Journal articles on the topic 'Comparative government – Europe'

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1

Wartick, Steven L. "Comparative Government-Industry Relations: Western Europe, United States and Japan." Journal of International Business Studies 20, no. 1 (March 1989): 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jibs.1989.13.

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ANDRONICEANU, Armenia, Irina GEORGESCU, and Oana Matilda SABIE. "COMPARATIVE RESEARCH ON GOVERNMENT EFFECTIVENESS AND POLITICAL STABILITY IN EUROPE." ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC 1, no. 39 (November 25, 2022): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2022.39-04.

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The trend of globalization, accompanied by the dynamic development of social systems, places the European states in a completely new position, in which institutions and administrative systems must be adapted. Any intervention in the field of public administration reform implies changes in its major components to have efficient governance in the context of internal and regional political instability. The objective of our research was to identify and analyze the correlations between the main indicators of government effectiveness and political stability in the EU member states during 2020-2022. For this research, we have selected four representative variables. The research methods used are the Pearson correlation matrix, for identifying and analyzing the correlations, and the K-means clustering algorithm for grouping the EU states into clusters based on the considered variables. The results show that approximately half of the EU states are grouped in cluster 3, which is characterized by a high level of governmental efficiency and political stability. The states in the first two clusters include states from Central and Eastern Europe where significant changes are needed to increase government effectiveness and political stability. The results of our research offer an updated correlative analysis between government effectiveness and political stability in the EU member states in the last few years.
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3

Zlyvko, Stanislav V., Valerii A. Bortniak, Kateryna V. Bortniak, Iryna P. Storozhuk, and Roman Z. Holobutovskyy. "Administrative reforms in Eastern Europe: A comparative legal analysis." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 69 (July 17, 2021): 814–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3969.50.

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The objective of the article was to analyze the legal regulation of the decentralization reform in Eastern Europe and its impact on the unemployment rate. Methodologically, statistical analysis, hypothetical-deductive method and correlation were used. It was found that the first stage of the reform of the New Civil Service in Poland, Ukraine, Romania, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Latvia, and Bulgaria began in 1990, but can be called an informal preparatory stage. It is determined that the process of implementation of administrative reforms is influenced by a series of factors: historical, economic, geographical. It is concluded that there is no positive correlation between the effectiveness of public administration and the effectiveness of local self-government in all the countries studied. The reform of decentralization has been shown to have a negative impact on employment. In addition, it found that Poland is the most stable country among those studied, with a high level of efficiency of local self-government. La more negative correlation between the efficiency index of local self-government and employment, and the most positive correlation between local and unemployment rate.
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Baker, Keith, Steven Van de Walle, and Chris Skelcher. "Citizen support for Increasing the Responsibilities of Local Government in European Countries: A Comparative Analysis." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.1.1-21(2011).

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The transfer of responsibilities from central to local government has often been justified on the grounds of efficiency and democracy under the principle of subsidiarity. The existing models for mapping local government power in Europe, however, are often insufficiently detailed to allow an in-depth comparison, and little is known about the level of citizen support for increasing the responsibilities of local government. This paper attempts to expand this knowledge base by using financial local government data and opinion data from the European Values Study to analyse these questions. It relates the level of local government responsibilities in Europe to the level of citizen support for increasing local government responsibilities. These findings are then used to develop a research agenda on local government measurement, and to reflect on the difficulties facing the European comparative local government researcher. Keywords: • comparative local government • citizen attitudes • local government power • decentralisation • local government spending
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5

van Os, Jim, and Jan Neeleman. "European Union government legislation affecting psychiatric practice." Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no. 7 (July 1994): 390–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.7.390.

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Although the process of psychiatric reform is taking place across Europe, national political, economic and historical factors determine to a large extent the manner and pace of its implementation as well as its final shape. The degree of centralisation of health care systems and the degree of prominence of primary care affect how efficiently change can be achieved. Various forms of professional resistance may, in different degrees in European countries, hamper the implementation of community care. The widely varying contexts in which psychiatric reform takes place throughout Europe, should provide a fertile area for future comparative research.
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6

Turner, Louis. "Comparative government-industry relations: Western Europe, the United States, and Japan." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621873.

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7

Pepinsky, Thomas B. "The Global Economic Crisis and the Politics of Non-Transitions." Government and Opposition 47, no. 2 (2012): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01361.x.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the effects of the global economic crisis (GEC) on political change. A number of emerging European economies have experienced political turnover, but in other emerging and transition economies, government turnover and regime change have been comparatively rare. Two factors – incumbent governments' responsibility for the current crisis and their responsiveness to its domestic economic effects – shape the political effects of the GEC. Outside Europe, most emerging economies have experienced this crisis as an external shock to trade and investment rather than a domestic financial crisis. As a consequence, their governments have experienced less severe economic contractions, and have been able credibly to portray themselves as victims of, rather than causes of, the economic difficulties that they currently face. By placing political turnover in emerging Europe in comparative perspective, this argument provides a new perspective on the consequences of economic integration on national politics for emerging economies around the world.
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8

Xu, Bo. "A Comparative Study of Language Educational Policy in China and Western Europe." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4351.

