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1

Gough, Ian. "Welfare states and environmental states: a comparative analysis." Environmental Politics 25, no. 1 (August 12, 2015): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2015.1074382.

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2

VAN DER VEEN, ROBERT, and LOEK GROOT. "Post-Productivism and Welfare States: A Comparative Analysis." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 593–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000329.

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This article provides operational measures for comparing welfare states in terms of the concept of post-productivism, as pioneered by Goodin in this Journal, and discusses the normative relevance of such comparisons. Post-productivism holds that it is desirable to grant people a high level of personal autonomy, through the welfare state's labour-market institutions and transfer system, and maintains that on average, people would choose to make use of their autonomy by working less, hence earning less and having more free time. By contrast, existing welfare states, for example as classified in Esping-Andersen's three-way split of liberal, social-democratic and corporatist regimes, are largely ‘productivist’, as their policies try to design social rights so as ensure economic self-reliance through full-time work. The question is whether they actually succeed in doing so. With a limited dataset of thirteen OECD countries for 1993, three conditions of personal autonomy – income adequacy, temporal adequacy and absence of welfare-work conditionality – are discussed in terms of policy outputs, which can be read off from easily accessible OECD statistics. Two closely related concepts are explored: comprehensive post-productivism, measuring the extent to which welfare states approximate the ideal of personal autonomy, and restricted post-productivism, which follows from two common goals shared by all welfare states (avoidance of poverty and reduction of involuntary underemployment), and expressly focuses on the policy outputs on which the productivist and post-productivist perspectives specifically disagree: welfare-work unconditionality, voluntary underemployment and average annual hours of work per employee. After showing that ranking the thirteen cases puts the Netherlands at the top and the United States at the bottom, in conformity with Goodin's earlier work, it is shown that restricted post-productivism is not positively associated with the poverty rate, and negatively with the rate of involuntary underemployment. This finding sets the stage for our discussion of normative issues underlying a preference for either productivist or post-productivist arrangements of work and welfare. Suggestions for further research are given in the final section.
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3

Harris, Jose. "Enterprise and Welfare States: a Comparative Perspective." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (December 1990): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679167.

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DO ‘welfare states’ enhance or subvert economic enterprise, civic virtue, private moral character, the integrity of social life? Though these questions have a piquantly contemporary ring in modern British politics, they are nevertheless old quandaries in the history of social policy. Since the seventeenth century, if not earlier, practitioners, theorists and critics of public welfare schemes have argued for and against such schemes in contradictory and adversarial terms; claiming on the one hand that social welfare schemes would supply a humanitarian corrective to the rigours of a market economy; and on the other hand that they would support and streamline market forces by enhancing individual and collective efficiency. Similarly, for several hundred years models of civic morality which emphasize independence and self-sufficiency have jostled with alternative models which emphasize paternalism, altruism and organic solidarity. Few phases of social policy in Britain and elsewhere have not contained elements of more than one approach. Even the New Poor Law, notorious for its subordination to market pressures, nevertheless harboured certain residual anti-market principles and often lapsed into practices that were suspiciously communitarian; whilst Edwardian New Liberalism, famous for its philosophy of organic solidarism, in practice tempered social justice with the quest for ‘national efficiency’. These varying emphases have all been reflected in the fashions and phases of welfare state historiography—fashions and phases that appear to have been at least partly determined by the vagaries of prevailing political climate. Thus, in the aftermath of the Second World War, historians tended to portray the history of social policy as a series of governmental battles against private vested interests—battles in which the mantle of civic virtue was worn by an altruistic administrative elite, while civic vice was embodied in the motley crew of doctors, landlords, employers and insurance companies who viewed social welfare as a commodity in the market.
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4

MacDougall, Audrey. "Book Review: European Welfare States: Comparative Perspectives." European Journal of Social Security 8, no. 2 (June 2006): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826270600800207.

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5

Boget, Yoann. "Comparing dispositifs in Bismarckian Welfare States." Journal of Comparative Social Work 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 126–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/jcsw.v7i2.86.

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Comparative research on welfare states is facing various pitfalls in our days. This article is concerned with a particularly tricky issue by considering scholastic effects of thinking welfare provision in terms of typologies, such as the one developed by Esping-Andersens in his study on The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism.
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6

Willemse, Nienke, and Paul de Beer. "Three worlds of educational welfare states? A comparative study of higher education systems across welfare states." Journal of European Social Policy 22, no. 2 (May 2012): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928711433656.

