Academic literature on the topic 'Competition – Government policy – European Union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Frieden, Jeffry A. "Real Sources of European Currency Policy: Sectoral Interests and European Monetary Integration." International Organization 56, no. 4 (2002): 831–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802760403793.
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In the thirty years before Economic and Monetary Union was achieved, European currency policies varied widely among countries and over time. In this article, I argue that the sectoral impact of regional exchange-rate arrangements, in particular their expected real effects on European trade and investment, exerted a powerful influence on the course of European monetary integration. The principal benefit of fixing European exchange rates was facilitation of cross-border trade and investment within the European Union (EU); the principal cost of fixed rates was the loss of national governments' ability to use currency policy to improve their producers' competitive position. Empirical results indeed indicate that a stronger and more stable currency was associated with greater importance of manufactured exports to the EU's hard-currency core, while depreciations were associated with an increase in the net import competition faced by the country's producers. This suggests a powerful impact of real factors related to trade and investment, and of private interests concerned about these factors, in determining national currency policies.
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Rajabiun, Reza. "Strategic Considerations in the Emergence of Private Action Rights." World Competition 32, Issue 3 (September 1, 2009): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2009038.
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The design of mechanisms for the enforcement of rules regarding anticompetitive practices has been the subject of considerable controversy in both developed and developing countries. Public competition authorities have advantages in terms of scale economies and coordination of competing policy objectives. Private rights of action enhance the capacity of legal regimes to generate information and deter collusive agreements and exclusionary practices. Private enforcement also increases the transaction costs of regulatory capture. Given these differences, mixed regimes are likely to be superior to purely public or private arrangements. However, most national jurisdictions grant exclusive authority to public agencies and prosecutors. This article explores the puzzling resistance to the development of mixed competition enforcement regimes by studying recent attempts in the European Union (EU) to enhance private rights of access. The analysis suggests that decentralization of enforcement rights limits the capacity of a government to employ competition rules as an instrument of strategic trade policy. Evidence from EU illustrates that tensions between domestic and international policy considerations can generate distinctive paths of procedural development.
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Boiko, Nataliia. "UNITED KINGDOM MIGRATION POLICY AND MIGRATION FROM UKRAINE (1990–2020)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-41-49.
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The article is devoted to the formation and evolution of migration policy of British governments at the present stage. It is noted that migration processes are one of the main features of globalization. It is also claimed that the UK has always attracted migrants from different parts of the world, especially from the post-colonial countries and Eastern Europe. As a migration project, it has always been characterized by a high standard of living and a high level of wages in the European Union. However, as a member of the European Community until 2019, Britain has always differed from its European partners in its autonomy and separateness, particularly in the field of immigration policy. The author analyzes the current migration laws passed by the British governments from 1990 to 2020. The active development of migration legislation began during the premiership of the conservative John Major (1990–1997). Therefore, the Conservative government has taken steps only in the direction of quota migration flows. It was determined that the basic purpose of the migration legislation of the United Kingdom was the governments’ ability to comprehensively address the migration problem as a threat to national security. It was officially recognized during the reign of Gordon Brown (2007–2010). It has been proven that the priorities in the UK’s migration policy have been the issues of restraining and controlling the flow of immigrants, in particular their consequences for immigrants from Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the migration component of the Labor government of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and the Conservative government of Theresa May (2016–2019) as the most loyal and hostile cabinet ministers on immigration. The competition between the party principles of controlled (Labor) and rigid (Conservative) migration under their rule has led to the adoption of new laws. In essence and content, they were designed to cope with the growing migration crisis in the country. The importance of the media and information propaganda in the reflection of immigration as a trend of British domestic policy and a key cause of Brexit (2016–2019) is emphasized.
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Kramar, Hans. "Economic convergence on different spatial levels: the conflict between cohesion and growth." Raumforschung und Raumordnung 64, no. 1 (January 31, 2006): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03183103.