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Nowadays, English has become a very important communicative tool for people from non-English-dominant countries. The Chinese government has been trying to push its residents to keep this pace for decades while recently most Western European countries try to avoid English teaching to protect their languages and cultures. Most Chinese students have to study English when they enter Grade 3. The College English Test Band 4 (CET4) has been the basic examination for Chinese students for decades and some universities will even require their students to pass CET6. Certificates of proving passing CET4 and CET6 will also offer help in job hunting. Recently, Chinese government even released the “Chinese culture go abroad” which aims to teach students how to spread Chinese cultures in English. For Western countries, Germany government want to protect their language and maintain the use of English at the same time while English academic writing continues to develop in Italy even these triggered severe debates. Now the Chinese government can see their reward after policies released for decades as it has become one of the strong competitors on academic area while the objectors in Western Europe are still working hard to defend their opinions. However, there are problems with policies released by the Chinese government as some teachers will argue that learning English cost a huge part of students’ time.
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9

Nurmi, Hannu. "Multiparty government. The politics of coalition in Europe; comparative European politics series." European Journal of Political Economy 8, no. 1 (February 1992): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0176-2680(92)90064-n.

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10

Hobolt, Sara Binzer, and Robert Klemmemsen. "Responsive Government? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00534.x.

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The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.
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McGlynn, Sean. "British Nationalism and Europe: A Medieval Comparison." Politics 16, no. 3 (September 1996): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00036.x.

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This paper draws attention to the notable parallels between the problems faced by John Major and his government over Europe and a comparative situation from the 13th century. It shows that nationalism has been a leading force in politics for far longer than chronocentric analysis has allowed and that rulers – whether kings or prime ministers – ignore it at their own cost.1
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12

Ágh, Attila. "The Transition to Democracy in Central Europe: A Comparative View." Journal of Public Policy 11, no. 2 (April 1991): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006176.

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ABSTRACTThe collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe has also caused the collapse of old-fashioned studies of Communist systems that subscribed to a simple notion of totalitarian uniformity, or a static belief in the continuance of self-equilibrating cycles within socialist states. To understand what is happening in Central and Eastern Europe today we need to be discriminating in a choice of paradigms. European conceptions of democracy as having a socio-economic as well as political dimension are more relevant than formalist American definitions. Moreover, Europe, in the form of the European Community, is also a much more immediate influence than the United States upon what is happening in Central or Eastern Europe. The transition to democracy in Southern Europe provides encouraging models for ex-Soviet satellites. The failure of Latin American countries to democratize provides warnings, such as the risk that Presidential government can produce dictatorship or instability, a risk that is present in new democracies in Europe too.
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13

Firdaus, Pramudhian, and Raldi Hendro Koestoer. "Future Flood Management and Control Policies: A Comparative Study of Europe and Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Earth Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2022): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.52562/injoes.v2i2.379.

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Human activities have caused changes in land use, climate, and rainfall in the last few centuries, one of which is marked by an increase in the occurrence of floods. Flood events in Europe in the period 1998 – 2009 caused more than 1100 damage and displacement of more than one million people. To overcome this, the European Commission (EC) published the Flood Directive 2007/60/EC (FD) with the aim of reducing and managing flood risks for human health, the environment, natural resources, and economic activities. This paper aims to determine the policies and management of the government and the community towards flood disaster management in the future from the results of research conducted in countries in Europe (Portugal, Slovenia, Serbia, and Bosnia & Herzegovina) and then a comparison is made with conditions in Europe. Indonesia to see the differences and similarities in the perception of the government and the public regarding policies and management of flood events that occur in Indonesia. The provision of infrastructure requires not only technical and financial capacity but also appropriate coordination between different government agencies. Disaster risk reduction through appropriate land use planning and control is an important instrument for securing urban areas from flooding (as a result of a case study in Indonesia). Perceptions of future flood management and control policies require serious attention from various lines, especially within the government as policy makers and the community as implementers in the field.
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14

Knudsen, Jette Steen, Jeremy Moon, and Rieneke Slager. "Government policies for corporate social responsibility in Europe: a comparative analysis of institutionalisation." Policy & Politics 43, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557312x656016.

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15

Androniceanu, Armenia, and Irina Georgescu. "E-PARTICIPATION IN EUROPE: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE." Public Administration Issues, no. 5 (2022): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1999-5431-2022-0-5-7-29.

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Public participation is a way for stakeholders of public institutions to participate in the public decision-making process, planning, organizing, and financing activities to achieve common public goals. The research underlying this paper examines the ability of EU states to support e-participation in various ways and activities. The aim of the research is to identify the particularities of EU countries regarding e-participation and to analyze comparatively the changes that took place in the administrations of European states in the period 2010-2018. For this, EViews was applied with the ARDL model (Autoregressive Distributed Lag) to analyze both the variables and the dynamics of the relations between them in the considered period. The data on which the research was conducted were selected from the Eurostat portal, the World Bank, and the United Nations E-Government Database. The results show that during the period analyzed, in most European countries platforms and programs dedicated to cooperation and consultation between the administration, citizens, and economic agents were developed. These changes have led to a reduction in the costs of operating the administrative apparatus and a considerable decrease in administrative bureaucracy. The originality of the research lies in using the ARDL analysis model on e-participation data series in most European countries when ICT (information and communication technology) had a major impact on accelerating the cooperation of administrations with their stakeholders. Good e-participation practices identified in European countries show that efforts to integrate information and communication technologies into state administrations and their relations with citizens are needed and generate major economic and social benefits. States can take models from each other and adapt good practices to their specific realities. Research has highlighted the real need to accelerate this process in Europe, for effective communication between state administrations and between them and their stakeholders.
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16

Akkerman, Tjitske, and Sarah L. de Lange. "Radical Right Parties in Office: Incumbency Records and the Electoral Cost of Governing." Government and Opposition 47, no. 4 (2012): 574–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2012.01375.x.