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7

Orloff, Ann Shola. "Gendering the Comparative Analysis of Welfare States: An Unfinished Agenda." Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (September 2009): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01350.x.

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Can feminists count on welfare states—or at least some aspects of these complex systems—as resources in the struggle for gender equality? Gender analysts of “welfare states” investigate this question and the broader set of issues around the mutually constitutive relationship between systems of social provision and regulation and gender. Feminist scholars have moved to bring the contingent practice of politics back into grounded fields of action and social change and away from the reification and abstractions that had come to dominate models of politics focused on “big” structures and systems, including those focused on “welfare states.” Conceptual innovations and reconceptualizations of foundational terms have been especially prominent in the comparative scholarship on welfare states, starting with gender, and including care, autonomy, citizenship, (in) dependence, political agency, and equality. In contrast to other subfields of political science and sociology, gendered insights have to some extent been incorporated into mainstream comparative scholarship on welfare states. The arguments between feminists and mainstream scholars over the course of the last two decades have been productive, powering the development of key themes and concepts pioneered by gender scholars, including “defamilialization,” the significance of unpaid care work in families and the difficulties of work-family “reconciliation,” gendered welfare state institutions, the relation between fertility and women's employment, and the partisan correlates of different family and gender policy models. Yet the mainstream still resists the deeper implications of feminist work, and has difficulties assimilating concepts of care, gendered power, dependency, and interdependency. Thus, the agenda of gendering comparative welfare state studies remains unfinished. To develop an understanding of what might be needed to finish that agenda, I assess the gendered contributions to the analysis of modern systems of social provision, starting with the concept of gender itself, then moving to studies of the gendered division of labor (including care) and of gendered political power.
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8

Mätzke, Margitta. "Welfare Policies and Welfare States: Generalization in the Comparative Study of Policy History." Journal of Policy History 21, no. 03 (July 2009): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030609090150.

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9

Sigle-Rushton, Wendy. "Comparative methods in research on gender and welfare states." Twenty-First Century Society 4, no. 2 (June 2009): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450140903000241.

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10

Aassve, Arnstein, Francesco C. Billari, Stefano Mazzuco, and Fausta Ongaro. "Leaving home: a comparative analysis of ECHP data." Journal of European Social Policy 12, no. 4 (November 1, 2002): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a028430.

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We use three waves of the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) to analyse the impact of employment, earnings, household income, and welfare on young adults' decision to leave the parental home. In particular we investigate the importance of these income sources in different welfare settings. We use a simultaneous equation approach to control for unobserved heterogeneity and left censoring. We find employment and income to be very important factors in the decisions of young adults to leave home in the Southern European welfare state. For the Continental European welfare states the results are more mixed. Employment and income are still important factors, but the effects are less clear and there are significant variations. In the Social Democratic welfare states, the effect of employment and income appears negligible. The effect is also modest in the UK (the Liberal Market state), a finding we attribute to the educational system.
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11

Powell, Martin, and Armando Barrientos. "Introduction: Twenty Five Years of the Welfare Modelling Business." Social Policy and Society 14, no. 2 (February 26, 2015): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474641400058x.

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Gosta Esping-Andersen's (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism has become one of the most cited works in social policy (over 20,600 Google Scholar citations; 20 October 2014). This path-breaking work, with its identification of three distinct forms of welfare capitalism in high income countries, has become the basis for a whole academic industry described as the Welfare Modelling Business (Abrahamson 1999; Powell and Barrientos 2011). According to Headey et al. (1997: 332), it has become a canon in comparative social policy against which any subsequent work must situate itself. Abrahamson (1999) notes that, since the publication of the book, every welfare state scholar has referred to Esping-Andersen's tripolar scheme. Scruggs and Allen (2006: 55, 69) remark that it ‘is difficult to find an article comparing welfare states in advanced democratic countries (or a syllabus on social policy) that does not refer to this seminal work’, and ‘it is hard to overstate the significance of the impact of The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (TWWC) on comparative studies of the welfare state’. Its seminal status is evidenced by the extent to which it continues to be cited in articles on comparative welfare states. It also remains required reading for most (graduate) students of comparative political economy and social policy (Scruggs and Allen, 2008). Kröger (2011) claims that, with few exceptions, comparative social policy research is shaped by welfare regime analysis. Arts and Gelissen conclude that TWWC is a defining influence upon the whole field of comparative welfare state research (2010: 569). Danforth (2014) writes that the ‘three worlds’ typology has become one of the principal heuristics for examining modern welfare states. In short, TWWC is a ‘modern classic’ (Arts and Gelissen, 2002).
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12

Coughlin, Richard M., Robert R. Friedmann, Neil Gilbert, and Moshe Sherer. "Modern Welfare States: A Comparative View of Trends and Prospects." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 5 (September 1988): 629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073963.

