Journal articles on the topic 'Companies (Chartered trading)'

Much has been written about late-nineteenth-century multinationals and their relationship to the transnational firms of the present, but both historians and economists have largely discounted the relevance of the earlier chartered trading companies to this discussion. In an article emphasizing transaction cost analysis and the theory of the firm, Professors Carlos and Nicholas argue that the trading companies did meet the criteria of the modern MNE—the growth of a managerial hierarchy necessitated by a large volume of transactions and of systems to control those managers over space and time.

The Swedish Africa Company (Svenska Afrikakompaniet, SAK) was a chartered trading company which conducted a limited and short-lived trade in the middle of the seventeenth century. Its political and economic significance for Sweden itself was negligible, and in West Africa the Company was one of the smallest and shortest lived of trading companies. At first glance, the SAK appears to be merely a historical curiosity and therefore outside the interest of scientific research. Yet closer examination reveals that the Company was actually quite profitable. An understanding of how t i achieved its success will surely add to our knowledge about European trade in West Africa.

South African listed companies (Johannesburg Stock Exchange, Industrial) have been following the example of British Companies since 1977 in the inclusion of a value-added statement in the annual report. An analysis of the statement of value added in the annual reports of 47 South African companies has shown that in respect of items like the title of the statement, the format, non-trading debits and credits, payroll costs, interest and dividends, taxation and retentions, a variety of practices are followed. The mere fact that information made available in the statement of value added is not standardized, complicates the task of interest groups such as shareholders, creditors, employees, financial analysts and others. This matter should receive the urgent attention of the Accounting Practices Board of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants.

In this paper, a theoretical and operational analysis was carried out on the issue of going concern. First of all, from a theoretical point of view, the subject of going concern has been examined in-depth to explain how the Covid-19 health emergency has impacted the companies' ability to carry out their activities shortly. It also achieves this aim by implementing operational research having as its object forty companies belonging to three macro-sectors: industrial, financial services and non-financial services, whose stocks make up the Italian stock exchange index Ftse Mib (Financial Times Stock Exchange Milan. The FTSE MIB is the benchmark stock index in Italy. It consists of a basket of 40 stocks on the Euronext Milan and Euronext MIV Milan markets identified by capitalisation, trading volume and sector). The theoretical and operational analysis of the concept of going concern was carried out considering, also, the bankruptcy alert indices identified by the Italian National Council of Chartered Accountants and Accounting Experts. These indicators were introduced by Italian legislation with the entry into force of the new Code of Corporate Crisis to identify possible economic and financial instability situations before the state of crisis. The research, as mentioned above, was carried out using the alert indices recognised by the National Council of Chartered Accountants and Accounting Experts. This research emerged that these indices are actually predictive of a company crisis. It also completed the study illustrated in this paper by comparing the results of the bankruptcy's predictive alert indices and Altman's Z-score. It reached the trends identified by the alert indices with the results obtained from Altman's Z-score, and from this comparison, it can see that the final results are similar. The comparison between the alert ratios illustrated by the National Council of Chartered Accountants and Accounting Experts and the results of Altman's Z-score allows us to affirm two observations: undoubtedly, the alert ratios are characterised by a high predictive validity regarding the bankruptcy of companies and, in addition, that these ratios lead to similar results to those that can obtain by applying Altman's Z-score. In this paper, a theoretical and operational analysis was carried out on the issue of going concern. First of all, from a theoretical point of view, the subject of going concern has been examined in-depth to explain how the Covid-19 health emergency has impacted the companies' ability to carry out their activities shortly. It also achieves this aim by implementing operational research having as its object forty companies belonging to three macro-sectors: industrial, financial services and non-financial services, whose stocks make up the Italian stock exchange index Ftse Mib (Financial Times Stock Exchange Milan. The FTSE MIB is the benchmark stock index in Italy. It consists of a basket of 40 stocks on the Euronext Milan and Euronext MIV Milan markets identified by capitalization, trading volume and sector). The theoretical and operational analysis of the concept of going concern was carried out considering, also, the bankruptcy alert indices identified by the Italian National Council of Chartered Accountants and Accounting Experts. These indicators were introduced by Italian legislation with the entry into force of the new Code of Corporate Crisis to identify possible economic and financial instability situations before the state of crisis. The research, as mentioned above, was carried out using the alert indices recognized by the National Council of Chartered Accountants and Accounting Experts. This research emerged that these indices are actually predictive of a company crisis. It also completed the study illustrated in this paper by comparing the results of the bankruptcy's predictive alert indices and Altman's Z-score. It reached the trends identified by the alert indices with the results obtained from Altman's Z-score, and from this comparison, it can see that the final results are similar.