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AbstractRadical right parties are becoming increasingly likely candidates to participate in government coalitions in Western Europe. Comparative research on the electoral performance of these parties in government is still scarce. Our overview of the electoral effects of government participation of six parties in national governments shows that they do not run a higher risk of losing votes after government participation than other parties. There is considerable variation, however. Some radical right parties experienced great losses, while others won additional support. Focusing on the ways in which radical right parties conducted themselves in government, we explore why some parties won votes and others lost in post-incumbency elections. We compare their policy achievements with regard to immigration and integration policies, the performance of their ministers, and the party coherence of the six parties in office. Our analysis shows that policy records do not fully explain the variation in post-incumbency electoral results. Weak performance and internal party conflict prevent parties from credibly laying claim to the policy achievements of coalition governments and demonstrate that some of these parties were not ready for office.
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17

Ieraci, Giuseppe. "Government Alternation and Patterns of Competition in Europe: Comparative Data in Search of Explanations." West European Politics 35, no. 3 (May 2012): 530–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.665739.

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18

Georgiou, Christakis. "Corporate reconstructions of federal macroeconomic government institutions compared: USA then, Europe Now." Comparative European Politics 19, no. 3 (March 24, 2021): 401–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00239-4.

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AbstractThis paper is a contribution to the comparative historical literature on the development of American and European federal macroeconomic government institutions, spawned by the 2010–12 Eurozone crisis. The literature has two major shortcomings, namely a lack of agreement on relevant periodization and a lack of causal explanations about the sources of the processes being compared. My claim is that the most relevant comparison is between the first half of the twentieth century for the USA and the period beginning in the 1980s for the European Union. The reason for this is the underlying and profound socio-economic process of the corporate reconstruction of American and European capitalisms, which I identify as the root cause of the development of federal macroeconomic government institutions in both polities.
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Dairabayeva, Karlygash, and Elias Carayannis. "Targeted Trade-Related Policies and Manufacturing Firm Productivity in Eastern Europe and Central Asia: Effect of Corruption." Global Economy Journal 14, no. 2 (April 2014): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2013-0055.

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In recent years, there have been several successful examples of government-initiated trade-related policies aimed at developing industries that constitute a country’s comparative advantage. By implementing industry-specific, trade-related targeted reforms (i.e. reducing tariffs for imported equipment, thereby facilitating technology adaptation, providing access to expert consultants to help firms adhere to global standards, and simplifying customs procedures), the respective governments helped firms in nascent industries grow and become more productive. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the ongoing debate on government intervention ( Lin and Chang 2009 ) and whether such intervention should be targeted to certain industries or not. Using a sample of 588 manufacturing firms in Eastern Europe and Central Asia (ECA), we find that targeted, trade-related, government policies have a limited impact on the firm total factor productivity. Contrary to the views of proponents of targeted policies, there is a “threshold of economic, legal, and political development,” below which targeted policies do not work in the ECA region and are impacted by existence and effectiveness of corruption.
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Wielechowski, Michał. "GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE ON AGRICULTURE – A EUROPEAN, REGIONAL AND WORLD PERSPECTIVE." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXI, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 561–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5732.

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he aim of the paper was to present the changes taking place in relation to public expenditure on agriculture, the share of agriculture in creating GDP, and the level of orientation of national economies on agriculture using the Agricultural Orientation Index from a global, SDG regions’ and European countries’ perspective. The data source was the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). The adopted research period covered the years 2003-2017. The research results showed that national governments spent less than 2% of their total expenditure on agriculture. Taking into account an SDG regional groupings’ perspective, Central and Southern Asia and Eastern and South-Eastern Asia were two regions allocating the largest part of central government expenditure to the agricultural sector. Among SDG regions, the highest AOI levels were represented by Europe and Northern America. European countries spending relatively the most on agriculture were Belarus, Switzerland and the Republic of Moldova. However, the most agri-oriented countries in Europe were Switzerland, Luxemburg and Finland. Agriculture did not belong to the priority list for national central governments in allocating budgets towards this sector, worldwide. The study should be considered comparative and a challenge for future research.
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Barker, Kim, Enrique Uribe-Jongbloed, and Tobias Scholz. "COVID-19 and the ‘Myriad’: A Comparative Assessment of Emergency Responses from Europe and South America." Legalities 1, no. 1 (March 2021): 116–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/legal.2021.0009.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted – across intricate borders, different geographies, and legal jurisdictions – that there is only so much that can be done in the way of governance to tackle the challenge posed by a virus. The pandemic is a global problem, one which has affected almost every country in significant and seldom-felt ways. Governments have been forced to react, to respond with emergency measures, temporary rules and legislation, and impose restrictions on freedoms. It has brought to the fore a range of responses, locally, regionally, nationally, and internationally. What is particularly evident across the unfolding of the pandemic is the divergent approaches in introducing governance measures to control behaviour, to share data and information, and to report on the pandemic while holding decision-makers to account. Much of the reporting of government reactions to the pandemic has focussed on emergency restrictions, lockdowns, the suspension of ‘normal’ gatherings, public health data, and tracing apps. Each of these is bundled up with concerns over the interferences with freedoms, a lack of scrutiny and holding to account of governance bodies and lawmakers, and privacy concerns. The new ways of working, governing, and communicating emergency rules is a COVID-19 legacy for governments, but is it one that will shift our expectations? The balance between fundamental freedoms has been – to an extent – pitted against the public health agenda and the nature of the emergency response by governments across the world, but particularly in Germany, the UK, and South America. This article explores the nature of the government responses through emergency measures (and restrictions) and tracing programmes in three countries: Germany, the United Kingdom, and Colombia. The assessment – and comparison – of three countries, across two diverse regions – offers a unique discussion from the perspective of pandemic responses to the COVID-19 emergency. The pandemic itself provides an opportunity to compare countries, governance responses, and legalities that may not otherwise be possible. The myriad of responses seen throughout the pandemic offers a unique opportunity for comparative discussion – this paper provides that discussion, but in so doing, assesses whether it is possible to recommend a ‘one size fits all’ approach to governance emergencies.
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Koca, Zafer. "Government Responses to COVID-19: A Comparative Analysis of Visegrad Countries." Central European Public Administration Review 20, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/cepar.2022.1.03.