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13

Wronowska, Gabriela. "Welfare and higher education in EU member states – comparative analysis." Oeconomia Copernicana 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2015.002.

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This paper addresses the issues related to higher education in selected EU Member States and its contribution to the creation of wealth. Special emphasis was placed on the shape of education policy in selected countries through an analysis of the main indicators characterizing the same. The paper raises a number of questions which are important from the point of view of social policy: these questions relate to the policy of higher education funding and attempts to isolate and identify the relationships between higher education funding and the situation of people with higher education on the labour market. In the first part of this paper, the author presents the phenomenon of welfare by taking into account its measurement, especially those measures that relate to education related elements. Then the author indicates the relationship between education, especially its availability, and the process of wealth creation in the economy. In the empirical part of the paper an analysis is carried out on the basis of available and comparable indicators for selected EU Member States and conclusions are drawn based on the indicators.
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14

Moran, Michael. "Understanding the Welfare State: The Case of Health Care." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2, no. 2 (June 2000): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00031.

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This article redresses an imbalance in the study of the welfare state: the comparative neglect of health-care programmes as sources of evidence about the changing politics of the welfare state. It explains why health care should be central to our understanding of the welfare state; summarises the present debates about the pressures on welfare states; explains how to think about health-care governance in this connection; develops a typology of ‘health-care states'; and shows how the experience of health care reflects, and how it departs from, the wider experience of welfare states.
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15

HUDSON, JOHN. "Welfare Regimes and Global Cities: A Missing Link in the Comparative Analysis of Welfare States?" Journal of Social Policy 41, no. 3 (April 19, 2012): 455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279412000256.

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AbstractThe ‘welfare modelling business’ has been at the heart of comparative social policy analysis but debate has largely proceeded on the basis that coherent national welfare states exist. This assumption was always problematic but globalisation processes have added a further dimension to this debate. In particular, geographers and sociologists have pointed to the increasing power of global cities that act as co-ordinating hubs for the global economy. Though residing in nation states, these cities have a special status flowing from their central role in the global economy. Little attempt has been made to explore the implications of these cities for welfare regimes and welfare regime analysis. This paper addresses this under explored issue and suggests there are strong overlaps between global city types and welfare types.
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16

Morgan, Kimberly J. "The Politics of Mothers' Employment: France in Comparative Perspective." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0013.

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Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.
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17

Bordas, Maria. "SOCIAL WELFARE REFORM: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON EUROPE AND THE UNITED STATES." International Journal of Public Administration 24, no. 2 (January 30, 2001): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/pad-100000553.

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18

Segal, Uma A., and Asha J. Rane. "Comparative perspective of child welfare in the United States and India." Journal of International and Comparative Social Welfare 7, no. 1-2 (January 1991): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17486839108415633.

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19

MOTEL-KLINGEBIEL, ANDREAS, CLEMENS TESCH-ROEMER, and HANS-JOACHIM VON KONDRATOWITZ. "Welfare states do not crowd out the family: evidence for mixed responsibility from comparative analyses." Ageing and Society 25, no. 6 (November 2005): 863–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05003971.

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This paper discusses the informal and formal provision of help and support to older people from a comparative welfare state perspective, with particular reference to the relationships between inter-generational family help and welfare state support. While the ‘substitution’ hypothesis states that the generous provision of welfare state services in support of older people ‘crowds out’ family help, the ‘encouragement’ hypothesis predicts a stimulation of family help, and the ‘mixed responsibility’ hypothesis predicts a combination of family and formal help and support. The paper reports findings from the Old Age and Autonomy: The Role of Service Systems and Inter-generational Family Solidarity (OASIS) research project. This created a unique age-stratified sample of 6,106 people aged 25–102 years from the urban populations of Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. The analyses show that the total quantity of help received by older people is greater in welfare states with a strong infrastructure of formal services. Moreover, when measures of the social structure, support preferences and familial opportunity structures were controlled, no evidence of a substantial ‘crowding out’ of family help was found. The results support the hypothesis of ‘mixed responsibility’, and suggest that in societies with well-developed service infrastructures, help from families and welfare state services act accumulatively, but that in familistic welfare regimes, similar combinations do not occur.
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20

WEST, ANNE, and RITA NIKOLAI. "Welfare Regimes and Education Regimes: Equality of Opportunity and Expenditure in the EU (and US)." Journal of Social Policy 42, no. 3 (January 30, 2013): 469–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279412001043.