Certain stages of the European expansion process into Asia during the Age of Commercial Capitalism lend themselves well to the comparative historical approach because of the startling similarities and contrasts they offer. The Dutch and English commercial leaps forward into the Orient, for instance, occurred at the same time in the organisational framework of chartered East India Companies - the English East India Company (EIC) and the Dutch Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) — which, moreover, chose the same theatre of action: Southeast Asia (Banten, Spice Islands) and South Asia (Surat and Coromandel). But although the aims, modes of operation and organisation of the two companies had much in common, these nonetheless each finally carved out their own sphere of influence in the trading world of Asia - the Dutch in Southeast Asia and the English in South Asia. While this consolidation process was taking place, the EIC and VOC gradually shed their semblance of being purely maritime trading organisations and, towards the second half of the eighteenth century, acquired the character of territorial powers. A shift in the balance of power also occurred between the two companies: if the Dutch were still paramount in the seventeenth century, the English totally overshadowed them as powerbrokers in Asian waters during the eighteenth. Did this transition of maritime hegemony occur gradually or should we rather speak of a ‘passage brusque et rapide’ as Fernand Braudel has suggested? Was it, as the traditional explanation has it, the inevitable outcome of the decline of the Dutch Republic to a second-rate power in Europe, or were local Asian developments, be they political or commercial, also involved?

The founding of a coastal trading factory at Kayalpatnam in south-eastern India in 1645 initiated a period of nearly a century of cross-cultural contacts between representatives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the Nayaka state of Madurai. Traditionally this area has received little attention in both Dutch and Indian colonial historiography. While Company historians have tended to focus on either Coromandel or Ceylon, the main centres of VOC activity in the region, their Indian counterparts have concentrated on the epic struggle of the Mughals with the Deccan sultanates, and subsequently the Marathas, during this time period. In the true spirit of the great chartered companies, one historian has held a virtual monopoly in the field for more than two decades, from the late fifties to the early eighties. Only recently have other (ethno)historians, anthropologists, indologists, and sociologists turned their attention to the area south of the Kollidam (Coleroon) River and east of the Western Ghats.

Puisqu'il n'existe pas de mots qui ne soient à personne(Bakhtin 1979 in Todorov 1981: 83)Le discours, c'est-à-dire le langage dans sa totalité concrète et vivante.(Bakhtin 1963 in Todorov 1981: 44)European travel accounts are widely used as sources to write the history of societies that did not themselves produce a large amount of textual documentation. On the Coast of Guinea, and more particularly on the area formerly known as Gold Coast (approximately the littoral of modern Ghana), many of the written documents providing historians with information on coastal societies prior to nineteenth century were produced by Europeans travelers. Most of these individuals were merchants, craftsmen, pastors or soldiers who had settled several years in the numerous forts and trading posts erected along the seashore to protect and enhance the trade of chartered companies. Others were seamen and merchants who only spent a few weeks at a stretch plying the African Coast aboard men-of-war or trading ships, exchanging manufactured goods for gold, slaves, and ivory. Professional writers, who had not traveled to Africa, but had obtained data from various written sources or from travelers, also composed some of the accounts. Therefore, these documents show an extraordinary diversity in form and content, which historians and archeologists need to investigate before using them as primary sources for reconstructing the past.In the first part of the present paper, which focuses on a specific genre, the seventeenth-century travel accounts, I recall the historiography of the recent critique of these sources. I also point out that despite decisive methodological breakthroughs, some heuristic dimensions or attributes of these texts are yet to be recognized and assessed. I then re-examine these sources from the dual perspective of historic and linguistic anthropological methods and introduce an exploratory approach centered on the Bakhtinian approach to discourse.

