 (November 2001): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00063.
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Abstract Persistently high unemployment is still the most urgent problem confronting policymakers in many continental European countries. Policymakers were not idle but their activities often treated the symptoms rather than the real causes of the malaise in labor markets. A prerequisite for solving the unemployment problem is pushing for more competition in all markets, but in particular in the labor market. However, lack of competition allows insiders to capture rents, thus making them opposed to a rigorous competitive policy approach. It is often suggested that corporatism would be an alternative and possibly even superior solution, i.e., tripartist agreements involving unions, employer associations and the government. The paper argues that this is not the case. Rather, corporatism leads to even less competition and opens additional channels for externalizing the burden of adjustment to exogenous shocks on future generations and on taxpayers at large via the social security system. Globalization might in contrast help to overcome the problem because there are fewer rents to be captured by insiders, and more open goods and factor markets make labor demand more elastic, thus enforcing more moderate wage setting and more flexible wage structures.
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Varnavskii, V. "Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism of the European Union: a New Tool of Global Governance." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 1 (2023): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-1-5-15.
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In 2021, the European Union presented unilaterally and without agreement with international community partners a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). It includes a system own monitoring and control of production processes in third country companies in relation to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The article attempts to analyze CBAM as a new, emerging phenomenon of global governance, and offer recommendations for improvement its concept. It is shown that CBAM is a global in its scope, but its legitimacy is in serious doubt. The EU has no legitimate grounds for making requirements for environmental cleanliness and carbon footprint of goods produced abroad. The right to make such demands is not enshrined in fundamental international environmental documents such as the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement. EU importers do not have any information about the volumes of greenhouse gas emissions embodied in imported products. Only foreign manufacturers have such data. The European Union control for foreign manufacturers proposed in CBAM undermines the exclusive right of a third-country governments to control and regulate national enterprises including greenhouse gas emissions. The EU does not have a mandate established by both international community and external to the Union countries to monitor and control the “carbon footprint” in companies of foreign jurisdiction. It is concluded that CBAM has all the signs of discrimination, protectionism, restrictions on competition in the environmental and industrial sphere in relation to exporters from third countries. It is necessary to work out a better proposal and make political and diplomatic efforts to avoid CBAM creating unnecessary conflicts with other countries. Any new rules of global climate policy and regulation should be formulated only under the auspices of the UN.
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Ferrari, Giuseppe Franco. "La complessitŕ dei mercati energetici e la necessitŕ di una regolazione multilivello." ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no. 3 (July 2009): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2008-003006.
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- The energy markets are very complex, because, on the one hand, they imply several different activities and, on the other hand, they involve various levels of govern- 183 ment. The energy market is divided indeed in different segments: supply (generation or purchasing), transmission, distribution and sale, which are allocated at different levels of government, from the international and European level (with reference to the security of energy supply), to the local level (with specific regard to the distribution and sale). This complexity makes the energy sector particularly critical, under the pressure of political interests and economical needs. Another sensitive point is linked with the environmental protection, since the consumption of energy is one of the most polluting human activities, and the demand of energy is growing up together with the economical growth of the developing Countries. This problem is increasingly discussed at the international level, with reference to the climate change issue, in order to plan a sustainable development for the whole globe: because of it, the Kyoto Protocol was issued within the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change. It establishes legally binding commitments for the reduction of four greenhouse gases for all the 183 ratifying Countries, according the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and provides for the promotion of renewable energy. The European Union ratified the Protocol implementing the relative obligations through, for instance, the creation of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The European Union most of all addressed the competitive issue, since the 70s, in order to achieve the result to create a free energy market in Europe. The last results of the European energy policy were the directives on electricity and natural gas in 2004, that imposed the complete opening of the energy markets in almost all the European Countries (with few exceptions). The implementation of the European directives requires the intervention of the national level, since each Country has to modify its own regulatory framework, in order to comply with the directives. Everywhere in Europe, this process faces with several difficulties, but it is particularly hard in Italy, since the energy sector is traditionally public owned. Indeed, in our Country, the privatization and liberalization processes are strictly linked to another trend: the decentralization of legislative and administrative powers from the State to the Regions and Local Communities. Thus it is evident that the global governance of the energy sector, for its complexity and its sensibility, can only derive from a network of interventions by several levels of government, and different international, national and local actors, which realize a typical case of multilevel governance.Key words: Energy markets, competition, sustainable development, multilevel governance.JEL classifications: K21, K23.Parole chiave: Mercato energetico, concorrenza, sviluppo sostenibile, multilevel Governance.
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Nistor, Adina-Loredana, Elizabeth Pisani, and Maarten Olivier Kok. "Why falsified medicines reach patients: an analysis of political and economic factors in Romania." BMJ Global Health 6, Suppl 3 (February 2023): e009918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2022-009918.
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IntroductionTo protect patients against falsified medicines, countries around the world implement stringent regulations. Despite efforts to protect supply chains in the European Union (EU), authorities continue to find falsified medicine. We studied how in Romania, one of the poorest EU countries, political and economic factors influence the risk of patients being exposed to falsified medicines.MethodsFor this case study, we reviewed 131 documents and interviewed 22 purposively selected key informants.ResultsIn Romania, several politically and economically motivated policies have led to persistent medicine shortages. Following the 2007 accession to the EU, fierce competition led to a decline in domestic medicine production. Soon after, the government introduced a tax on reimbursed medicines to support the national health budget. Prior to the 2015 elections, medicine prices were abruptly lowered to provide voters with the cheapest medicine in Europe. The low prices incentivised traders to buy medicines in Romania and sell them elsewhere in the EU. The high taxes and low prices led manufacturers to withdraw medicines from the market and impose product quotas to limit parallel trading. The accumulated effect of these market responses translated into persistent shortages of essential medicine, which have pushed patients and health professionals to unregulated markets with a high risk of exposure to falsified medicine.ConclusionStrategies against falsified medicine with a narrow focus on safeguarding quality in the regulated supply are insufficient. To protect patients, governments must also ensure that patients have access to affordable medicines, as shortages provide an opportunity for those selling fake products.
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Horng, Der-Chin. "Reshaping the EUs FTA Policy in a Globalizing Economy: The Case of the EU-Korea FTA." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012010.
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On 3 October 2006, the European Union (EU) initiated a new generation Free Trade Agreement (FTA) policy in Global Europe: Competing in the World. Market potential and protection level were set out as the key economic criteria for new FTA partners. Based on these criteria, South Korea emerges as one of the EU's priorities. The EU-Korea FTA, signed on 6 October 2010, is the first of a new generation of FTAs. The Agreement is very comprehensive with regard to trade liberalization in a number of fields, including services, investment, competition, enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPRs), government procurement, sustainable development, cultural cooperation, and so on. Many of these policy areas are still not well regulated by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Under the Lisbon Treaty, EU trade policy shall be conducted in the context of the principles and objectives of EU foreign policy. Leveraging trade and foreign policy is expected to strengthen the EU's position in negotiating new FTAs. This article takes the EU-Korea FTA as a case study to examine the following core issues: the historical background of the EU's trade policy, legal basis and decision-making procedure of the new generation FTA, the main contents and special features of the EU-Korea FTA, and the impacts of the EU-Korea FTA on the WTO and third countries. For the future development of EU's FTA policy, this article also proposes an open regionalism approach to make the FTA compatible with the WTO.
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Predmestnikov, Oleh, and Vitaliy Gumenyuk. "HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
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Safonchyk, Oksana, and Konstiantyn Vitman. "PROSPECTS OF CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE EU IN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 4 (October 29, 2019): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-4-212-220.