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AbstractEducation is crucially important for later outcomes but has received limited attention in comparative research on welfare states. In light of this, we present an exploratory analysis of education systems across fourteen EU countries and the US. This builds on existing work on educational institutions, educational outcomes and welfare regimes. We focus on institutional features associated with inequality of educational opportunity, including academic selection, tracking and public/private provision; on educational outcomes; and on education expenditure. Our quantitative analysis identifies four clusters of countries: the Nordic, Continental, Mediterranean and English-speaking, which bear similarities to those identified in the welfare states literature. Each ‘education regime’ is associated with particular institutional features, educational outcomes and levels of public expenditure. Our analysis suggests that further comparative research on education, viewed as a key component of the welfare state, is warranted.
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Singh, Prerna. "Subnationalism and Social Development: A Comparative Analysis of Indian States." World Politics 67, no. 3 (June 5, 2015): 506–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000131.

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The quality of life that a person leads depends critically on where it is led. Even taking into account levels of economic development, the chances of an individual surviving through infancy, growing up literate, or living a healthy, long life vary dramatically across regions of the world, in different countries, and within the same country. What are the causes of such variation in wellbeing? This article points to a factor that has been virtually ignored in the vast scholarship on social welfare and development—the solidarity that emerges from a sense of shared identity. The argument marks an important departure from the traditional emphasis on the role of class and electoral politics, as well as from the dominant view of the negative implications of identity for welfare. Combining statistical analyses of all Indian states and a comparative historical analysis of two Indian provinces, Kerala and Uttar Pradesh, this article demonstrates how the strength of attachment to the subnational political community—subnationalism—can drive a progressive social policy and improve developmental outcomes.
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Fell, Dafydd. "Democratization and Welfare State Development in Taiwan. By Christian Aspalter. [Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate, 2002. xii+171 pp. ISBN 0-7546-1603-7.]." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903310319.

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Taiwan studies suffer from an overemphasis on cross-straits relations and national identity, making Christian Aspalter's Democratization and Welfare State Development in Taiwan a refreshing change. After his previous comparative publication, Conservative Welfare States in East Asia, Aspalter offers readers the first English language book-length publication explaining the development of Taiwan's welfare state.
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Daigneault, Pierre-Marc, Lisa Birch, Daniel Béland, and Samuel-David Bélanger. "Taking subnational and regional welfare states seriously: Insights from the Quebec case." Journal of European Social Policy 31, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928721996651.

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Most quantitative, comparative welfare state research assumes that subnational welfare regimes are irrelevant or identical to their national counterparts. Many qualitative case studies, on the other hand, have underlined the differences between subnational and national regimes. In this article, we attempt to build bridges between these two strands of literature by examining the case for a Quebec model, that is, a subnational welfare state regime that is distinct from its Canadian counterpart(s). We reviewed seven publications from which we extracted 188 quantitative results relevant to the distinct subnational regime hypothesis. Although not all these results are independent nor based on conclusive evidence, they generally agree that a distinct welfare regime exists in Quebec. We conclude this article by discussing the implications of the Quebec case for the study of welfare regimes at the subnational and regional levels.
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Lai, Dicky W. L., and Ernest W. T. Chui. "A Tale of Two Cities: A Comparative Study on the Welfare Regimes of Hong Kong and Macao." Social Policy and Society 13, no. 2 (January 28, 2014): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000614.

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Despite their geographical proximity, and similarities in ethnic composition and political contexts, Hong Kong's and Macao's social policies have not been compared in the literature. This article aims to compare the welfare regimes between these two city-states. The comparison involves two dimensions: the pattern of welfare mix, and the modification impact of social policy on the capitalist social structure. It is found that the two states’ patterns of welfare mix have much in common, and their social policies are both marked by a relatively low level of modification impact. Therefore, the conclusion is drawn that Hong Kong and Macao can be grouped into a distinct welfare regime. The major contributions of this study are that it helps add to the understanding of East Asian social policy and suggests a useful framework for comparing welfare regimes.
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Eggers, Thurid, Christopher Grages, and Birgit Pfau-Effinger. "Self-Responsibility of the “Active Social Citizen”: Different Types of the Policy Concept of “Active Social Citizenship” in Different Types of Welfare States." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 1 (January 2019): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218816803.