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Purpose: The purpose of this study is to compare government responses and the challenges faced by public authorities in the Visegrad/V4 countries during the Covid-19 outbreak. Design/Methodology/Approach: The study is based on a comparative analysis method. In this study, we analysed government responses through literature review and data obtained from various databases. The data used in the study were collected from ourworldindata.org, OECD, WHO, World Bank, Eurostat databases, CoronaNET dataset and Covid-19 Government Response Tracker. Findings: The Visegrad countries did well during the initial phase of the Covid-19 pandemic. Compared to many other countries in Europe or in the world, they had less cases and lower death rates. What made them successful was timely and decisive reactions and harsh measures to curb Covid-19. They all implemented Non-Pharmaceutical Interventions strictly. Mandatory mask wearing, trust in the government and people’s tendency to obey the rules all helped V4 members in the fight against Covid-19. However, in two countries (Poland and Hungary) of the V4 Group, democracy was in decline during the outbreak. Practical Implications: The study shows that pandemics spread rapidly and affect many countries within a short time. They have a significant impact on public health, the economy, and social and political structures of the countries. In order to reduce or prevent their effects, the governments must provide a timely response. Timing is a key success factor in the fight against the pandemics and helps minimise the consequences thereof. Originality/Value: The study aims to contribute a detailed and comparative analysis of government responses and challenges of V4 countries in the fight against Covid-19 in the initial stage of the outbreak.
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Rosicki, Remigiusz. "Political topology of Europe." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.6.

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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.
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Lidström, Anders. "Public Authorities and Intermunicipal Cooperation in a European Context." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 2 (August 3, 2016): 403–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416630613.

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Although not entirely clear with regard to definitions and delimitations, the article by Savitch and Adhikari opens up for a comparative research agenda of considerable importance for better understanding the preconditions for how the metropolis can be governed. Their suggestion that public authorities are important for solving collective problems in the metropolitan areas is also relevant in a European context. There is already a tradition in Europe to establish cooperative arrangements between metropolitan local governments for tasks that requires a larger territorial scale, but Savitch and Adhikari direct our attention to private law arrangements, i.e. inter-municipal corporations. Also in Europe, these have become increasingly common, which may be understood in the light of the increasing marketization of local government. Although lacking in democratic legitimacy, they provide more flexibility and may also include private businesses in their governing body. However, knowledge about their occurrence and functions is limited, which calls for further, systematic and comparative research. In particular, it should be investigated whether they, as in the US, are more common in the metropolitan areas with the strongest resources.
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Mikheev, A. K. "FACTORS OF GREEN PARTIES’ PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENTS OF WEST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IN THE XXI CENTURY." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 1 (2022): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-74-83.

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In Western Europe, "green" parties enjoy electoral popularity, they regularly represent at in national parliaments, and in some cases, participate in the formation of government coalitions. Since different theoretical approaches offer various explanations for the formation of government coalitions, the author in this article raises the question of what combinations of factors contribute to the participation of "green" parties in the national governments of Western Europe. The study was conducted on the basis of the Manifesto Project database and statistical information on parties, national parliaments and CO2 emissions into the atmosphere. Using a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), the author comes to the conclusion that the participation / non-participation of "green" parties in government coalitions is explained by a combination of factors drawing from different theoretical approaches. The most favorable combination is the ideological proximity of the "greens" on issues important to the Prime Minister's party, a large share of seats in parliament, electoral success compared to previous elections, and an environmentally positive situation in the country. At the same time, the study shows that since the prime minister's party is leading in the coalition, it is the proximity of the "green" party on issues that are significant for this party that affects its participation in government to a greater extent than the proximity between them on environmental issues.
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Ismail, Adibah. "MEDIA FREEDOM AND CONTROL IN MALAYSIA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY." International Journal of Modern Trends in Social Sciences 3, no. 13 (September 15, 2020): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631//ijmtss.313003.

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Media freedom and media control are two concepts closely related to democracy where it involves the struggle and cooperation between media and the government. Although Freedom House – an international body that classified a few countries in Europe as practicing press freedom, the truth is absolute press freedom does not exist. Those countries actually have their own control mechanism. In Malaysia, media freedom and media control are always questioned because the government was accused of using various reasons to control media freedom. The media freedom issue is considered as not important for a developing country like Malaysia because multiracial harmony is essential in order for the government to focus on the development. However, the advancement of technology has loosened the government’s control and makes it more complex. This situation has raised concerns about how the media can be controlled in the era of new media. Through a literature review of secondary sources, this article is going to evaluate the control element in the Agenda Setting Theory proposed by McCombs and Shaw (1972) and how press freedom in Malaysia has been impacted by the advancement of communication technology. This article will also suggest a few solutions for the government to control the media in the era of new media.
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Piddubnyi, Oleksii Yu, Liudmyla D. Rudenko, Liusia V. Hbur, Valentyna V. Nezhevelo, and Viktoriia P. Oleksiuk. "Legislative Support for Expanding The Land Powers of Local Self-Government Bodies in Ukraine." International Journal of Agricultural Extension 9, no. 4 (August 18, 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/ijae.009.00.3721.