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Abstract The analysis of economic disparities within the European Union strongly depends on the regional level considered. Whereas the economic gap between the member states has decreased over the last decades, regional disparities have rather deepened. The reason for these contradictory findings can be found in the increasing disparities within many of the member states: Especially in growing economies the gap between urban centres and rural peripheries tends to widen. The spatial concentration of research and development, high skilled labour, infrastructure and foreign investment in the capitals will therefore supposably become a big challenge for the accession countries, which will have to face increasing international competition. Joining a common market of more than 450 million people means new opportunities, challenges and threats for economic development, which have to be faced by local, regional and national governments as well as by European institutions. EU-policies act in the dichotomy between the conflicting goals of economic growth and cohesion. Since they strongly influence regional conditions for production it is of great political interest whether a certain measure fosters economic efficiency by favouring the highly developed centres or rather enhances convergence by promoting lagging regions. The answer is, however, not trivial and needs closer examination: Measures encouraging regional cohesion on the European level can also increase disparities within a state or a region at the same time. This is the reason why the regional effects of EU-policies have to be analysed on different spatial levels. Dealing with the spatial impacts of various European Policies (Regional Policy, TransEuropean Networks, Common Agricultural Policy, Research and Technological Development Policy) there is some evidence that these policies try to compensate the effects of growing competition in the common market by concentrating their efforts on urban growth poles within the underdeveloped countries. Doing that, the European Union comes up to the two conflicting goals of growth and cohesion by promoting efficient economic development in the member states on the one hand and regional convergence on the European level on the other. This approach is of course mainly directed at European objectives and brings about new problems for the member states: According to the principle of subsidiarity the growing divergence within the member states is, however, not a policy task of the European Union but of the member states: Therefore national politics are still required to take on responsibility for these intranational problems by adopting their transport, regional and economic policies to the new challenge.
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Bednarczyk, Jan L., Katarzyna Brzozowska-Rup, and Sławomir Luściński. "Opportunities and Limitations of Hydrogen Energy in Poland against the Background of the European Union Energy Policy." Energies 15, no. 15 (July 29, 2022): 5503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15155503.
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One of the strategic goals of developed countries is to significantly increase the share of renewable energy sources in electricity generation. However, the process may be hindered by, e.g., the storage and transport of energy from renewable sources. The European Union countries see the development of the hydrogen economy as an opportunity to overcome this barrier. Therefore, since 2020, the European Union has been implementing a hydrogen strategy that will increase the share of hydrogen in the European energy mix from the current 2 percent to up to 13–14 percent by 2050. In 2021, following the example of other European countries, the Polish government adopted the Polish Hydrogen Strategy until 2030 with an outlook until 2040 (PHS). However, the implementation of the strategy requires significant capital expenditure and infrastructure modernisation, which gives rise to question as to whether Poland is likely to achieve the goals set out in the Polish Hydrogen Strategy and European Green Deal. The subject of the research is an analysis of the sources of financing for the PHS against the background of solutions implemented by the EU countries and a SWOT/TOWS analysis on the hydrogen economy in Poland. The overall result of the SWOT/TOWS analysis shows the advantage of strengths and related opportunities. This allows for a positive assessment of the prospects for the hydrogen economy in Poland. Poland should continue its efforts to take advantage of the external factors (O/S), such as EU support, an increased price competitiveness of hydrogen, and the emergence of a competitive cross-border hydrogen market in Europe. At the same time, the Polish authorities should not forget about the weaknesses and threats that may inhibit the development of the domestic hydrogen market. It is necessary to modernise the infrastructure; increase the share of renewable energy sources in hydrogen production; increase R&D expenditure, and, in particular, to complete the negotiations related to the adoption of the Fit for 55 package.
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Pach, Janina, and Mieczysława Solińska. "Problem pomocy dla małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw w Polsce po akcesji do Unii Europejskiej." Przedsiębiorczość - Edukacja 6 (January 1, 2010): 310–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20833296.6.23.