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In the world practice, corporate social responsibility (CSR) is recognized an important component of sustainable development strategy, for which reason governments of many countries pay considerable attention to the promotion of CSR ideas at the national level, creating favourable conditions for socially responsible behaviour of national and foreign enterprises. The author aims to analyse the experience of regulation of corporate social responsibility policy in the EU Member States, to show the practice of national governments of the EU Member States in the field of CSR, and to determine prospects of corporate social responsibility at the modern development stage in view of implementing the concept of sustainable development. Summarizing approaches to the definition of CSR, it can be emphasized that CSR should positively influence society, in which the enterprise operates. It is a free choice in favour of increasing the welfare and moral and ethical values of society through appropriate approaches to doing business. Relations between enterprises both in the European Union and in other countries are increasingly based on the principles of CSR. Compliance with these principles becomes an important prerequisite for attracting foreign investment and obtaining government orders. In the international context, CSR is an efficient instrument to develop partnership and cooperation of countries in the context of achieving the Millennium Development Goals, to control the negative influence of the industrial sector on ecology, to prevent social crises, as a consequence, to ensure sustainable development of the world civilisation. Among the European institutions, the European Commission’s committees play a key role in disseminating the idea of CSR. One of the main factors in strengthening the EU economy is considered precisely the stable growth based on the rational use of resources, ecology, and competition. Plans of the Strategy for 2012–2015–2020 clearly show that the European Union intends to strengthen control over economic management and “voluntarily oblige” the business to follow the rules of CSR. The goal of a new CSR Strategy is to create conditions favourable for sustainable development, responsible business conduct, and permanent employment in the medium and long term. Key changes in comparison with the policy for 2010 – definition of corporate social responsibility as “Responsibility of enterprises for their impact on society” and rejection of the principle of voluntariness: “the European Commission recognizes that some regulations stimulate CSR, therefore, public authorities should support the CSR development by applying a mix of voluntary and regulatory policies”. As the study showed, the governments of the EU countries are actively engaged in the development and promotion of corporate social responsibility. The role of the state is manifested in the implementation of the following key functions: the state as a legislator and a controlling authority; the state as an employer; the state as a consumer and a buyer; the state as a partner; the state as an institutional investor; the state as a participant in international relations. The most significant results have been achieved by those EU Member States that use the systemic approach to CSR development. In these countries, responsible state structures have been formed that coordinate work in all areas. The approach to the choice of instruments is individual and is selected taking into account the priorities of the country’s socio-economic development and the importance of economic, environmental, and social aspects. An example of Great Britain, France, Belgium, Estonia, and Spain shows the possibility of successful CSR development.
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Tsygankov, Sergey, Vadim Syropyatov, and Vyacheslav Volchik. "Institutional Governance of Innovations: Novel Insights of Leadership in Russian Public Procurement." Economies 9, no. 4 (December 2, 2021): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9040189.
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In the modern conditions of the post-COVID world, the transformation of the world economy in the framework of the transition to the post-industrial paradigm, and the economy of “knowledge”, the national innovation system (NIS) plays a leading role in the formation of competitive sectors of any given country. Within this setting, the performance of the Russian innovation system significantly lags behind other countries and calls for modernisation based on the modern regulatory tools, policies, and world’s leading trends. The direct import of institutions of foreign innovation systems demonstrates its limited effectiveness due to the incompleteness of institutions and mechanisms for regulating the institutional environment of the Russian economy. One of the generally recognised, leading, and the most “universal” instruments for implementing innovation policy by government institutions is the public procurement of innovation. The analysis of international experience shows that the implementation of the innovation policy via innovative public procurement has a highly heterogeneous landscape even in such a “cohesive” jurisdiction as those represented by the European Union (EU) as far as different types of policy dominate in different countries of the world. There is no clear trend towards the only one mainstream regulatory approach. In this context, the Russian experience demonstrates de facto the absence of any centralised, transparent, and effective policy expressed in such pseudo-innovative procurement as refuelling cartridges or car repairs. This paper identifies the existing institutional failures of the Russian NIS on the example of the regulation of innovative domestic procurement. It proposes ways to modernise the current policy based on the institutional and narrative approaches in order to foster its leading position in the international competition. This article shows the gaps in the literature in institutional governance of innovations and innovation procurement in Russia and points at directions for future research based on narrative economics. Outlining the present knowledge as a foundation for future research in institutional governance of innovations, this article holds implications for both academics and practitioners in the field of the innovation policies and public procurement.
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Latkovskyi, Pavlo, and Anna Marushchak. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-2-96-103.
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Three countries: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have concluded European Union Association Agreements, under similar terms and conditions of European Partnership. Analytical review allowed determining that in their political integrative development, they have similar problems and ways to overcome them. They are distinguished by a relatively high level of democratic freedoms and political pluralism; however, none of them can be considered as a consolidated democracy, these countries have hybrid political regimes. Among the main obstacles occurring on the way of their integration processes, one can distinguish problems associated with ethical, regional, and cultural conflicts; specific features of the formation of constitutional systems; features of the formation of PR technologies of government and society; deep-rooted corruption and influence of oligarchs in party systems and, as a consequence, propensity to use non-constitutional means of political struggle and economic development. Despite these structural problems, favouring European values and norms demonstrated by societies of the three countries holds the promise of consolidating democratic institutions and overcoming problems. The purpose of the article is to determine problems and prospects of deepening relations of the EU with three countries: Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, and to substantiate theses stating that consistent and reinforced integration of the European Union in this region is crucial for further success and development of all actors of this process. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine do not compose a single region (both in a geographical and economic context); however, since 2014 they are developing according to the same scenarios. Their aspiration to integration has provoked problems in relations with Russia and intensified opposition to the policy of Europeanisation within the countries. In Ukraine, the most difficult and severe events took place: it passed through government overthrow, loss of territory, and military actions in Donbas caused by Russia, which continue to this day. For Moldova and Georgia, the choice of democratic imperatives also had grave consequences. In Georgia, they were identified as two long-term wars for the separation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; ended with the defeat of central authorities and creation of two unrecognized states. Moldova has faced a similar problem in Transnistria in 1992. In all countries, Russian armed forces were important actors who played an important role in determining the results of these conflicts. According to the Democracy Index, Moldova is evaluated as “imperfect democracy”; Georgia – as “hybrid regime”; Ukraine has moved below, from the category of “imperfect democracy” to the lowest “hybrid regime”. Over the political pressure of Russia, the EU and Ukraine postpone the provisional application of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) to January 1, 2019. There are marked positive consequences of Ukrainian export to the EU, which volume has increased by 30% in 2017. The structure of exports to the EU has shifted towards machines and equipment, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, ready-made meals, and products of animal origin. The EU share in Ukrainian exports and imports has also increased due to a significant reduction in trade with Russia. The application of the EU tariff quotas for agricultural production has increased over the 2014–2017 years because Ukrainian producers have gradually overcome the problems with food safety and weak demand for their production. European choice is an extremely important factor for continuous democratization of all these three countries. In spite of competition among European and Eurasian identities, each of them considers itself a European country. The choice to continue the path of association with Europe, made by these countries, despite obvious political risks (especially severe for Ukraine), is the best evidence of their real adherence to European development path.
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Łukiewska, Katarzyna, and Małgorzata Juchniewicz. "Identification of the Relationships between Competitive Potential and Competitive Position of the Food Industry in the European Union." Sustainability 13, no. 8 (April 8, 2021): 4160. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13084160.
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The competitiveness of the food industry, which is among the most important areas in the Central European economy, is a significant and topical research area in economics. The sector is particularly important for long-term sustainable growth in Central European national economies. Its high competitiveness is an important stabiliser in an environment of global economic instability. This study aimed to assess the relationships between elements of competitive potential and the competitive position of the food industry in E.U. countries. The relationships between these categories were examined using econometric models with the use of panel data. The results of the spatial-temporal modelling of the panel data confirmed the significant impact of production potential on the share of exports, profitability and the synthetic competitive position index, the impact of labour productivity on all analysed competitive position ratios, the impact of labour costs on the trade coverage, profitability and overall competitive position and the positive impact of innovation on profitability. It was found that labour productivity was of the greatest importance in building a competitive position. The results of the research can be used by food industry companies and government authorities in creating competitive advantages for the food industry in international markets.