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The relevance of this study is conditioned by the implementation of the reform in the context of the decentralisation of power in Ukraine, the aspirations of Ukraine for European integration and the movement for the creation of a "Europe of Regions". The purpose of the study is to comprehensively investigate the legislative support for expanding the land powers of local self-government bodies in Ukraine in the context of the movement for the creation of a "Europe of Regions" based on the analysis of scientific opinions, generalisation of the provisions of Ukrainian legislation and positive experience of other countries. Universal methods were used in the study: dialectical, empirical, and logical. The general scientific methods of cognition used in this study include analysis and synthesis, generalisation, modelling, etc. In addition, the study applied the following special legal methods: conceptual legal, comparative legal, formal legal, etc. The leading method in the study was the comparative legal method. It helped compare the specific features of the practice of other countries in the field of legislative support for the expansion of land powers of local self-government bodies, as well as identify how this issue is regulated in different countries of the continental model of the land management system. Information and knowledge from different countries can be used as a basis for the adoption, adaptation, and development of new relevant provisions in Ukraine. Based on the legislation on local self-government and land legislation, the study analysed the main powers of local self-government bodies in the management of land relations. The experience of the land management system in developed countries is studied considering the movement for the creation of a "Europe of Regions", focusing the research on the continental model of the land management system.
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Chernov, Victor. "SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN EUROPE: CLASSIFICATION AND COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS By the example of the EU countries." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 48, no. 1 (2008): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2008-48-1-142-159.

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Joseph, Lincy, Mathew George, Kalpesh K. Malaviya, Kalpesh K. Malaviya, Bincy K. Chacko, and Jitendra Kumar Badjatya. "COMPARATIVE STUDY FOR GENERIC DRUG APPROVAL PROCESS AND THEIR REGISTRATION AS PER CTD IN EUROPE, USA AND BRAZIL." International Journal of Drug Regulatory Affairs 4, no. 2 (June 6, 2016): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22270/ijdra.v4i2.14.

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This aims to compare the generic drug approval and registration process in the regulatory market of Europe, USA andBrazil. Based on the information collected from various sources such as regulatory sites, Government websites,discussion with regulatory agent, interviewing pharma professionals and literature survey from various journals, aclear picture on the generic drug approval and registration process of each country was drawn. The differentauthorities’ viz. European Medicines Evaluation Agency (EMEA) of Europe, Food Drug Administration (FDA) ofUSA and National Health Surveillance Agency (ANVISA) of Brazil carried out the generic drug approval andregistration process in the respective countries. After analysing the various requirements for the generic drug approvalin the above stated countries, it was concluded that the regulatory guidelines of Europe and Brazil was not welldefined. But FDA gives very much well defined requirements.
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Rihoux, Benoît, and Sakura Yamasaki. "Participation gouvernementale et adaptation organisationnelle : une analyse qualiquantitative comparée des partis écologistes en Europe occidentale." Res Publica 45, no. 1 (March 31, 2003): 143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v45i1.18430.

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This contribution explores the reciprocal links between the organisational transformation of Western European Green parties and the access of some of these parties to national government participation. On the one hand, a series of hypotheses with regard to the possible link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to governmental participation are examined. On the other hand, the opposite question is addressed : that of the potential impact of governmental participation on further organisational adaptation. Following both a qualitative and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), one does ultimately identify a link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to government, but a much more indirect and contrasted link between governmental participation and further organisational adaptation.
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Rüdig, Wolfgang, and Javier Sajuria. "Green party members and grass-roots democracy: A comparative analysis." Party Politics 26, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754600.

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When Green parties emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, their political project included a strong commitment to a new type of internal party organization, giving power to the ‘grass roots’. With Green parties having become well established in most West European party systems, has the vision of ‘grass-roots democracy’ survived the party foundation stage? What drives the ongoing or waning commitment to grass-roots democracy? Analysing party membership survey data from 15 parties collected in the early 2000s when many Green parties had for the first time become involved in national government, we find that it is the social movement oriented, pacifist, left-wing membership that is most committed to grass-roots democracy. It is the current involvement in social movements rather than past activity that is most important. Support for grass-roots democracy is also stronger in ‘Latin Europe’ and Greece but weaker in parties which have become established in parliament and government.
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Noor Amira Syazwani Abd Rahman, Jamal Rizal Razali, MOHD ROZAIMY RIDZUAN, and Soon Yew. "A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON CHILDHOOD VACCINATION POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES, AUSTRALIA, EUROPE AND MALAYSIA." International Journal of Humanities Technology and Civilization 7, no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15282/ijhtc.v7i1.7613.

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Vaccination from an early in life is one of the most effective medical strategies for reducing infant mortality and morbidity while also ensuring the well-being of society. Following World Health Organization (WHO) recommendations, vaccination is provided free of charge to children worldwide as part of the country's maternal and child health programmes. Nevertheless, many people believe vaccines are harmful and unnecessary, even though they are widely accepted as an effective preventive measure in public health. Many previously eradicated infectious diseases have reappeared because of vaccine hesitancy. Due to vaccine rejection, vaccine avoidance is becoming increasingly common around the world. As a result, the WHO has identified vaccine hesitancy as one of the top ten global health threats for 2019. However, policies that encourage parents to vaccinate their children, on the other hand, may increase their willingness to do so. Government policy instruments such as mandatory regulation, incentives, promotion, and education can be used to influence parental intentions. Policy measures can encourage parents' intentions to vaccinate their children. Consequently, governments can use policy instruments like required regulation, incentives and promotion to control parents' intentions. This paper examines relevant literature on childhood vaccination policies in several countries, including Malaysia, using academic journals and observations from various articles. It is hoped that this study will add to existing knowledge about childhood vaccination policies around the world.
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Susan, Mike. "Financial Crisis and Europe: An eventual post-scenario analysis." Scholedge International Journal of Business Policy & Governance ISSN 2394-3351 3, no. 1 (February 20, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijbpg030101.