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Small and medium enterprises (SME) play an important role both in Poland and other countries of the European Union. Their contribution both as a percentage of the total number of enterprises, in general employment and in the production of particular products and gross domestic product confirms their importance for economy.The role of SME in Poland would be greater if the indicator of their activity (which is now below 50%) was higher, and the sustainability of SME’s was improved. Moreover, the crucial condition for enlargement of SME’s importance is the improvement of their investment capacity and increasing expenditure on research and development in this sector. About 50% of entrepreneurs fail to make any investments and do not conduct any research that determine national and international competitiveness. There are many reason for this situation, especially financial limitations, which can be supplemented by state aid. However, there are some restrictions on supporting SME’s by government as a result of the Common European Competition Policy. One of its basic rules is prohibition of state aid that deforms and limits competition, which is a base of economic development. In this situation state aid is allowed only on condition that its implementation does not restrict competition. The size and type, conditions and circumstances of state aid and its duration are precisely stipulated by the regulations.
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Grzymała-Busse, Anna. "The Discreet Charm of Formal Institutions." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 3 (April 2006): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005284216.
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Why do some new democratic political politicians constrain themselves and reduce their discretion to extract resources from the state and the processes of privatization? Postcommunist democracies show surprising variation in the adoption of formal institutions of monitoring and oversight. These institutions regulate markets, empower citizen oversight, and police the use and distribution of state assets. These have arisen rapidly in some countries and with considerable delays in others. Accounts that link institutional creation to European Union imposition, initial bargaining, and parliamentary divisions do not fully explain the variation. Instead, in the nine consolidated democracies and free markets examined here, robust political competition triggered mechanisms of anticipatory institution building and moderation of government behavior.
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Yaroshenko, I. V., and I. B. Semigulina. "Global Experience of State Support in the System of Public Management of Territorial Communities’ Development." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 4, no. 46 (2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2020-4-19-28.
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Achieving sustainable development of the countries against the background of overcoming the problems and backwardness of some territories, reducing the disproportion of socio-economic indicators, creating conditions for the development of competitive economic environment, and achieving a high standard of living form the main directions of regional policy in many countries, including the European Union. Detailed study of the experience in the formation and implementation of regional policy, the positive examples and trends of some countries and, in particular, EU member states, that have achieved economic growth and improved the welfare of their residents, are relevant for the development of modern Ukraine and its regions during the ongoing European integration processes, socio-economic changes and the formation of Ukraine’s own national regional policy. Analysis of the uneven development of territories and the identification of the main characteristics of this asymmetry allow not only to determine the current state of disproportion in regional development potentials, but also to assess the regional policy directions aimed at eliminating the disproportion. European integration direction in Ukraine’s policy confirms the relevance of a comprehensive study of the regional policy experience in the world and the EU, in particular, especially that of the best practices of Central and Eastern Europe, the latter demonstrating stable positive changes in socio-economic development. This experience could be useful for Ukraine to form and implement its own regional policy principles of organizing regional and local development management and building up local self-government.
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GUDZ, PETER, MARYNA GUDZ, and BARBARA DĄBROWSKA. "COMMON POLICIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE SPHERE OF INDUSTRY: PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES IN THE NEW REALITY OF POSTPANDEMIC." Economic innovations 23, no. 3(80) (August 20, 2021): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2021.23.3(80).85-100.