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Campanella, Miriam L. "Getting the Core: A Neo‐institutionalist Approach to the EMU." Government and Opposition 30, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00132.x.
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THE NEW REGIONALISM, MANIFESTED IN EUROPE BY THE SINGLE European Act and the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and in North America by the signature of the North-American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA 1993), is centred on strategic policies and new institutions, the aims of which are to achieve a more effective role in global competition. In Europe, the shift is marked by the impending process of monetary union and the creation of its related institutions. The new approach agreed in the Maastricht Treaty sets out four requirements for eligibility to membership of monetary union. Convergence criteria embodying the judgment of financial markets about future inflation, exchange rate and fiscal policy appeared to be the second best choice for governments seeking to institutionalize their commitment to inflation-avoiding policies. The whole mechanism is meant first to provide the region with a credible monetary institution able to win over the financial markets and secondly to set up bulwarks to the inflation-prone pressures of domestic sheltered interests. Thirdly, the aim is to commit member countries, through a so-called targeting exercise (in Keohane's words) to accomplishing the agreed objectives with monetary discipline and macroeconomic adjustment.
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Memon, Mohammad Salih, Abdul Sattar Shah, Mushtaque Ali Jariko, Mr Sarmad Rahat, and Faiz Muhammad Shaikh. "Mapping Issues of Textile Industry of Pakistan with Trade Policy Framework." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT & INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY 10, no. 6 (August 30, 2015): 2241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/ijmit.v10i6.2116.
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The current research investigates Mapping Issues of Textile Industry of Pakistan with Trade Policy Framework. Data were collected from Primary as well as secondary sources It is a statistical research technique in decision making that is used for the selection of a limited number of tasks that produce significant overall effect. It separates the few major problems from the many possible problems. It is named after Vilfredo Pareto, a 19th-century Italian economist. It can summarize all types of data. It can be applied to almost anything. It was revealed that four issues may be solved by the Government through trade policy of Pakistan as shown in figure 7-12 below. First and issue that in the international Markets Preferential Treatment is provided to the competitors and the second issue about Imposition of Anti-dumping duties on Pakistan’s exports may be solved by Rationalizing Tariff Protection Policy (TPP) High tariff protection maintained over a period of time tends to erode competitiveness and affects consumer welfare. Therefore to protect Industry from High Tariffs, Ministry of Commerce will adopt some guiding principles to create a competitive environment that caters for dual aspects of providing level playing field for Pakistani firms in international markets; By Signing Favorable international agreements, Promote competitive markets in Pakistan, Ensure conformity to international agreements and practices, Promote domestic and foreign investment, Create level playing field for Pakistani firms in international as well as domestic markets, Due consideration to consumer welfare, Cater to the changing needs of Pakistan’s economy and create an enabling environment to pursue the legitimate goal of Industrialization in Pakistan. Due to the prompt implementation of the above policy measure by Government on 12th December 2013 European Union granted GSP-Plus status to Pakistan, It gives exporters duty-free access to 27 European countries. GSP (Generalized system of Preference) is exemption of WTO member countries from tariffs by considering as a least developed nation and granted till 2017. It is a chance to export more than US$1 billion worth of products and earn profits of more than Rs1 trillion per year.
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Karsai, J. "What has the state got to do with the venture capital market?" Acta Oeconomica 53, no. 3 (September 2003): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.53.2003.3.3.
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Since the development of young companies with a good growth potential can also be expected to boost economic growth, reduce unemployment and enhance competitiveness, economic policy makers consider it a matter of prime importance that the venture capital industry provide appropriate capital supply for their development. Many countries implement central programmes to promote the venture capital financing of the development of enterprises that would have no access to venture capital on a purely market basis. The experience in Hungary is that state intervention in the venture capital industry mainly has political reasons, it uses budgetary sources sparingly and it is isolated from the private sector. But for its almost complete inefficiency, state activity would have softened the conditions of competition, crowded out the private sector and given preferential treatment to the political clientele. Realizing the abortive nature of its intervention, the state made no effort to identify the causes of failure and the role of supply and demand factors, respectively, hindering the venture capital supply of the small and medium-size enterprise (SME) sector. The intervention practice chosen by the state most recently is contrary to the practice of the European Union in several respects — a circumstance dooming government measures to boost the venture capital industry to failure again.
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MATVIEIEV, Pavlo. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF GOVERNMENT REGULATION IN THE FIELD OF INCREASING PRODUCTIVITY OF USING RESOURCE POTENTIAL IN THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR." Ukrainian Journal of Applied Economics 4, no. 3 (August 30, 2019): 367–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36887/2415-8453-2019-3-40.
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Productive forces are defined as the most important component of the economic system. Increasing the productivity of the resource potential use of the country’s agricultural sector is possible through the implementation of proper state regulation. The purpose of the research is to generalize the experience of highly developed countries in relation to state regulation of the resource potential productivity in the agricultural sector. Results. The content of the law of saving time and the law of nationalization is described. The purpose of state regulation of productivity of resource potential use of the enterprises in agrarian sector is defined. The inconsistency of the traditional paradigm of agrarian policy with modern realities has been established. The need to harmonize economic interests between the links of the agro-industrial complex is emphasized. An analysis of the experience of the European Union, the United States and Japan in the field of effective agricultural policy has been conducted. The positions of scientists regarding the requirements for the new agrarian paradigm are considered. The own position concerning comparison of characteristics of traditional and new agrarian paradigm is proved. The inexpediency of determining the average indicators that characterize the agricultural sector is proved. The need for state support in the agricultural sector was emphasized. The necessity of strengthening state regulation of resource potential of the agricultural sector is substantiated through the following levers: antitrust policy, preservation and reproduction of resource potential, credit and financial mechanism, taxation system, regulation of foreign economic activity, special target programs, price regulation of agricultural production. The program of complex increase of productivity of resource potential use is offered as the main organizational mechanism. Conclusions. State regulation of increasing the productivity of the resource potential of the agricultural sector should be aimed at the development and harmonization of economic interests between the links of the agro-industrial complex. Key words: competition, resource potential, mechanism, agricultural enterprise, productivity, economic efficiency, state regulation, agricultural sector.
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Cho, Moohyung, and Tim Büthe. "Power and Institutionalized International Regulatory Cooperation: A Multi-Method Analysis of Antitrust Agreements." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Special Issue (August 1, 2017): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017023.
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This article examines the distinctiveness of Brazil, India and China in international regulatory governance by asking whether the European Union (EU)’s dedicated antitrust agreements (ATAs) with Brazil, India and China (BICs) differ significantly from the EU’s other ATAs, and whether observable differences are attributable to these emergent powers’ increased influence in global regulatory governance. We address these questions through a multi-method comparative analysis, using an original dataset of international ATAs. These bilateral inter- and trans-governmental agreements seek to avoid or ameliorate conflicts and establish cooperation between government agencies responsible for competition law and policy. Our quantitative and qualitative analyses both point to a striking ability of the BICs (and Russia) to insist on quite distinctive agreements with regard to both what is covered by these agreements and how any mutual commitments to conflict resolution and regulatory cooperation are articulated. This finding is based on various overall metrics and a computer-assisted comparative textual analysis of all dedicated ATAs to which the EU is a signatory, using inter alia plagiarism detection software, complemented by qualitative content analyses of the agreements and information drawn from interviews with regulatory officials, to gain a better understanding of similarities and differences between the agreements and thus address in more detail the question how unique the BICs are in their ability to pursue distinctive regulatory objectives in the realm of competition law and policy. We conclude that the distinctiveness of the BIC R agreements is indeed indicative of these emergent economies’ increased power in global economic governance—and, more tentatively, that the increased influence of Brazil, China, and India in global regulatory governance is unlikely to be fully matched by other developing countries.