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The article aims to answer the following research questions: (a) How far do European welfare states differ in the use of the policy concept of the active social citizen? and (b) How far is it possible to explain the differences with welfare regime types and welfare culture? The article distinguishes between two different types of the policy concept of active social citizenship with regard to self-responsibility. It argues that the active social citizen’s self-responsibility could be underpinned either by a major role of the welfare state, which promotes the citizens’ self-determination, or by a minor role of the state, which forces citizens to be self-reliant for funding and for organizing their own social security and services. The article is based on a cross-national comparative study for two policy fields (unemployment and long-term care policies for older people) in three welfare states (Denmark, England, and Germany), and analyzes legal frameworks, data from MISSOC (Mutual Information System on Social Protection) and secondary literature. The comparative analysis shows that countries differ in the type of the policy concept of active social citizenship they use. Differences in the type of welfare regime and also differences in the welfare culture contribute to an explanation of these differences. The article is innovative in that it offers a systematic analysis of the differences in the ways in which welfare states of different regime types conceptualize “active social citizenship” with regard to the citizens’ self-responsibility.
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TAYLOR-GOOBY, PETER. "The Silver Age of the Welfare State: Perspectives on Resilience." Journal of Social Policy 31, no. 4 (October 2002): 597–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279402006785.

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The circumstances which favoured the expansion of state welfare in the post-war ‘golden age’ – secure growth, full employment, moderate welfare needs and national politico-economic autonomy – have been reversed in the ‘silver age’ of labour market restructuring, demographic transition and economic globalisation. Most researchers argue that the European welfare settlement is (so far) surprisingly resilient in the face of current challenges. This article argues that analysis of welfare states has been approached from two basic directions – quantitative analysis and comparative case study – and that each approach has its merits and difficulties. Using the example of pensions policy it show that quantitative methods tend to produce findings which place greater emphasis on continuity and resilience, while case studies focus attention more on political processes. The latter approach is likely to provide greater insight into shifts that may lead to new policy directions in the immediate future. The picture presented by the quantitative method tends to predominate in comparative cross-national studies of the response of welfare states to current pressures, and this may overemphasise stability and resilience against discontinuity and change.
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Stoecker, Randy. "Book Review: Modern Welfare States: A Comparative View of Trends and Prospects." Humanity & Society 12, no. 3 (August 1988): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059768801200311.

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28

Shapiro, Robert Y., and John T. Young. "Public Opinion and the Welfare State: The United States in Comparative Perspective." Political Science Quarterly 104, no. 1 (1989): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150988.

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29

Holland, Alisha C., and Ben Ross Schneider. "Easy and Hard Redistribution: The Political Economy of Welfare States in Latin America." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 988–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717002122.

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Comparative research on Latin American welfare states recently has focused on the extension of non-contributory benefits to those outside the formal labor market. This extension of benefits constitutes a major break from past exclusionary welfare regimes. Yet there also are substantial areas of continuity, especially in the contributory social-insurance system that absorbs most of welfare budgets. We develop here a framework for studying changes in Latin American welfare states that reconciles these trends. We argue that Latin American governments enjoyed an “easy” stage of welfare expansions in the 2000s, characterized by distinct political coalitions. Bottom-targeted benefits could be layered on top of existing programs and provided to wide segments of the population. But many Latin American governments are nearing the exhaustion of this social-policy model. We explore policy and coalitional challenges that hinder moves to “hard” redistribution with case studies of unemployment insurance in Chile and housing in Colombia.
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Eger, Maureen A., and Nate Breznau. "Immigration and the welfare state: A cross-regional analysis of European welfare attitudes." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 58, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 440–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217690796.

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A growing body of research connects diversity to anti-welfare attitudes and lower levels of social welfare expenditure, yet most evidence comes from analyses of US states or comparisons of the United States to Europe. Comparative analyses of European nation-states, however, yield little evidence that immigration – measured at the country-level – reduces support for national welfare state programs. This is not surprising, given that research suggests that the impact of diversity occurs at smaller, sub-national geographic units. Therefore, in this article, we test the hypothesis that immigration undermines welfare attitudes by assessing the impact of immigration measured at the regional-level on individual-level support for redistribution, a comprehensive welfare state, and immigrants’ social rights. To do this, we combine data from the European Social Survey with a unique regional dataset compiled from national censuses, Eurostat, and the European Election Database (13 countries, 114 regions, and 23,213 individuals). Utilizing multilevel modeling, we find a negative relationship between regional percent foreign-born and support for redistribution as well as between regional percent foreign-born and support for a comprehensive welfare state. Objective immigration, however, does not increase opposition to immigrants’ social rights (i.e. welfare chauvinism). We discuss the implications of these results and conclude that traditional welfare state attitudes and welfare chauvinism are distinct phenomena that should not be conflated in future research.
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31

Ziliak, James P. "Social Policy and the Macro-Economy: What Drives Welfare Caseloads in the US?" Social Policy and Society 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001192.