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Topicality. The urgency of studying the problems and challenges of the European Union's common industrial policy in the post-pandemic is due to the need to overcome the recession caused by the epidemic crisis and find innovative ways and means to transform European economies to rebuild the economy for the welfare of citizens and environmental security. Another prerequisite for the intensification of industrial policy as a driver of development of the EU common market is the realization of competitive advantages over the economies of the United States and China.Aim and tasks. The aim of the work is to analyze the problems and general challenges of the European Union's industrial policy in the new realities after the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has created many problems and posed many challenges to the European Union, but this is not the first crisis it has faced. The paper analyzes the challenges that have arisen during the measures taken to correct the economic downturn, as well as plans for the recovery and development of the European Union, including on the basis of digitization of the common industrial policy.Research results. The day, the genesis of the new, the fourth stage of the development of the industrial policy of the European Union has been designated. Established, according to the main method of industrial policy, and at the same time, 24 industrial halls of the 27 countries ЄC to improve the competitiveness of the European industry, as a step towards the development of the age of the mainstream of work. It was approved by the tools for the implementation of the industrial policy and criteria and indicators of evaluation and development. Sectoral analysis of industry, allowing you to camp for 2018 p. advanced development of machinery and equipment for the indicator of additional costs for production of coke and products of naphtha processing, automobiles, hairstyles and applications, industrial production of metal products for machinery. An analysis of the indicator of security to the given variability in the industrial spheres has taken into account the tendency to the concentration of security in the five countries of the world, some of the economies of Nimechchin. Analyzed the Eurocomisin's praise for April 2020. The plan for the development of Europe and the plan for the middle of the initial ones is the concept of industrial ecosystems. The concept of Europe is a light leader and ecology of the economy, realizing the industry and economy of the state government, the energy and economics of the program “Green Ladies”, as well as the economics of the economy.Conclusion. Problems and directions of overcoming challenges, determined by coronary crisis in industry and economy in general are identified: assistance in resumption of activity of industrial enterprises, coordination of partnership principles, limitation of pandemic expansion, preservation of jobs, tax benefits and credit policy of national banks aimed at investment development, financial assistance governments to support small and medium-sized businesses, assistance to relevant sectors of economic activity. The common industrial policy of the European Union covers many areas. Therefore, it is known that in times of the COVID-19 pandemic, the common industrial policy will face many challenges and problems. The article highlights not only the difficulties that the European Union had to overcome, but also the measures and measures it has taken to solve these problems. Putting the safety of its citizens first, the European Union has temporarily suspended its common industrial policy to focus on priorities. The most important aim was to help the most needy Member States and to support the economic sectors most affected. In addition, the Union has also launched a ten- action plan to rebuild Europe. The reconstruction plan for Europe allowed the European Union authorities to focus on the original goals of the Union, thus putting the new industrial strategy for Europe into effect. The European Council plans not only to increase the global competitiveness of its industry as well as its autonomy and resilience, but also to increase the resilience of the single market and ensure the leading role of the EU in the ecological and digital transformation.
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Berthold, Norbert. "Das Bündnis für Arbeit – Ein Weg aus der institutionellen Verflechtungsfalle?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 2, no. 4 (November 2001): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00063.
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Abstract Persistently high unemployment is still the most urgent problem confronting policymakers in many continental European countries. Policymakers were not idle but their activities often treated the symptoms rather than the real causes of the malaise in labor markets. A prerequisite for solving the unemployment problem is pushing for more competition in all markets, but in particular in the labor market. However, lack of competition allows insiders to capture rents, thus making them opposed to a rigorous competitive policy approach. It is often suggested that corporatism would be an alternative and possibly even superior solution, i.e., tripartist agreements involving unions, employer associations and the government. The paper argues that this is not the case. Rather, corporatism leads to even less competition and opens additional channels for externalizing the burden of adjustment to exogenous shocks on future generations and on taxpayers at large via the social security system. Globalization might in contrast help to overcome the problem because there are fewer rents to be captured by insiders, and more open goods and factor markets make labor demand more elastic, thus enforcing more moderate wage setting and more flexible wage structures.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. "Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions: The case of European competition policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
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One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Lai, I. Tak. "Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.
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DAVITER, Falk. "The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
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Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Luedtke, Adam. "Fortress Europe or spillover? : immigration politics and policy at the European level." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.
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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
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Zhang, Lu. "Is the EU a social union? :the function of common social policy for European integration." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.
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Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. "Issues in european competition policy: lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
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Wang, Yan Chao. "EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.
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Jónsdóttir, Jóhanna. "Europeanisation of the Icelandic policy process." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609096.
Full textBooks on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Cini, Michelle. Competition policy in the European union. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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Lee, McGowan, ed. Competition policy in the European Union. 2nd ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Xavier, Vives, ed. Competition policy in the EU: Fifty years from the treaty of Rome. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.
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Edmund, Fitzpatrick, and Johnson Debra, eds. The European competitive environment: Text and cases. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1995.
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States of liberalization: Redefining the public sector in integrated Europe. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005.