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Kalashnyk, M. V. "Practice of Administrative and Jurisdictional Activity of Community Police Officers – Integral Part of the Principles for the Formation of Local and State Security Policy." Law and Safety 81, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2021.2.08.
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The author has accomplished the analysis of the essence of organizational and legal principles of community police officers’ activity (hereinafter – CPO), their interaction with other divisions of the National Police of Ukraine, state authorities, local self-government agencies and communities. The author has analyzed a set of tasks, functions and powers of CPO and the current state of regulatory legal provision of community police officers activity: has outlined the algorithm of actions of community police officers within the combination of functions of district police officers and patrol police officers.
The author has outlined the perspectives for more effective involvement of local residents into formation of local and state security policy through new mechanisms of cooperation with local communities and civil society institutions developed by the practice of police officers of territorial communities; the author has provided a number of propositions for the development of regulatory legal documents that would regulate the activities of community police officers. The author has studied the essence of interaction of police officers and members of the community, its legal principles and forms of realization, problems of regulation of the activity of the newly created law enforcement institution.
A new format of work of a district police officer, based on the principles of combining the efforts of local self-government agencies and law enforcement agencies, has been characterized. The author has defined a number of gaps in the legislative and regulatory provision of community police officers’ activities, including the establishment of effective coordination between community police officers and local communities and the elimination of existing or possible competitive interest that may arise in the process of their joint activities.
The determinant of lag of performing professional activity by community police officers from the standards of similar services of the European Union countries has been defined.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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L. Wilson, Timothy, Lars Lindbergh, and Jens Graff. "The Competitive Advantage of Nations 20 years later: the cases of Sweden, South Korea and the USA." Competitiveness Review 24, no. 4 (August 12, 2014): 306–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-11-2012-0027.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to reflect on some policy possibilities and outcomes for three countries of interest suggested in Porter’s The Competitive Advantage of Nations. Design/methodology/approach – This research was both exploratory and qualitative in nature and utilized an in-depth case study approach of three major international economies reflecting previous observations in The Competitive Advantage of Nations. Personal contemporaneous observations of individuals in the countries of interest were complemented by current secondary information. The three countries selected for analysis, South Korea, Sweden and the USA, reflected different stages of development at the time The Competitive Advantage of Nations was published and certainly different progress since then. Findings – The Competitive Advantage of Nations advocated new, constructive and actionable roles for government and business. These observations can now be tested after a reasonable time of development. In terms of development, Korea would appear to be the star of the group; Sweden has made strong progress in comparison with other members of the European Union. Although there are areas of strength, the USA recently has lost much of the edge it had at the time of the Advantage’s publication. Research limitations/implications – Because this research was built on case studies, one has the reservations common with that approach. On the other hand, case studies are acknowledged as useful in the identification of important variables in situations in which there is little control over events in a real-world context. Practical implications – Countries must go their own way and find their own paths to success. In some ways, directions are suggested by Schumpeter (1942/1975) and in others, by Porter (1990/1996). Chance appears to have played a role in development in each instance, but government, seen as a fifth determinant possibility by Porter, heavily affected outcomes in each instance. Originality/value – Although relying heavily on Porter, results add insight into the development of economies over time.
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Zykiene, Ineta, Rūta Laučienė, Rasa Daugėlienė, and Aistė Leskauskienė. "Strengthening Lithuanian - Latvian Cross - Border Cooperation in the Context of International Trade." European Integration Studies 1, no. 15 (September 16, 2021): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.1.15.29062.
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The article analyses the strengthening of the competitiveness of countries based on crossborder cooperation through the prism of international trade indicators. Due to the increase in international competition, countries, especially small economies, are finding it increasingly difficult to maintain their position in the global market and remain competitive if this position is pursued individually. It is therefore necessary to review competition strategies and reassess opportunities and competitive advantages, as well as to promote coopetition between border region companies at institutional level. The article presents a new approach to regional competitiveness, which is achieved not through the development of the competitive advantages of the regions of individual countries, but through their cooperation and thus achieving common benefits. This is particularly relevant for border regions, as their uniqueness allows them to exploit cross-border region cooperation, which can generate added value by utilising the potential of cooperating regions to complement each other and become a competitive hub for economic growth. Only a strategic partnership based on regional cooperation will promote cooperation between manufacturers in different regions and ensure the achievement of co-creation and international development goals. The article analyses the case of Lithuania and Latvia as an example of cross-border cooperation, as internationally these countries are often matched and treated as one region, but in fact they compete fiercely with each other for better positions in foreign markets. This also shows that Lithuania’s and Latvia’s foreign trade with the European Union (hereinafter - the EU) accounted for the largest share of their foreign trade. Secondary statistical data of the EU-28 Eurostat of 2010 - 2019 and Finger Kreinin, RCA, and Lafay indices were used for the study. After assessing the convergence of the Lithuanian and Latvian export structure according to the FKI index during the study and finding that the export structure of these countries is very similar, the relative comparative advantage of exports by individual product sectors was assessed on the basis of the RCA index and the comparative advantage on the basis of the LAFAY index. The study showed that both countries had comparative advantages in the same product groups. The identification of common points of contact has highlighted economic activities, the development of which could be given more attention through the cooperation between the countries, and which would ensure overall economic benefits. The article concludes with strategic recommendations and measures to promote cross-border cooperation and increase the region’s competitiveness. The article contributes to the regional economic subject literature, as the concept of cross-border region competitiveness is developed by promoting not the competition of individual regions, but their cooperation by discovering common similarities in economic development. The article presents methodological logic and empirical calculations that would allow policy makers to develop cooperation strategies with those border regions with which it is expedient to cooperate for greater economic benefits. Promoting regional development and reducing regional disparities not only between regions within the same country but also between different countries requires the patient and consistent work of governments, businesses and academia, as well as individual communities, to develop measures and initiatives to promote cross-border cooperation.
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Shkarupa, O., and P. Kucherenko. "STATE REGULATION OF SCALING INNOVATIONS AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF UKRAINE AND THE EU." Vìsnik Sumsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu, no. 2 (2020): 146–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/1817-9215.2020.2-24.
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The article examines the implementation of innovations in industrial enterprises, as well as their sources of funding in Ukraine and Europe. The role of innovation infrastructure as a driver of economic development of national and regional economy due to the formation of a holistic goal to scale innovation and the relationship of various stakeholders involved in innovation, the formation of the investment environment. The paper identifies problems and areas for improving innovation in the regions of Ukraine and the motives for implementing new projects. Based on the analysis of statistical data on the development of innovation in the regions of Ukraine and in order to identify strategic instruments of state regulation for the development and scaling of innovations, identified and described the shortcomings and conditions for the development of innovation infrastructure. Based on the study of statistical reporting of Ukraine and European countries, it is determined that the improvement of innovation policy and competition of enterprises is possible with the implementation of new technologies for the production and implementation of innovative services in different regions of the country. It is established that the indicators of development and scaling of innovations in the regions of Ukraine have a steady trend, which affects the destructive processes in the country, and funding such an important component of innovation development as research aimed primarily at the public sector, while in the European Union - at business sector. With effective government stimulation of the business sector and the provision of positive state, regional and local conditions, the situation regarding economic and innovation indicators in Ukraine may have a positive dynamics in the future. It is established that when forming strategies for the development of innovation infrastructure, it is necessary to pay attention to the feedback between the business sector and the interests of the country and gradually move to the European experience of innovation development. This strategy will create progressive models for coordinating the scaling up of innovation for the country's sustainable development.