Padang Karunia Group (PKG) is engaged in four main business areas coal mining, coal trading, mining contractor and infrastructure and has consistently delivered coal product to domestic and overseas market. There are problems in the business processes of PKG’s everyday operations, such as: the waiting time for reports is over one day when it should be a few hours, data has more than one version and is not accurate, and demurrage (a charge payable to the owner of a chartered ship in respect of failure to load or discharge the ship within the time agreed). Issues occur because the role of IT is not optimal. The purpose of this study was to design an information technology (IT) architecture suitable for supporting the operation of the PKG. The correct IT architecture design can help companies to achieve their vision and mission. The right IT architecture for PKG will support all of its operations. The design of the IT architecture could be done with the existing framework using: EAP, TOGAF, FEA, DODAF, and Gartner Methodology. For this work the TOGAF was selected because it is open source, systematic, and thorough. Analysis was done using a business processes approach to obtain the IT needs mapped to the principles of business, information systems, applications, and information technology. The results from this study are a business architecture design, an information systems architecture, and a technology architecture appropriate to support the business of PKG.

An imagined divide existed between the Atlantic and Indian Ocean since the earliest days of European transoceanic discovery. The separation was reflected in the charters granted to England’s major trading companies which limited access for private merchants to eastern markets. The Indian Ocean was covered by the charter held by the East India Company and centered on bilateral luxury trade. The trade and activity in Atlantic, by contrast, quickly focused around colonization, agricultural production and trade. However, certain Atlantic merchants saw the potential of applying methods of economic expansion from the Atlantic, more specifically the early American colonies, to new colonization projects in the Indian Ocean. This article considers one such prominent Atlantic merchant, Maurice Thomson. Though his plans did not reach fruition he left a tangible impact on the eic in his attempts to introduce Atlantic methods to the East- thus underlining the porous frontier that separated them.

Mineral resources such as bauxite, carbonates, gemstones, gold, manganese, phosphate, salt, silica and zircon have been charted by French and Chinese geologists in Cambodia since the 19th century. However, they have remained relatively untouched due to prolonged conflict and a lack of capital. Meanwhile, customary gold mining practices have been applied persistently and have provided villagers and in-migrants with a livelihood through trading and the exchange of knowledge with other cultures. As Cambodia opened to a market economy in the early 1990s, commodities such as gold have been in greater demand. Artisanal mining sites have tended to be co-opted by powerful individuals and large-scale companies, with local miners pushed aside, even on State public land. This has been facilitated by a lack of effective land classification that demarcates areas that have already been settled. As a consequence, customary Type V miners have been exploited. Other types of miners remain in the Prey Rumdeng of Phnom Lung where their land has been contested and is still not secured. Even under this turbulent situation, both settled and mobile artisanal miners, are still actively engaged in customary mining practices. While the significance of the financial contribution or these practices towards a diverse livelihood is low, they remain an important aspect of household income in these areas.

Abstract Following its withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the USA re-imposed economic and financial sanctions against Iran. Its current unilateral sanctions regime against the country contains extra-territorial sanctions which prohibit non-US nationals and non-US companies from trading with and investing in Iran. Foreign legal and natural persons who do not comply with the US extra-territorial legislation are faced with a variety of limitations, including access restrictions, fines and penalties. Thereby they not only put pressure on operators worldwide but also interfere with the sovereign foreign policy choices of states and international organisations such as the European Union (EU) who support legitimate trade with Iran. Equally problematic are the extra-territorial sanctions contained in the US sanctions regime against Cuba. The article examines the lawfulness of unilateral extra-territorial sanctions as a form of targeted sanction under international law in the relationship between the sanctioning state and other sovereign international actors affected by the extra-territorial legislation in light of the customary law on jurisdiction, the law on sanctions as well as the principle of non-intervention. The relationship between the US and the EU and its Member States will be taken as an example. It will be shown that unilateral extra-territorial sanctions may amount to an abuse of rights in case they are functionally connected to primary sanctions that violate jus cogens norms or that undermine the UN Charter system, irrespective of the strength of the exercised economic pressure.