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The political economy of European Union competition policy: A case study of the telecommunications industry. New York: Routledge, 2008.
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EC competition law and policy. Cullompton, Devon, UK: Willan Pub., 2002.
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Fuller, Sue. Guide to information on European Union competition policy. 2nd ed. Manchester: EIA, 1999.
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Greening EU competition law and policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
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J, Richardson J., ed. European Union: Power and policy-making. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Carlberg, Michael. "Competition between the European Central Bank, the German Government, and the French Government." In Policy Coordination in a Monetary Union, 175–83. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-24797-5_21.
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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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van Dijk, Frans. "Independence and Trust." In Perceptions of the Independence of Judges in Europe, 77–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63143-7_6.
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AbstractThe Chapter examines the trust of the general public in the judiciary at the national and EU-level. The starting point is that the correlation between the independence of the judiciary as perceived by the general public and the trust in the judiciary by the same public is very strong: trust in the judiciary equals trust in the independence of the judiciary. Trust in the judiciary is generally higher than that in parliament and government. However, the trust in the judiciary is generally at the same level as that in the public administration. It is likely that the general public associates the public administration with desirable, fair and impartial implementation of public policies, and not so much with (divisive) policy formation. Thus, it is too simple to conclude that the judiciary performs better than the other powers of the state. High trust in the judiciary is fostered by the nature of the tasks. At the EU-level the differentiation of trust between the three branches of government is much smaller than at the national level. Trust in the European Court of Justice (the supreme court of the European Union) is higher than in the national judiciary at low levels of trust at the national level, and smaller at high levels of trust. Still, trust in the ECJ is higher in countries with a highly trusted judiciary than in countries with a less trusted judiciary.
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Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy: Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
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AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
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Can, Hamit, and Daniela Minkovska. "The Energy Policy of Bulgaria." In CSR and Socially Responsible Investing Strategies in Transitioning and Emerging Economies, 120–36. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2193-9.ch007.
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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Can, Hamit, and Daniela Minkovska. "The Energy Policy of Bulgaria." In Research Anthology on Clean Energy Management and Solutions, 1841–57. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9152-9.ch081.
Full textAbstract:
Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Patey, Luke. "What Is Best for Europe?" In How China Loses, 158–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.003.0007.
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Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank, and Thomas Winzen. "Explaining Differentiation in EU Treaties." In Ever Looser Union?, 67–82. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854333.003.0005.
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This chapter offers an empirical analysis of the conditions under which member states negotiate opt-outs from EU reform and enlargement treaties, covering all treaties since the Maastricht Treaty on European Union. The analysis suggests that constitutional and instrumental logics of differentiation co-exist in European integration. In reform treaties, differentiated integration tends to be driven by wealthy member states with Eurosceptic governments and populations that hold comparatively exclusive national identity conceptions. In contrast, in enlargements, comparatively poor member states that cause distributional concerns, have weak governance capacity, and require help in meeting the competitive pressures of membership are the main source of differentiation. The chapter also shows evidence of path-dependent differentiation. Once countries have opted out of a policy area, these initial opt-outs trigger further differentiation over time.
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Bache, Ian, Simon Bulmer, Stephen George, and Owen Parker. "18. Policies and Policy Making in the European Union." In Politics in the European Union, 331–50. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199689668.003.0018.
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This chapter examines policies and the patterns of policy making in the European Union. The formal EU policy process begins with the European Commission (EC) drawing up proposals for legislation, at which stage it will consult widely with interest groups, technical experts, and national government officials. It will also consult members of the European Parliament (EP). The open method of co-ordination (OMC) has been introduced into what was the EC pillar, giving the member states stronger control and excluding the EP and the European Court of Justice. The chapter first considers how the European policy agenda is formed before discussing the EU policy process. It then explores minor policy areas such as the Common Fisheries Policy, fraud, and the information society, and major policy areas such as competition, employment and social policy, energy, research, and transport.
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Harrison, Glenn W., Thomas F. Rutherford, and David G. Tarr. "Increased Competition and Completion of the Market in the European Union: Static and Steady State Effects." In Applied Trade Policy Modeling in 16 Countries, 361–94. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814551434_0015.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.