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Kopyl, Olena. "ЕХРЕRIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IN INVESTING IN CULTURE AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMPLEMENTATION FOR UKRAINE." ECONOMIC BULLETIN OF THE DNIPROVSK STATE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY, no. 1(2) (June 2, 2021): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31319/2709-2879.2021iss1(2).232541pp13-22.
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Increasing the investment attractiveness of the cultural sphere of Ukraine is possible only with the introduction of modern tools and mechanisms to attract resources that have become widespread in the world and have proven their effectiveness.
The model of public financing of culture is formed in each country on the basis of a choice of methods, forms and mechanisms of financial policy. Its formation is greatly influenced by such factors as traditional national cultural preferences, as well as the development of philanthropy, sponsorship and philanthropy. The system of financing culture and art is determined by the degree of centralization of public administration and the nature of intergovernmental relations. In unitary states, the central budget continues to play a major role.
The main types of financial support for culture and art in different countries by attracting state investment (budget funding) are direct funding, general and targeted transfers, joint participation of different levels of government, support through independent intermediaries, public-private partnership.
The experience of financial support for the cultural sphere in the EU countries indicates that countries are trying to pay considerable attention to the development of this sphere. The most common mechanism for attracting investment and increasing funding for culture in the EU is a reduced VAT rate on the consumption of a cultural product or service.
Despite the significant number of tools used by European countries to attract investment in culture and increase the investment attractiveness of culture, we should not forget about public investment. Public and private investment are complementary. Public investment, in turn, guarantees the priority of the sphere for the state, consolidates the development of confidence in the public good of culture, ensuring the stability of the development of the cultural sphere.
In the proposed model of multi-channel financing, the main investors can be the state at the expense of state and local budgets, private partners (businesses, enterprises, etc.) and directly the population (those who consume cultural services and products).
The proposed model of multi-channel financing combines best practices and tools to attract financial resources in the field of culture, which have become widespread in the European Union. It should also be noted that based on the analysis, it can be argued that the introduction of a project approach to finance culture and create competitive markets for cultural services can serve as a basis for organizational and economic mechanism to increase investment attractiveness of culture in Ukraine.
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Palamarchuk, Dmytro. "Economic policy formation mechanism for energy efficiency area." Socio-Economic Research Bulletin, no. 2(77) (June 30, 2021): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33987/vsed.2(77).2021.25-40.
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Theoretical and practical aspects of elaborating the modern mechanism for developing the economic policy of Ukraine in the energy efficiency sphere are investigated in the article. The article aimed at developing a mechanism for the formation of an energy efficiency economic policy due to Ukraine’s European integration orientation and the purpose of reducing the energy intensity of the gross domestic product. The research was carried out using the methods of deduction and induction, system analysis. The clarification of the principles, tasks, objects and subjects, methodological bases for elaborating the mechanism for the formation of an economic policy of energy efficiency made. It has been substantiated that the strategic goals of the economic policy of energy efficiency should be the following: reducing the level of energy dependence; development and implementation of the technologies for transforming the energy of photosynthesis into industrial production; implementation and further development of diversification of sources and conditions for the supply of energy resources; reduction of consumption of non-renewable fuel and energy resources; implementation of advanced technologies for transporting heat from the source to the consumer; achieving suitable levels of power supply reliability and energy security; reduction of the environmental pollution by the enterprises in the energy complex. The necessity of combining the priority principles of ensuring energy efficiency and institutional partnership for building a mechanism for forming an economic policy of energy efficiency has been proved. The necessity of mutual using the traditional economic instruments for stimulating energy efficiency and instruments for strengthening the role of regional educational institutions in the processes of ensuring energy security and increasing energy efficiency at the local and regional levels were grounded. The mentioned above has practical value. It involves the addition of key functions and tasks of universities and implies the creation of special competitive centers for energy audit and energy saving at the universities, as well as the implementation of special bachelor’s and master’s programs (including double degree programs), advanced training programs devoted to the energy efficiency and energy saving; strengthening of institutional interaction between regional authorities and local government, business agents and territorial communities, regional HEI and research institutions. The mechanism for the formation of an economic policy of energy efficiency developed based on the systematization of the implementation results of the energy efficiency programs by developed countries, in particular, the European Union member states. The possibilities for the implementation of models, tools and mechanisms, due to the existing legislative framework, the level of economic development and resource potential of Ukraine were grounded.
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Zaritskiy, B. "Germany and China: Partners, Competitors or Systemic Rivals?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-16-28.
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China is currently Germany’s main trade partner. For many German companies, it is an attractive production site and an important link in global value chains. Despite existing disagreements, both sides in their official documents have continued to view their relationship as “comprehensive strategic partnership”. Yet experts and German mass media have increasingly tended to call China a “systemic rival”. Berlin is aware of the fact that it is having to deal not with a competitor but with a real contender for the world’s economic and technological leadership. Moreover, it is feared that the Chinese model based on the combination of state economic dirigism and political authoritarian methods of government may find a sympathetic ear in some countries. The question is how to build relationship with China in this new situation. The quest for a reasonable balance between calls to give a “tough” answer to the Chinese capital expansion, the drain of technologies and restrictions that German companies are facing in China’s market on the one hand and the necessity to continue a constructive dialogue with the new superpower on the other – that is the main task of German politics with respect to China. In view of the absence of a common political stance to be followed by the European Union countries in their dealings with China and the growing U.S. pressure aimed at securing, from its allies, support of the policy of confrontation towards China, the formulation of the German Chinese policy will most likely have to be situational resembling an attempt to solve an equation with many unknowns. The article explores trade and investment aspects of German-Sino relations and existing contradictions in the domain of sсientific and technical cooperation and technology transfer. Analysis is made of German business complaints regarding conditions of doing business in China, as well as of steps taken by the German authorities to limit Chinese investors’ activity in Germany.
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Savchenko, Oleksandr. "Innovative aspects of development of digitalization of public governance in the USA." Democratic governance 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/dg2022.02.120.