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This article sifts the evidence to explain why welfare caseloads have fallen so markedly in the US since 1993. In particular, it seeks to explain the discrepancy between studies that identify welfare reform as the principal explanatory factor and those that emphasise the buoyant economy. Analyses that prioritise welfare are shown to be mis-specified while a comparative analysis of all 51 states shows a strong link between welfare trends and macroeconomic performance. The expansion of Earned Income Tax Credit has also contributed to the fall in welfare caseloads.
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Genova, Angela. "Integrated Services in Activation Policies in Finland and Italy: A Critical Appraisal." Social Policy and Society 7, no. 3 (July 2008): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640800434x.

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The integration of welfare services in activation policies has been one of the common answers to welfare challenges in EU member states over the last two decades. The process has been interwoven with the rescaling both downwards and upwards of welfare regulative authorities. The article discusses the role of integrated services in activation policies in relation to the centralisation and decentralisation of welfare policies in a comparative perspective of different EU welfare regimes and highlights the role of local institutional milieus in shaping path-dependent modes of governance in integrated services.
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33

BAMBRA, CLARE. "Cash Versus Services: ‘Worlds of Welfare’ and the Decommodification of Cash Benefits and Health Care Services." Journal of Social Policy 34, no. 2 (March 15, 2005): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279404008542.

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Welfare state models have focused almost exclusively on the study of cash benefits, and typologies established on this limited basis have been used to generalise about all forms of welfare state provision. This ignores the fact that welfare states are also about the actual delivery of services and/or that countries vary in terms of the relative emphasis that they place upon cash benefits and welfare state services. This article explores the cash and services mix in, and between, welfare states with reference to recent welfare state typologies, most notably Esping-Andersen's decommodification-centred ‘worlds of welfare’. It compares the decommodification levels of the main cash benefits with the main area of service provision: health care. The resulting analysis suggests that when services are added into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes there are five welfare state clusters: Social Democratic, Liberal, Conservative, and sub-groups within both the Liberal and Conservative regimes. The article concludes that, in order to maintain integrity or generalisability, future welfare state typologies need to reflect more adequately the role of services in welfare state provision.
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Elson, Peter R., Jean-Marc Fontan, Sylvain Lefèvre, and James Stauch. "Foundations in Canada: A Comparative Perspective." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 20, 2018): 1777–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218775803.

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From a Canadian perspective, this article provides a comparative historical and contemporary overview of foundations in Canada, in relation to the United States and Germany. For the purposes of this analysis, the study was limited to public or private foundations in Canada, as defined by the Income Tax Act. As the Canadian foundation milieu straddles the welfare partnership model that characterizes German civil society and the Anglo-Saxon model of the United States, Canadian foundations as a whole have much in common with the foundation sector in both countries. Similarities include the number of foundations per capita, a similar range in size and influence, a comparable diversity of foundation types, and an explosion in the number of foundations in recent decades (although the United States has a much longer history of large foundations making high-impact interventions). This analysis also highlights some key differences among larger foundations in the three jurisdictions: German foundations are generally more apt to have a change-orientation and are more vigorous in their disbursement of income and assets. U.S. foundations are more likely to play a welfare-replacement role in lieu of inaction by the state. Canadian foundations play a complementary role, particularly in the areas of education and research, health, and social services. At the same time, there is a segment of Canadian foundations that are fostering innovation, social and policy change, and are embarking on meaningful partnerships and acts of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada.
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35

Enli, Gunn, and Trine Syvertsen. "The Media Welfare State." Nordic Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 1 (June 7, 2020): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2020-0004.

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AbstractIn 2014, Syvertsen, Enli, Mjøs, and Moe authored The Media Welfare State: Nordic Media in a Digital Era to explore the specificities of Nordic media and the analogy between welfare state and media structures. In this short article, we point to how selected works challenge or extend the notions of a media welfare state beyond the original analysis. We begin by placing the work in a tradition of comparative and typology-generating scholarship and point to parallel works emerging at the same time. We then highlight others’ contributions in order to identify tendencies in Nordic media and research. In conclusion, we use examples from current research to argue that changes in the media system may be studied from both the angle of changing media policies and that of changing welfare states.
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36

Watts, Rob. "Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study." Journal of Social Policy 16, no. 1 (January 1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400015713.