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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev, and Mairam Baigonusheva. "Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
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Kalenova, Saulesh, Rahman Alshanov, Ali Abishev, and Valentina Gerasimenko. "The Resource Potential of the Participating Countries of the Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01243.
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Against the background of international openness and globalization of the world economy, it is very difficult to achieve higher competitiveness in the state without the support of friendly neighbors. In this age of competition of constructive ideas, high technologies, knowledge-intensive the problem of innovative development of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the context of the Eurasian Economic Union became central dominant of understanding the goals and methods of reforming the modern state economy.
The main ambitious goal is a breakthrough of Kazakhstan in the 30 most competitive countries of the world. This goal promotes the development of a coherent policy of modern developments management and the formation of a national innovation system with effective mechanisms of interaction between government, business and science in the context of the EEU. Kazakhstan tries to integrate experience of developed countries into this process. These countries began their journey to progress from the unification into regional economic alliances.
The article analyzes the integration processes and actions of economic activity of participating countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in the new environment. It also examines contemporary processes of globalization and the necessity of creating an economic union, particular features of the regional economic communities. The article includes materials of the Eurasian Economic Union historical background. There was conducted analysis of integration processes development in the economic environment on the example of post-Soviet states joined in the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Lina, Al Eassa. "FOSTERING RESILIENCE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE 2015 EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY REVIEW׃ EVIDENCE FROM JORDAN." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/13.
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Resilience has become a priority for the EU in its 2015 European Neighborhood Policy review (ENP), It refers to building state and societal resilience of the Union as a whole, its members and the EU׳s neighbors including Jordan, a strategic southern partner of the EU. In this regard, the EU Building resilience in Jordan in response for crises as the Syrian refugee crisis seems workable but the EU needs to foster it. Thus, this paper’s question is How can the EU foster resilience after it has become a priority in its 2015 (ENP) review in case of Jordan? While many scholars like David Chandler argues that the EU could foster resilience in its neighboring countries by making it a local self-governing project and not an external imposed project where the EU has the mission of monitoring and assessment, in this paper, based on document analysis from official websites for the EU and Jordan including their official bilateral and multilateral agreements and textual analysis of the current literature on building resilience I argue that fostering resilience requires both presenting resilience as a self-governing project with a greater engagement of the Jordanian government, local community and its civil society, at the same time , it needs a better mechanism for the EU in monitoring and assessment, and more importantly helping Jordan to establish the best institutional design that could foster state and societal resilience in Jordan.
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Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes, and Catalin ionut Silvestru. "CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." In eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.
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The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
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Ozolina, Velga, and Astra Auzina-Emsina. "Macroeconometric Input-Output Model For Transport Sector Analysis." In 35th ECMS International Conference on Modelling and Simulation. ECMS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7148/2021-0082.
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Effective government transport policy can be based only on realistic data, sophisticated and detailed transport sector analysis, and productive modelling. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the main elements used to develop a relatively small macro-economic input-output model with the emphasis on transport for one European Union (EU) country. Transport sector faces similar problems in various countries linked with emissions, transport flows, road accidents and other issues hence appropriate modelling tool should be selected. The model presented in this article consists of econometric and input-output relations. The research analyses and examines three scenarios and stresses the importance of the transport investment not only for development of the transport sector, but also for the economic development in general. The scenarios imply zero, 9 million and 6.7 million additional investment in transport sector eligible to the EU funding. As the result of additional investment, GDP recovers faster leading to 0.3-1.7%points faster growth rates as compared to the base scenario with no additional investment leading to faster cohesion with the average EU level, as well as higher number and turnover of passengers in the public and commercial transport, while the number of passenger cars is lower. The model can also be applied to study regional development, if it is possible to distinguish, which regions will benefit from the investment, as well as influence on fuel consumption and CO2 emissions, if the investments are targeted to specific means of transport.
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Geambazu, Serin. ""Yeni Instanbul": the expansion of a global city." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mwhr1573.
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The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.
Reports on the topic "Competition – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.