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Problem setting. The public policy in the field of digitization is aimed at forming a qualitative basis for technological evolution and creating conditions for sustainable progress in all spheres of human and society’s life. Currently, the process of digital transformation of public administration is one of the priority directions in the conditions of increasing global challenges of digital technological development. At the same time, the digital transformation of public administration is of particular importance in the conditions of increased socio-economic risks. Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of digitization, formation and development of electronic governance, provision of electronic services to the population, formation of open government, formation of electronic democracy, introduction of electronic technologies in public administration analyzed foreign and Ukrainian scientists, in particular: O. Bernazyuk, T. Birkovich, V. Birkovich, V. Dreshpak, N. Hrytsyak, O. Ka- banets, O. Karpenko, P. Klimushyn, V. Kuybida, I. Lopushynskyi, I. Makarova, V. Na- mestnik, O. Orlov, M. Pavlov, O. Parkhomenko-Kutsevil, Yu. Pigarev, H. Pocheptsov, V. Rakipov, O. Skoryk, S. Chukut, and others. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The purpose of the article: the introduction of digitalization of public administration in Ukraine requires a systematic analysis of foreign experience of digitalization of public administration. Presenting main material. The regulatory and legal basis for ensuring e-government activities in the USA are the following laws: Law on the elimination of paper carriers of documents in state bodies; Law on electronic signature; Freedom of Information Act (FOIA); Law on introduction of smart cards in state bodies for identification of employees, payment of travel expenses, calculation of wages, etc.; S.803 E-Government Act of 2002; Government Performance and Efficiency Act of 1993/ «Open government» (Open government), or «government of open information», also called «government 2.0» (Gov 2.0), is a further development of the concept of digitalization of public administration and enjoys great attention in the US from both the upper echelons of government and local authorities and the public. The experience of the United States demonstrates that the creation of digitalization of public administration takes place in the course of reforming the entire system of public administration in the direction of greater openness and the introduction of competitive and contractual principles; creation of specialized management structures with increased responsibility for performance results; increasing the role of ethical requirements for management; active interaction with civil society. At the same time, the following advantages of digitalization of public administration are also obvious: simplification of bureaucratic procedures, significant reduction of deadlines for the preparation of documents, provision of easily verified, strict tax accountability of legal entities and individuals through the introduction of a unified electronic accounting system, increase in the level of budget revenues, reduction of the scale of corruption and, accordingly , the growth of citizens’ trust in government institutions. Modern digital technologies have a positive impact on the quality and speed of providing administrative (state) services. The process of interaction of citizens and legal entities with executive authorities is simplified, making them more attractive and less time- consuming. The well-being of the population and the economic development of the country depend on the level of digitization of the public administration process. The information openness of state authorities is increasing. It can be noted that now there is a need to develop standards in the field of digitalization of public administration with a mandatory report on the satisfaction of the population with the work of public administration bodies. All this will increase the quality of the activities of state authorities and, accordingly, the quality of life of the population. In the perspective of further investigations, it is planned to analyze patterns, principles, methods, and tools for the development of digitalization of public administration in the countries of the European Union. Conclusions of the research and prospects fo further studies. Modern digital technologies have a positive impact on the quality and speed of providing administrative (state) services. The well-being of the population and the economic development of the country depend on the level of digitization of the public administration process. Digitization provides informational openness of state authorities. Currently, there is a need to develop standards in the field of digitization of public administration with a mandatory report on public satisfaction with the work of public administration bodies. All this will increase the quality of the activities of state authorities and, accordingly, the quality of life of the population. In the perspective of further investigations, the author intends to analyze patterns, principles, methods, and tools for the development of digitalization of public administration in the countries of the European Union.
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Anjos, Maria do Rosário. "Free Competition and Fiscal Policy in European Union." Journal of International Business Research and Marketing 6, no. 6 (September 2021): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/jibrm.1849-8558.2015.66.3004.
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Fiscal policy and the harmonization of tax laws are extremely important in order to prevent distortions of free competition in UE. The process of European Union construction is based on integration and liberalization of markets in order a loyal and free competition. This issue is really important in order to crisis superaction. In this context the fiscal policy has a very significant impact on countries economics in EU and on company’s management, especially for those most exposed to globalization. The impact of taxes on free competition, economic growth and employment is quite evident since the EU foundation. So, it would be expected a more significant progress towards fiscal harmonization among EU countries. However, until now the question of tax harmonization had no results. It remains a sensitive question in EU. Almost two decades after the entry of the Euro, after a deep economic crisis that endangered the European project, face to BREXIT, we raised some questions as base to this work: what are the political and institutional limitations to tax harmonization in EU? Why there are no further progress was made in the field of tax harmonization, at least, in company’s income? How does this affect social cohesion? What are the effects on economic and social cohesion? This study intends to reflect on the political and institutional constraints of the tax harmonization, quite necessary to the effective process of economic and social integration within the EU. As methodology, we will use a comparative study about income taxes in several EU countries and the relation to GDP, as well the deductive method to analyze the results we find and some reference studies on the subject. In conclusion, we will present the analyze the results and try to answer to these questions. With this study we pretend give a contribution in order to find an answer to the investigation questions.
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do Rosário Anjos, Maria. "Free Competition and Fiscal Policy in European Union." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 1 (2020): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.11.4005.
Full textAbstract:
Fiscal policy and the harmonization of tax laws are extremely important in order to prevent distortions of free competition in UE. The process of European Union construction is based on integration and liberalization of markets in order a loyal and free competition. This issue is really important in order to crisis superaction. In this context the fiscal policy has a very significant impact on countries economics in EU and on company’s management, especially for those most exposed to globalization. The impact of taxes on free competition, economic growth and employment is quite evident since the EU foundation. So, it would be expected a more significant progress towards fiscal harmonization among EU countries. However, until now the question of tax harmonization had no results. It remains a sensitive question in EU. Almost two decades after the entry of the Euro, after a deep economic crisis that endangered the European project, face to BREXIT, we raised some questions as base to this work: what are the political and institutional limitations to tax harmonization in EU? Why there are no further progress was made in the field of tax harmonization, at least, in company’s income? How does this affect social cohesion? What are the effects on economic and social cohesion? This study intends to reflect on the political and institutional constraints of the tax harmonization, quite necessary to the effective process of economic and social integration within the EU. As methodology, we will use a comparative study about income taxes in several EU countries and the relation to GDP, as well the deductive method to analyze the results we find and some reference studies on the subject. In conclusion, we will present the analyze the results and try to answer to these questions. With this study we pretend give a contribution in order to find an answer to the investigation questions.
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Yuskiv, Bohdan, and Nataliia Karpchuk. "Multilingualism Factors of the European Union Member-States." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.136-145.
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Languages are the basis for Europeans who want to coexist and work together. To do this, the Europeans need to understand each other, the EU's neighbors and partners as well, and to teach and promote the linguistic heritage of the Member States. The motto of the European Union – “Unity in diversity” – reflects multilingualism as the basis of the EU, which is enshrined in a number of documents at the pan-European level. Multilingualism makes business and citizens more competitive and mobile. Promoting multilingualism is a great way to unite Europeans, to build a truly inclusive society where citizens' rights are respected. In the EU “multilingualism” is treated as the ability of communities, groups and individuals to use more than one language in their daily activities on an ongoing basis. The European Commission (together with national governments) coordinates the goal of multilingualism and the goals of the language strategy. Languages should not be an obstacle to participation in society, and marginalized language groups should be identified, represented and included in society. However, the national language policy is the sphere of competence of each state. The article substantiates the assumption that there are certain factors that determine the specifics and level of multilingualism of the EU Member-States. The multilingualism index of each EU Member-State was calculated and the countries were ranked according to a number of sub-indices, in particular: official languages, foreign language skills, language education and study, foreigners (migrants) and language policy, everyday languages, international communications. It was found out that according to the integrated index of multilingualism, the top 5 countries are represented by Luxembourg, Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. The most important factors determining the policy of multilingualism are the following: the influence of citizens who are interested in learning foreign languages, as well as foreigners, migrants who study the state language to assimilate in society, the influence of using foreign languages in practice and online communication.
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Gocha Tsopurashvili, Gocha Tsopurashvili. "The Role and Opportunities of the Regional Economy in the Agrarian Sector In Ensuring the Production of Competitive Products." Economics 104, no. 3-5 (June 22, 2021): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/104/3-5/20210160.