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ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.
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37

Lee, Soohyun Christine. "Democratization, Political Parties and Korean Welfare Politics: Korean Family Policy Reforms in Comparative Perspective." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (January 9, 2017): 518–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.44.

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Recent reforms of family policy signal a turning point in the Korean welfare state, as they undermine the welfare developmentalism that is commonly ascribed to Korean social policy. Drawing on the East Asian as well as Western welfare state literatures, this research seeks to understand the politics behind family policy reforms. In doing so, this research argues that political parties were the driver of these reforms, contrary to the conventional ‘parties do not matter’ perspective that dominates the East Asian welfare state literature. Utilizing the party competition thesis from the study of Western welfare states, this article demonstrates that political parties, the unlikely reform agency due to their perceived non-policy orientation, moved family policy to centre stage in election campaigns. Far-reaching changes in the electorate, namely the diminishing effect of regionalism and the increasing importance of young voters, incentivized parties to promote family policy. Thus, this research calls for bringing political parties into the analysis of East Asian welfare politics.
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38

Otto, Adeline, Alzbeta Bártová, and Wim Van Lancker. "Measuring the Generosity of Parental Leave Policies." Social Inclusion 9, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 238–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i2.3943.

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In order to investigate and compare welfare states or specific welfare programmes, scientists, opinion‐makers and politicians rely on indicators. As many of the concepts or objects studied are somewhat abstract, these indicators can often only be approximations. In comparative welfare‐state research, scholars have suggested several approximating indicators to quantitatively measure and compare the generosity of public welfare provision, with a special focus on cash benefits. These indicators include social spending, social rights and benefit receipt. We present these indicators systematically, and critically discuss how suitable they are for comparing the generosity of parenting leave policies in developed welfare states. Subsequently, we illustrate how the operationalisation of leave generosity by means of different indicators can lead to different rankings, interpretations and qualifications of countries. Hence, indicator choices have to be considered carefully and suitably justified, depending on the actual research interest.
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39

Bambra, Clare. "Worlds of Welfare and the Health Care Discrepancy." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002143.

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The nature of welfare regimes has been an ongoing debate within the comparative social policy literature since the publication of Esping-Andersen's ‘Three Worlds of Welfare’ (1990). This article draws upon recent developments within this debate, most notably Kasza's assertions about the ‘illusory nature’ of welfare regimes, to highlight the health care discrepancy. It argues that health care provision has been a notable omission from the wider regimes literature and one which, if included in the form of a health care decommodification typology, can give credence to Kasza's perspective by highlighting the diverse internal arrangements of welfare states and welfare state regimes.
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40

Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Associational Networks and Welfare States in Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan." World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 507–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000111.

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This article investigates the structures of civic networks and their roles in steering the political choices of party and union elites regarding the retrenchment or expansion of welfare states in four recently democratized developing countries. Utilizing coaffiliation networks built upon two waves of World Values Surveys and evidence from comparative case studies for Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan, the study develops two explanatory factors that account for variations in welfare politics: cohesiveness and embeddedness. In Argentina and, to a lesser degree, in Taiwan, party and union leaders' cohesive relationships, being disarticulated from the informal civic sphere, allowed them to conduct elite-driven social policy reforms from above, by launching radical neoliberal reforms (Argentina) or by developing a generous transfer-centered welfare state (Taiwan). In Brazil and South Korea, however, party and union leaders' durable solidarity embedded in wider civic communities enabled them to resist the retrenchment of welfare states (Brazil) or implement universal social policies (South Korea) based on bottom-up mobilization of welfare demands. This article demonstrates that elites in the formal sector make markedly different political choices when confronting economic crisis and democratic competition depending upon their organizational connections in formal and informal civic networks.
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41

Mok, Ka Ho, and John Hudson. "Managing Social Change and Social Policy in Greater China: Welfare Regimes in Transition?" Social Policy and Society 13, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 235–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000596.

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Discussion of welfare regimes and welfare state ideal types continues to dominate comparative social policy analysis, but the focus of the debate has expanded considerably since the publication of Esping-Andersen's (1990) groundbreaking The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Shifts in this debate have been prompted by a mixture of theoretical and empirical concerns raised by comparative social policy scholars, but they have also resulted from a more general internationalisation of social policy research agendas within the academy too. In particular, there has been a strong desire to expand the scope of the debate to encompass nations and regions not included in Esping-Andersen's initial study of just eighteen high income OECD states.
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42

Bambra, Clare. "The worlds of welfare: illusory and gender blind?" Social Policy and Society 3, no. 3 (June 22, 2004): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640400171x.