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It is a typical abstain of political strategists that you ought not release a decent emergency to squander. Seven years on from the beginnings of the worldwide money related emergency, we can make an evaluation of whether that saying was taken after. The reaction in Europe was generally one of expanded government obtaining, counterbalance by bundles of expense rises and spending cuts. The methodologies in France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom have been in a few ways comparative, however essential contrasts in a critical position of assessments and cuts, in the zones focused on and in the sorts of family units influenced have permitted us to make some unmistakable inferences about the effect of the Great Recession.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.

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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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Pál, Ádám, and Michal Radvan. "Financial Autonomy of the Local Self-governments in the Countries of the Visegrad Group in the Context of the European Charter of Local Self-government." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 20, no. 4 (November 2, 2022): 1143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/20.4.1143-1169(2022).

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The authors of the paper aim to provide a comparative insight into the financial autonomy of local self-governments in four Central European countries: Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, and the Czech Republic. The topic is presented through the relevant provisions of the European Charter of Local Self-Government, the only legally binding multilateral treaty in Europe addressing local self-governance. As all the four examined states are parties to the document, the authors used the outputs of its monitoring process to analyze the situation under all the relevant provisions of the Charter, paragraph by paragraph. Considering that certain provisions of the Charter enjoy a superior position compared to the others (core provisions), the authors formulated a hypothesis according to which, in the area of financial autonomy, these core provisions are the most problematic ones in terms of their successful implementation. Using analytical, statistical, and comparative methods, the authors concluded that the hypothesis was confirmed, as most shortcomings were identified in the fields covered by these provisions, meaning that besides the lack of sufficient resources, the lack of ability to influence the amount of these resources is also often present in the studied countries.
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Kucharov, Jamshid K. "PLACE OF BUKHARA IN DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN TRADE DURING THE GOVERNMENT OF AMIR TEMUR AND TEMURID." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 5 (May 30, 2021): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-5-6.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of historical literature data on the participation of Bukhara in domestic and foreign trade during the reign of Amir Temur Temurids, trade routes from Bukhara to neighboring countries, attempts by rulers such as AmirTemur and Ulugbek to turn Bukhara into a trade and financial center of the country. Examples of zandanich fabric and its distribution in Eastern Europe during the reign of Amir Temur and the Temurids, as well as handicrafts made in Bukhara and their demand in the domestic and foreign markets
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37

Rensmann, Lars, Sarah L. De Lange, and Stefan Couperus. "Editorial to the Issue on Populism and the Remaking of (Il)Liberal Democracy in Europe." Politics and Governance 5, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i4.1328.

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Populism has become the issue of comparative political science today. The rise and continuing success of populist parties is by now evident across Europe, despite persistent cross-national variations. Populist parties’ electoral success and their participation in government have raised questions about their impact: not just on established party systems, but also on the systemic core of European democracies. In theory, this impact can be both beneficial for, as well as a challenge to democracy in general, and the tenets of liberal constitutional democracy in particular. The presence of populist parties has, in several cases, increased electoral turnout and public participation, which is generally seen as a positive effect when measuring the quality of democracy. However, populist parties’ rise also points to negative effects. In addition to profoundly reshaping European party systems, they advocate what the populist Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán calls “illiberal democracy”. Both as an ideal and as an institutional practice when in government, the illiberal remaking of democracy implies eroding the separation of powers and subordinating constitutionally guaranteed individual civil and human rights to an alleged “general will” and a particular conception of “the people”. The thematic issue explores the ideological supply, favorable conditions, political contexts and dynamics, as well as the impact of the populist surge in Europe in relation to the systemic consolidation of (il)liberal democracy on a theoretical and comparative empirical level.
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38

Adamuscin, Andrej, Sławomir Palicki, and Izabela Rącka. "Real Estate Appraisal in Central-Eastern Europe: Comparative Analysis of Poland and Slovakia." Real Estate Management and Valuation 25, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/remav-2017-0029.

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Abstract The countries in Central-Eastern Europe have been subjected to dynamic economic changes. Researchers from Poland and Slovakia study the history of the creation of and rules by which the real estate appraiser’s profession functions. They also present the methodological basics for property appraisals. The original value of this article is a comparative analysis depicting the similarities and differences occurring in the research area, in two countries from the same region of Europe. The analysis may also influence the methodological discussions of specialists concerning the correctness and purpose of certain approaches, methods or techniques of property appraisal. The main goal of this article is conducting research on the operational rules of the real estate appraiser profession and property appraisal methods. The detailed objectives include: a critical comparative analysis of the solutions used in the above-mentioned countries, searching for interesting, unusual methodological propositions, and presenting a current assessment of the applied property appraisal methodology. The foremost methods used in this article are: the analysis of legislative instruments, the analysis of literature concerning property appraisal methodology in Poland and Slovakia, and a questionnaire (CAWI and PAPI technique). Complementary knowledge was derived from official government internet portals and trade associations dealing with property appraisals. A comparative analysis was the basis for conducting research on the similarities and differences in the studied countries.
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39

Griglio, Elena, and Nicola Lupo. "Parliaments in Europe Engaging in Post-legislative Scrutiny." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 4, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v4i1.18017.