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The paper discusses the importance of using the opportunities of the regional economy in the production of competitive agricultural products at the modern stage. The 8-year cycle of declared priority and state protectionism has not substantially changed the situation, the field still needs to bereformed, most of the systemic-structural and organizational-technical issues are unresolved. The importance of the synergistic effect of centrifugal policies is completely ignored. Georgia’s commitments under the Deep and Comprehensive Agreement with the European Union in terms of strengthening, decentralization and deconcentration of self-government, are not actually fulfilled; Therefore, in the current situation, the opportunities of the regional economy are untapped in the country. Accordingly, nowadays the opportunities of the regional economy are unused in the country, initiatives and proposals from the places are not considered at all. The principle of action adopted in the EU countries, which actively use the specific model in governance, is completely ignored. Moreover, all types of stimulus and protectionist policies are implemented only from the center and lack of the full-fledged on-site resource research, understanding the information-analytical reality, the visions of identifying risks and benefits, as well as the initial competitiveness. Solving the issues of territorial arrangement of Georgia, the active use of the opportunities of the regional economy and proper spatial development of the territories give us additional opportunities to solve the existing problems in the field and to ensure the activation of mechanisms for creating the competitive products. The agenda raises the need to address a number of fundamental problems that can be broken down into stages and implemented in the form of targeted action-program modeling. In order to make full use of the regional factor, it is necessary to be directly involved in policy management issues and to offer a microzonal adjusted incentive system, synergistic effect of centrifugal and centrifugal policies, generalization of all local specific problems, situational and contextual analysis, resource research. The role of an active land management policy issues, the establishment of the principles of competitive culture zones and the definition of sectoral-territorial specifics are an incomplete list of topics. Moreover, in order to achieve competitiveness, it is important to highlight the starting advantage, which in this context must beexercised under multilateral responsibility, where both levels of the state hierarchical system will have their own rights and responsibilities. And the structural unit (cooperative, cluster) is fully responsible for ensuring the project-defined outcome. By implementing the regional economic principles, it is possible to consider the economic-commercial, on the one hand, within the framework of the targeted program, and on the other hand, the socio-demographic aspects that underlie the state policy on the development of the sector and the region. In the current situation, the importance of the convergent nature of development and inclusive involvement, which should be the result of a reasonable policy of the state, and it has no alternative in the current situation. Keywords: regional economy, competitive products, involvement of self-governing bodies, decentralization, socio-economic situation, System-structural reform, analytical studies, targeted programs.
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Danilovskaia, Anna. "Criminal law protection of competition in the European Union, Germany, Great Britain and France." Юридические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2020.6.33294.
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The object of this research is competition policy and criminal law policy with regards to protection of competition in Europe that are similar to the Russian approach of countering infringement on fair competition. Legislation on competition is dynamically developing in all countries, which causes corresponding changes in their criminal law policy. For improving the effectiveness of cartel detection, many countries endorsed leniency policy for cartels, as well as make amendments to their laws due to proliferation of unfair competition, particularly on the Internet, as well irregularities in tendering. The analysis of modern sources of competition and criminal law of Germany, Great Britain and France, as the first European countries that developed the rules aimed at protection of competition, can be valuable for understanding the concept of protection of competition adopted by the world community, as well as its European model. The consists in broadening the existing knowledge on criminal law protection of competition in Europe, acquired as a result of comprehensive research of the legislations of the European Union, Germany, Great Britain and France in the area of protection of fair competition with consideration of recent amendments, including leniency policy for cartels. The author concludes that Europe has a developed criminal law mechanism for counteracting anticompetitive behavior, which is characterized by a range of prohibited acts, application of versatile criminal law measures to the persons guilty of such infringements, differentiated approach to the questions of their criminal liability, and substantial main and additional sanctions applicable to not only physical entities, but also legal entities in some countries. The obtained results can be useful in lawmaking, scientific and educational activity.
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Sheludko, Ella. "Modernizational instruments of institutional support of industry ecologization." University Economic Bulletin, no. 42 (June 19, 2019): 136–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2019-42-136-149.
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Relevance of research topic. The development of a resource-efficient economy has become a natural trend for the development of many developed countries, even those that are rich in natural resources. Ukraine has also started transforming its economic system in response to growing challenges from resource constraints, climate change and competition in international markets. An important push in this direction was the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, according to which there should be an implementation of the substantive provisions of the EU Directives concerning the "greening" of industry, and in particular those affecting the activity and development of potentially dangerous industries. Hence, there is a need for monitoring of implementation of institutional instruments for ecologization of industrial production and analysis of the implementation of economic reforms, which are provided with a number of strategic state documents in the field of “greening” of the industry. Formulation of the problem. Today there is a need for reforming the existing system of air quality management, water and wastewater management, waste management, since the current one does not allow full implementation of the policy provisions of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. Comprehensive solution of urgent environmental problems requires coordinated actions of various government institutions and the adoption of managerial decisions on the assessment of technogenic and environmental risks and the monitoring of the environmental impact of industrial enterprises; there is also a need for the introduction of new effective levers of state policy on the management of hazardous production on the basis of the concept of "greening" of the industry. Analysis of recent research and publications. The problems of the disclosure of the transformational changes in the industry in the direction of its "greening" and the role of the state in the modernization of potentially hazardous productions have been given considerable attention in the scientific works of Berzina S., Burkinskyi B., Veklych O., Galushkina T., Ilyashenko I., Kvasha T., Kozachenko T., Kupinets L., Musina L., Omelchenko A., Potapenko V., Harichkov S., Khlobistov Y. and others. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. The new environmental policy is the control of pollution of the environment, primarily, the control of industrial pollution. In this context, the environmental modernization of industrial enterprises is conditioned by changing the state's environmental policy towards polluting enterprises, which will improve the quality of life for modern and future generations, will provide "green" industrial growth, form effective mechanisms for the preservation and restoration of the natural environment. The introduction of new instruments of state policy in the environmental sphere is a large-scale reform that will affect the entire Ukrainian industry, while the formation of a systematic vision of major achievements in the implementation of international requirements for the eco transformation of industrial enterprises is still an insufficiently researched issue in the scientific literature. Setting the task and the purpose of the study. The main task of the publication is the development of effective measures to improve institutional instruments for managing the ecological development of industrial enterprises in order to support the implementation of the Agreement with the EU in the field of greening the Ukrainian economy and assessing the implementation of the EU Directives, the implementation of other international instruments in Ukrainian legislation, including management of hazardous enterprises, which will help minimize the risks of environmental aspects in the process of production, effective prevention and control of industrial pollution, raising the level of environmental safety. Method or methodology for conducting research. The research uses the following methods of scientific knowledge: dialectical method, methods of comparison and observation, methods of economic analysis, analysis and synthesis, ascension from abstract to concrete, system-structural method. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The current state and trends of the development of potentially dangerous industrial enterprises in Ukraine are characterized and the features of their functioning are characterized, which are connected in a certain way with the significant use of potentially dangerous technologies, the growth of environmental problems and territories where there is a high probability of natural and man-made disasters; the analysis of strategic documents of the state in the field of hazardous production management has been carried out; new approaches to environmental modernization of potentially hazardous industries, determined by the priority of environmental safety and subordination of the goals of the development of industrial production to the technology of environmental and ecological safety with the coordination of interests of the ecology and economy, are grounded; recommendations on ecological adaptation of economic growth related to the development of industry have been developed. The field of application of results. Realization of measures of influence of state ecological policy on activity of industrial enterprises. Conclusions according to the article. The proposed measures on ecological adaptation of economic growth in industry allow to improve the mechanism of prevention, reduction and control of industrial pollution in accordance with international environmental requirements and promote the industrialists and entrepreneurs in ensuring the proper level of "greening" of technological processes.
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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Działo, Joanna. "Tax Competition Or Tax Coordination? What Is Better For The European Union?" Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 18, no. 2 (June 16, 2015): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2015-0011.
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Tax competition is defined as the use of tax policy that will allow to maintain or increase the attractiveness of a particular territory for business location. Tax competition is used especially by the relatively under-developed countries, as foreign capital inflow gives them the possibility to implement modern technology, new management methods, or to increase exports. One of the effects of tax competition is the formation of tax havens, i.e. countries or territories offering preferential tax rates in order to gain capital from abroad. A comparative analysis of the income tax rates in the EU countries and certain tax havens shows that despite the progressive reduction of the rates of these taxes in the EU, the phenomenon of tax competition is still very strong, and the position of tax havens as countries with relatively low or very low taxes seems to be unthreatened. The question arises whether tax competition is a real problem for the EU Member States and if there exist arguments for tax harmonization, or at least tax coordination within the EU countries. The discussion in this paper suggests that the arguments for tax coordination in the EU are not yet strong enough. However, both tax competition and tax coordination have their supporters and opponents.