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The nature of welfare state regimes has been an ongoing debate within the comparative social policy literature since the publication of Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990). This paper engages with two aspects of this debate; the gender critique of Esping-Andersen's thesis, and Kasza's (2002) assertions about the ‘illusory nature’ of welfare state regimes. It presents a gender-focused defamilisation index and contrasts it with Esping-Andersen's decommodification index to illustrate that, whilst individual welfare states have been shown to exhibit internal variety across different policy areas, they are both consistent and coherent in terms of their policy variation by gender. It concludes, in contrast to both the gender critique of Esping-Andersen, and Kasza's rejection of the regimes concept, that the ‘worlds of welfare’ approach is therefore neither gender blind or illusory, and can, if limited to the analysis of specific areas such as labour market decommodification or defamilisation, be resurrected as a useful means of organising and classifying welfare states.
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43

Ferrarini, Tommy, and Kenneth Nelson. "Taxation of social insurance and redistribution: a comparative analysis of ten welfare states." Journal of European Social Policy 13, no. 1 (February 2003): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928703013001037.

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44

WILLIAMS, FIONA. "Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Class in Welfare States: A Framework for Comparative Analysis." Social Politics 2, no. 2 (1995): 127–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/2.2.127.

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45

Irving, Zoë. "Curious Cases: Small Island States' Exceptionalism and its Contribution to Comparative Welfare Theory." Sociological Review 58, no. 2_suppl (December 2010): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2011.01971.x.

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46

Mandel, H., and M. Shalev. "How Welfare States Shape the Gender Pay Gap: A Theoretical and Comparative Analysis." Social Forces 87, no. 4 (June 1, 2009): 1873–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.0.0187.

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47

Hudson, John, and Anahely Medrano. "Nation-state global city tensions in social policy: the case of Mexico City's rising social city-zenship." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2013.802886.

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Comparative analyses of welfare systems have largely proceeded on the basis that coherent nation-states exist. This assumption was always problematic – as many theorists have acknowledged – but globalisation processes have added a further dimension to this debate, not least because of the increasing power of global cities that act as coordinating hubs for the global economy. Although residing in nation-states, these cities have a special status flowing from their central role in the global economy with often rather different economic, demographic and social contexts. While there is growing literature on global cities, what the rise of these cities means for social policy and for welfare states remains an underexplored issue. Here we outline some key issues the rise of global cities presents for welfare states before proceeding to illustrate both theoretical and practical issues we highlight through a case study of Mexico City.
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48

Collins, Doreen. "The welfare state in transition: the theory and practice of welfare pluralism and Modern welfare states: a comparative view of trends and prospects." International Affairs 64, no. 3 (1988): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622885.

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49

Kawiorska, Dorota. "Healthcare in the light of the concept of welfare state regimes – comparative analysis of EU member states." Oeconomia Copernicana 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2016.012.

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This paper addresses issues related to health care in the context of the debate about the typology of welfare state regimes and comparative studies conducted in reference to the debate. Particular attention has been paid to the phenomenon of decommodification as one of the key dimensions that define welfare regimes identified in the literature associated with this debate. The study presents a health decommodification index, on the basis of which an attempt has been made to assess the decommodification potential of health care, taking into account the situation in the 28 EU Member States in 2012. The identification of a widely understood accessibility of publicly funded health care as a basic measure for assessing the decommodifying features of health programs is an important result of the empirical analysis. The study has also confirmed the views expressed in the literature about the existence of practical obstacles standing in the way of developing a universal typology of welfare states.
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Amenta, Edwin, Elisabeth S. Clemens, Jefren Olsen, Sunita Parikh, and Theda Skocpol. "The Political Origins of Unemployment Insurance in Five American States." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 137–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000444.

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The last decade has been a time of rapid development in comparative social scientific research on modern welfare states—or more concretely, research on social insurance, pensions, and public assistance policies. Synchronic studies, using highly aggregated measures to make causal inferences about policy developments in all the nations of the world, have declined in favor of longitudinal comparative studies of up to eighteen advanced industrial capitalist democracies. Concomitant with this shift, analytic interest has moved away from industrialization and urbanization and toward more political explanatory variables—including class power and class alliances, the structures of political regimes, political parties, and party systems, and the activities of administrators and policy intellectuals.
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