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Post-legislative scrutiny (PLS) is not completely new to European parliamentarism. In the last few decades, this activity has experienced rapid development, either pushed by supranational trends on better regulation or fostered by national constitutional reforms. However, the involvement of parliaments in the ex post stage of law-making still remains under-theorised. This article aims at providing a comparative overview of the main rules, practices and trends on post-legislative scrutiny in Europe, focusing on the experience of three bicameral Parliaments: the French, Italian and Swiss Parliaments which have been selected as examples of three proactive approaches to post-legislative scrutiny, based on alternative bicameral arrangements. After providing a general overview of the main options that support the involvement of parliaments in the ex-post stage of law-making, the article examines how the benchmark case studies address the following variables: the internal organisation of the ex-post scrutiny, including the role of the administrative staff; the scrutiny object, either referred to single pieces of legislation or to a whole policy; the scope of the ex-post scrutiny, verifying whether it is interpreted as a purely legal dimension or it comprises also forms of impact assessment; the outcomes of the ex-post scrutiny, and more specifically its contribution to the legislative decision-making. The paper demonstrates that PLS in parliament may lead to political outcomes addressing the government when the form of government, the constitutional framework and the party dimension support a competitive use of this tool in the legislative-executive interaction.
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Hao, Jianli, Francesco Di Maria, Zhikun Chen, Shiwang Yu, Wenting Ma, and Luigi Di Sarno. "COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ON-SITE SORTING FOR C&D IN CHINA AND EUROPE." Detritus, no. 13 (November 30, 2020): 114–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31025/2611-4135/2020.14029.

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Construction and demolition waste (CDW) accounts for 40% of urban municipal waste in China and around 25% in the European Union (EU). Since the EU is more developed and urbanized than China, its experience with managing CDW may be helpful to China. This study therefore compared China and the EU with respect to the flow of CDW materials and the policies, laws and regulations for CDW management. The results reveal that the CDW management practices and facilities in China are relatively underdeveloped with a large amount of low-value inert material going to landfill compared with the EU. The study also reveals the important role of government involvement in CDW management, including the use of punitive measures and preferential policies; most EU members states achieved their waste recovery rates by 2016 due to mature CDW legalization. To improve the management of CDW in China, a series of suggestions are proposed including waste prevention strategies, establishment of supervision mechanisms, and financial support.
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41

Reynaert, Herwig. "The Social Base of Political Recruitment. A Comparative Study of Local Councillors in Europe." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 10, no. 1 (January 25, 2012): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/10.1.19-36.

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Local councillor recruitment operates in such a way that it favours the possibility for individuals with certain characteristics to enter and to remain in public office. One of the central questions then becomes: what are these characteristics and how do they influence the selection chances of these specific individuals? The aim of this contribution is to comparatively study a number of these questions for the population of local councillors in Europe. It evokes questions on the similarity or divergence of social biases in political recruitment in different local political systems. Do the same social background characteristics distinguish ‘the many’ from ‘the few’ in all countries under study? Do certain patterns in the ‘skewing’ of social background emerge and to what extent can they be linked to different institutional histories in local government? As such this study is one of the first to structurally scrutinise local councillors in such a systematic variety of political systems.
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42

Schakel, Arjan H. "Federalism and Regionalism in Western Europe. A Comparative and Thematic Analysis: The Architecture of Government: Rethinking Political Decentralization." Acta Politica 44, no. 1 (February 26, 2009): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.34.

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43

Ding, Xuhui, Zhongyao Cai, Wei Zhu, and Zhu Fu. "Study on the Spatial Differentiation of Public Health Service Capabilities of European Union under the Background of the COVID-19 Crisis." Healthcare 8, no. 4 (September 24, 2020): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare8040358.

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Access to public health services is a cause that benefits the people and concerns the vital interests of the people. Everyone has access to basic health care services. The continuous improvement in people’s health is an important indicator of the improvement in people’s quality of life. This paper selects data from the European Union (EU) on aspects of public health expenditure, medical care resources, and government emergency coordination capacity from the period 2008 to 2017. Principal component analysis and factor analysis are used to measure their public health service capacity scores and conduct a comparative analysis. On this basis, the TOBIT model is adopted to explore the driving factors that lead to the spatial differentiation of public health service capabilities, and to combine it with the data of the COVID-19 epidemic as of 8 August 2020 from the official announcements of the World Health Organization and governments for further thinking. The results indicate that the public health service capacity of countries in the EU is showing a gradual increase. The capacity in Western Europe is, in turn, higher than that of Northern Europe, Southern Europe and Eastern Europe. In addition, the overall capacity in Western Europe is relatively high, but it is not balanced and stable, while Northern Europe has remained stable and balanced at a high level. Population density, degree of opening up, education level, economic development level, technological innovation level, and degree of aging have a positive effect on public health service capabilities. The level of urbanization has a negative effect on it. However, in countries with strong public health service capabilities, the epidemic of COVID-19 is more severe. The emergence of this paradox may be related to the detection capabilities of countries, the high probability of spreading thCOVID-19 epidemic, the inefficient implementation of government policy, the integrated system of the EU and the adverse selection of youth. This paper aims to improve the ability of the EU to respond to public health emergencies, improve the utilization of medical and health resources, and better protect people’s health from the perspective of public health service capacity.
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Viktoria Shvedun, Оlena Postupna, Оleksii Stepanko, Viktoria Shvedun, Оlena Postupna, Оleksii Stepanko, and Polina Aliieva, Elvira Seidova-Bohoslovska Polina Aliieva, Elvira Seidova-Bohoslovska. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF BUSINESS PROCESS DIGITALIZATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS." Socio World-Social Research & Behavioral Sciences 08, no. 02 (October 31, 2022): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd08022022-45.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the foreign experience of business process digitalization in local government institutions. The authors indicate the following main internal problems regarding the introduction of digital models of public administration in Ukraine: the absence of an officially defined category-concept apparatus; the non-compliance with legal, informational-analytical, scientific-methodical, financial, organizational-technical, personnel support, etc. The authors underline that digital technologies and their use in all spheres of society's life-activity allow to create new business practices that are reflected in the emergence of gig economy, freelancing, crowdfunding, crowdsourcing, crowdcasting, etc. and other new types of services. A comparative analysis of public administration models in different countries indicates that the institutions and mechanics of public power of the countries of Europe, the USA, Japan, China and others are caught by various historical, economic, political and cultural experience. In each of the models, the function of public administration bodies supports the necessary level of regulation of social and economic processes and ensures stable public development. Keywords: local government institutions, business process digitalization, public administration model, foreign experience.
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45