This observation is from an obscure backwater of the Wealth of Nations. It is about companies that were archaic even in 1776: the Russian Company, the Eastland Company, the Hamburgh Company, chartered in Britain in the sixteenth century, and trading mainly in the Baltic. But the comments on regulated companies are a revealing epitome of Adam Smith’s thought. There is the artful language, and one can almost hear Smith’s ironic tone as he dictated these sentences. There is the analytic idiom, so characteristic of the Wealth of Nations, in the juxtaposition of large theories with the details of legal and economic history. There is, above all, the subject, which is also the largest object of inquiry in the Wealth of Nations, or the changing relationship between states and markets.

Chartering is the part of international shipping business which broadly deals with the proper matching of cargoes’ transport needs and vessels’ commercial trading. Different charterers have different transportation needs. They do not all require the same sea transport service and not all charterers charter a particular vessel for the same reasons. Therefore, this paper intends to present how the charter market may be structured in response to trade’s needs and charterers’ requirements. The main objective of this paper is to constitute an overview of the shipping market segmentation into the various market segments. The analysis is based on the behavioural segmentation approach. This paper discusses mainly the conditions of charter market segmentation through relevant theories, reviews and some real cases analyses. Segmentation involves homogeneous buying behaviour of charterers within a segment but heterogeneous buying behaviour between segments. In respect of the trade’s needs, emphasis is given on charterers’ requirements in bulk market (dry and liquid) and on shippers’ requirements in liner market. Furthermore, the paper examines how the shipping companies should respond to their clients’ demands. Shipping enterprises have unique capabilities concerning the means, the resources and the management abilities for their ships. The matching of the shipping enterprise capabilities with the needs and the desires of its clients is fundamental for the provision of the desired transport services, the satisfaction and retention of charterers and thus the commercial success of the enterprise. Main objective of charter market segmentation is to assist the company focus its efforts to the most promising opportunities.