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Serban, Florica Mioara, and Carmen Elena Stoenoiu. "The Analysis of Government Expenditures in the European Union." Problemy Ekorozwoju 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/pe.2020.2.15.
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This article analyses data on general government expenditure, at the level of the European Union (EU 28) according to the Classification of the Functions of Government – COFOG over the 2008-2017 period. Data shows that the expenditures increased at the beginning of the economic crisis in all EU countries, being followed by a slowdown in expenditures growth. All countries have adopted policies in order to reduce government expenditures towards the end of the period, aiming to increase their efficiency. Usually in high-income countries, compared with low-income countries, government expenditures are much larger as percent of gross domestic product (GDP), but the relations are not very strong though.
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Jovanovic, Mihailo. "Inter-state trade within the European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 1-2 (2005): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502058j.
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Trade is the most important integration link in the overall world production. After the Second World War it induced the establishment of economic integrations. In the last three decades international trade has been more dynamic than the growth of the world production. The data show that the commodity trade is the strongest component of the world purchase and sale, although the international trade in services has grown a bit faster than the commodity trade. However, the share of services in the world trade does not exceed 20 per cent. International trade has most developed among developed countries, keeping up the mutual development of foreign direct investments and know-how and technology transfer. The empirical research shows that apart from the benefits gained by capitalisation of comparative advantages the trade growth is also influenced by benefits resulting from the impact of the economy of scale, competition and spreading of knowledge. Reduction of tariff and elimination of non-tariff barriers constantly opens new opportunities to benefit from international trade in commodities and services. Commodity trade of OECD countries confirms that the volume of trade does not depend only on liberalisation of tariff and non-tariff barriers, but growth to a certain degree reflects the size of the country, geographic elements and transport costs. Therefore, the empirical works predominantly analyse the power of trade as an indicator of the manifested commodity trade, embracing the characteristics such as competition pressures, but not including some deeper political meaning. The previously mentioned factor is significant, since given the policy and competition small countries are naturally more dependent on foreign trade, although competition pressures among big countries largely result from competition inside themselves. A significant change in the trade structure has been recorded in the period of over two years. At first, intra-industrial trade became equal to traditional inter- industrial production, and afterwards it has even exceeded it. For a long time the factors of foreign trade growth have been disputable. The works of Baier and Berstrand show that income growth and reduction of customs produce the main impact on foreign trade growth. In their opinion liberalisation of trade within GATT and WTO is one of the main driving forces in international trade. Reduction of trade costs also produces some impact on foreign trade growth, while approximation of incomes is less significant. Badlinger and Breuss have explored the elements that in the last four decades of the last century made an impact on faster growth of inter-trade of EU-15 member countries. They have estimated the relative impact of the income growth, income equalisation as well reduction of tariffs and trade costs on the intra-trade of EU-15 member countries. The results show that the income growth increases by 70 per cent the intra-trade of these countries. Also, the European integration and liberalisation of GATT and WTO increase by 25 per cent the commodity intra-trade of EU-15.
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Stojanović, Boban, Zorana Kostić, and Vladan Vučić. "Alignment with EU Regulations in the Field of the Competition Policy and System of State Aid in Western Balkan Countries." Economic Themes 59, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ethemes-2021-0010.
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Abstract The underying idea behand the foundation of the European Union is a single, integrated and competitive market. The future of the entire Western Balkans region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo*, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) lies within the European Union. The main purpose of this paper is to explore the multiplicative effects of the alignment of European Union regulations with the competition policy in Western Balkan countries. In addition, the paper is designed to highlight the specific issues, challenges in this field, and provides an overview of empirical trends. A combination of qualitative and quantitative approach proposes methodological framework which recognizes different economic environments and regulatory frameworks. By comparing selected economic indicators related to competiton authorities (number of staff in the national authorities, annual budget of the national authorities, number of prohibited agreements, abuse of dominant position, notification of concentrations, opinions), the authors give a reliable basis for comparative progress analysis in this filed. Using multi-criteria optimization as a key method, as well as network and input-output display, the obtained results suggest country whose competition authority is efficient frontier. The significance of this research stems from the current debate whether the harmonized competition policy should speed up and facilitate the process of the accession of new member states to the European Union.
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Hallerberg, Mark. "Tax Competition in Wilhelmine Germany and Its Implications for the European Union." World Politics 48, no. 3 (April 1996): 324–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0010.
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The twenty-five German states from 1871 to 1914 present a useful data set for examining how increasing economic integration affects tax policy. After German unification the national government collapsed six currencies into one and liberalized preexisting restrictions on capital and labor mobility. In contrast, the empire did not directly interfere in the making of state tax policy; while states transferred certain indirect taxes to the central government, they maintained their own autonomous tax and political systems through World War I. This paper examines the extent to which tax competition forced the individual state tax systems to converge from 1871 to 1914. In spite of a diversity of political systems, tax competition did require states to harmonize their rates on mobile factors like capital and high income labor, but it did not affect tax rates on immobile factors. In states where the political system guaranteed agricultural dominance, taxes on land were reduced, while in states with more open systems, tax rates remained higher. One unexpected result is that tax rates on capital and income converged upward instead of downward. The most dominant state, Prussia, served as the lowest-common-denominator state, but pressure from the national government, especially to increase expenditures, forced all states to raise their tax rates. These results suggest possible ways for the European Union to avoid a forced downward convergence of member state tax rates on capital and mobile labor.
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Guterres, Iva. "Enforcing Environmental Policy – the role of the European Union." UNIO – EU Law Journal 8, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.8.1.4522.
Full textAbstract:
The concerns regarding climate change are on the top of government agendas worldwide, and a global response is urgently required given the climate events that countries all over the world are facing. The European Union (EU) is at the forefront, assuming the leadership in environmental policy with several legal initiatives underway, which have culminated in the promulgation of the European Climate Law and the presentation of the proposed Directive of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Nonetheless, the EU struggles with difficulties regarding the effectiveness of legal measures, in particular carbon leakage problems. Carbon leakage problems prevail globally as production shifts to countries with less stringent climate regulations, avoiding costs in countries with high emission charges. A resolution regarding the implementation of the CBAM was passed by the European Parliament in March 2021. On the 14th of July 2021, the EU presented 13 policy measures aiming to reduce its GHG emissions by 55% by 2030. On the 22nd of June 2022 the European Parliament voted to adopt the regulation about CBAM. As the EU has played a unique and strong role in climate policy enforcement, the aim of this article is to present this policy option, in the light of the oncoming CBAM. Therefore, the ‘EU climate club’ is imposing coercive environmental tax policies on other countries.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Agnė Šimelytė, and Aušra Liučvaitienė. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0365.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide more reliable estimates of the relationship between government spending and economic growth in the European Union (EU) during the period of 1995-2015. Design/methodology/approach The methodology consisted of several different stages. In the first stage for an assessment of dynamics of government spending and economic growth indicators over two decades, descriptive statistics analysis was employed. Correlation analysis helped to identify the relationships between government expenditures (GEs) and economic growth. In the third stage, for modeling the relationship and the estimation of causality between GE and economic growth, Granger causality testing was applied. Findings The research indicated that eight EU countries have a significant relationship between government spending and economic growth. Research limitations/implications This study has been bounded by general GE and economic growth only. The breakdowns of general GE on the basis of the activities they support have not been considered in this paper, which is the main limitation of the research. Despite the limitation, it might be maintained that the research highlights key relationships in the EU countries. Originality/value These insights might be useful for policy makers. In countries with unidirectional causality running from GE to economic growth, the government can employ expenditure as a factor for growth. The governments should ensure that resources are properly managed and efficiently allocated to accelerate economic growth in the countries with unidirectional causality from GDP to GE.