Wang, Xinyue. "Policy evaluation of electric vehicle promotion in China and Europe." Highlights in Science, Engineering and Technology 26 (December 30, 2022): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hset.v26i.3633.

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In order to meet the goals for carbon neutrality, China and Europe are both adopting a variety of strategies to encourage electric vehicles as an alternative to gasoline vehicles. However, government incentives have changed in 2022, and the factors influencing the expansion of the electric vehicle market have changed. This paper provides a comparative analysis of European and Chinese policies on the promotion of electric vehicles over the last decade and makes predictions and recommendations for future developments based on the current market situation. Although the market for electric vehicles in China and Europe is slow to expand in the short term, in the long term, the market for these vehicles, which are very beneficial in reducing carbon emissions, will continue to expand. This paper hopes to provide a state-of-the-art understanding of the policies regarding the promotion of renewable energy cars, thus facilitating the worldwide goals of achieving carbon neutrality.
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46

Nunes Silva, Carlos. "Local Political Leadership in Portugal: Excepcionalism or Convergence Towards a 'Mayoral Model'?" Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 7, no. 3 (October 14, 2009): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/85.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the reform of institutional forms that frame local government in Portugal, and to put them into a comparative European perspective. The paper addresses the following research question: To what extent have Portuguese local government reforms shown convergence or divergence with the local political leadership models in Europe over the last three decades of democracy? We hypothesized that reforms affected the local government system in different ways, using some of its components and following more explicitly international trends than others. This hypothesis was tested against the model of local political leadership, including the rules governing the recruitment of mayors and local councillors. This study is based on both archival research for the Portuguese case and the literature review for the survey of international trends. The findings indicate the existence of similarities between reforms in Portugal and reforms in other European countries. But they also indicate divergence in some important dimensions of the local government system. KEYWORDS: • local government reform • institutional forms • recruitment • models of local political leadership • Portugal
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47

Conti, Nicolò, Swen Hutter, and Kyriaki Nanou. "Party competition and political representation in crisis." Party Politics 24, no. 1 (January 2018): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817740758.

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The aim of the special issue is to investigate through a comparative lens the impact of the recent economic crisis and consequent austerity measures on party competition and political representation in Europe. All six contributions focus on the substance of political conflict and provide new insights about the impact of the crisis on (a) the policy agendas of political parties, (b) the relationship between government and opposition parties, and (c) how citizens’ preferences are represented by political parties. Theoretically, the contributions link the literatures on party competition, responsiveness, agenda-setting, and social movements. Empirically, they provide new empirical material, in particular on the countries in Southern Europe which were hard hit by the crisis. The introduction presents the rationale of the special issue and summarizes the focus and findings of the six contributions.
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48

Ilnytskyi, Oleh, and Bogusław Przywora. "A Local Referendum in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland – A Comparative Analysis." Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (December 31, 2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202266.

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We present the institution of a local referendum from a comparative perspective on the example of legal regulations in Ukraine and Poland. The study is the result of the ongoing research of the two Authors and is of crucial importance in the current political situation – the Russian aggression against Ukraine. Hence, it is relevant both nationally, Europe-wide and internationally. The analysis includes a legal comparative analysis of institutions and an attempt to assess their effectiveness. The authors point out that there is a need for effective ‘safeguarding’ in Ukraine to prevent the referendum from being used as a political instrument (at hoc), against the will of the people. The analysis uses a dogmatic and comparative legal method and draws on the authors’ experience of holding local referendums. This research may be useful not only for the researchers of the local government law but also for the legislators.
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Jentsch, Valentin. "Government Responses on Corona and Contracts in Europe: A Compilation of Extraordinary Measures in Times of Crisis." European Business Law Review 32, Issue 6 (December 1, 2021): 1067–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2021039.

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In March 2020, the new coronavirus (Covid-19) outbreak, which was eventually declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization, changed everyday life all over Europe from one day to another. Under those extraordinary circumstances, a wide range of issues concerning the law of contracts are becoming particularly important. In the early stages of the pandemic, during lockdowns and a subsequent reopening of the economy, many European countries have implemented significant and unprecedented measures in response to the current crisis. Against this backdrop, the more fundamental question arises whether and to what extent we need an extraordinary law of contracts in times of pandemic. Drawing on five important civil law jurisdictions (Germany, Austria, Switzerland, France, Italy), the paper provides for an analysis and discussion of various extraordinary measures taken by European governments and puts these measures into perspective. A functional and comparative approach is used to elaborate on how contract law should respond to the current crisis. Coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic, commercial contracts, consumer contracts, employment contracts, lease contracts
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50

Chapman, Herrick. "Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth; $27.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.

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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?
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