Workplace wellness programs raise the question: Who owns the health and sickness of the employee? Once, they belonged to the person and his/her doctor, in a kind of binary health relationship. Now companies have made it a triangular relationship. But actually, it's rectangular - the government is also shaping this relationship by occupying a fourth corner. As Nikolas Rose (1989) points out in his exploration of the place of individual in the corporate state, history suggests that it might be the government whose corner is dominant. Rose notes that "Taylorism", the scientific pursuit of maximum efficiency of human labour which was fashionable early last century, is now seen not just as the creation of industrialists like Henry Ford. Much more broadly, it reflected a philosophy current in the western industrialised nations like the US, UK and Germany. Achieving optimum output from men and machines was "part of a wide family of political programmes that sought to use scientific knowledge to advance national efficiency through making the most productive use of material and human resources." Reflecting prevailing political climates, national governments had already begun to introduce legislation which regulated the relationship between capital and labour. Ostensibly, these laws were intended to protect the rights of workers, but Rose suggests that their ultimate motivation was to ensure the nation received social dividends from the labour market. That was then. Now, social dividends from employment may be different but governments are still pursuing them. It was a labour government in Australia in the 1980s which first required employees to fund their own aged pensions (by trading off pay increases for superannuation). In another manifestation of their worry about the costs of an ageing population, governments are now prodding workers to become their own health managers, through the agency of wellness programs at work. Wellness programs really began to flourish in the last 20 years, most visibly in the Unites States where pressure from the employee health insurance system and high participation targets set by the Federal Government have made them the rule. "As a result, work-site health promotion programs are becoming increasingly prevalent. In 1985, 65 percent of work sites with 50 or more employees offered at least one health promotion activity. The [Government's] Healthy People 2000 goals aim to increase this proportion to 85 percent and to increase employee participation in these programs." (Meurer et al. 1997, p. 384) In other countries, pressure from insurance/litigation may be weaker, but employers have increasingly seen workplaces as suitable locations for health campaigns targeted at their employees, and governments have become supportive of such programs because of the public health benefits and convenience. They might be viewed as privatised community health promotion. In Australasia: "The idea of using workplaces as sites to promote health is attractive from a public health point of view. It provides an opportunity for adults to gain access to health promotion initiatives and enables them to participate in programs planned according to their needs in a familiar physical and social setting. It also provides an opportunity for health promotion efforts to extend to the worker's home and involve his/her family." (Williams 1991, p. 490) From an employer's perspective, workers' sickness has always been a matter of interest because of the duty of care. In the distinctive social environment of work, their health has belonged at least partly to the company, but the wellness programs may be further stripping away the autonomy of health. Moral philosopher R S Downie and his co-writers (1990) believe that health promotion is not value-free. "It endeavours to persuade people to adopt certain lifestyles.") It attempts to transfer to the employees values held by the organisation, promoting a particular lifestyle - in this case, a healthy one. Participation in wellness programs provides benefits which flow in two directions. The company donates the resources which allow the employees to avoid sickness and to live healthier lives. The employees donate a longer and more productive working life to the company and society. In this way, these programs conform with the dominant current management philosophy describing the relationship between employee and employer. Just as Hirschhorn (1988) describes how workers won social freedoms in exchange for psychological "unfreedoms" (the work ethic) in the industrial revolution , so Rose describes how modern, caring management practice is all about "aligning the wishes, needs and aspirations of each individual who works for the organisation with the successful pursuit of its objectives". A win-win situation? In some organisations, some employees may not see it that way. The fact that wellness programs are declared "voluntary" may not necessarily rectify a perception of compulsion. Employees may believe that nothing is truly voluntary at work. With these concerns in mind, Stokols et al. (1995) advocate ethical guidelines to prevent job discrimination based on health status and related potential conflicts of interest. They say that the bottom-line benefits to management of health-promotion campaigns cannot legitimately include discriminating against employees who refuse to make healthy lifestyle choices. Discrimination might exist on another level. What is the company to make of workers who choose to continue an unhealthy lifestyle which may put them at greater risk of a succumbing to a health hazard at work? The most well-known of such consequences is the predisposition to bronchial illness caused by smoking. Of course, there are two sources of sickness at work; self-induced and work-induced. Smoking cigarettes may cause self-induced sickness. Mining asbestos may cause work-induced sickness. If it was once clear who was responsible for which sickness, the advent of workplace wellness programs has reduced the clarity. Such health promotion can make it seem that the employer has taken responsibility for both self-induced and work-induced sickness, or perhaps the worker has. Wellness programs are culturally ambiguous. Their very introduction signifies the employer's care for employees' health, but the function of the program is to teach the employees how to take responsibility for it. So Blewett and Shaw (1995) wonder whether health promotion programs change the balance of responsibility between employer and employee. The origin of this issue, they suggest, is in the World Health Organisation's 1986 Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, which describes health promotion as "the process of enabling individuals and communities to increase control over the determinants of health and thereby improve their health." (cited in Blewett & Shaw 1995, p. 462) The writers argue that the health promotion rhetoric is increasingly focused on promoting 'self-responsibility' for health in the workplace, and the skills of health self-care. If governments value wellness programs, and business likes them, is the workplace a conducive cultural setting for wellness to be marketed? Do workplace health promotion programs obviate the well-documented communication barriers from which community programs suffer? It seems they might. "Worksites afford a high degree of leverage for influencing the health of the population," according to Stokols et al. (1995, p. 1136) "Leverage" is a reference to the big percentage of the population (the employed) they reach, as well as the power of persuasion in a workplace. The persuasion can derive from the corporate culture which employers strive to create in their organisations - a mono-culture whose values are aligned with those of all members. It can also derive from company rules - all members of the organisation, whether value-sharers or value-rejectors, are captured by the requirement to conform with wellness objectives. Thus, in western industrial democracies, where smoking is banned it is usually because they are places of work. It is necessary to ask the question: Do employees exposed to health promotion at work make good use of self-care skills. Williams (1991) notes that the uptake of health promotion campaigns, not at work but in the broad community, is greatest among those who least need the benefits - that is, it correlates with socio-economic status. Wellness programs in industrial settings provide opportunities for health promotion to reach lower-paid trades and "blue-collar" employees not well served by these community campaigns. However, poor health behaviours are based on life-long habits, usually reinforced by people's lifestyles, reference groups and family structure. These habits take time and persistence to counteract. It is only in the long term that participation gives employees positive benefits, and therefore positive reinforcement for their healthy efforts. Noblet and Murphy (1995, p. 18) report that "early workplace programs relied heavily on behaviour change techniques as their health promotion strategy." Therefore, many failed to produce lasting change because they did not take advantage of the complex social and cultural structure that exists within each workplace. The writers suggest that recently "activities have expanded beyond risk reduction strategies to a settings approach that addresses the social, organisational, environmental and cultural factors." (Noblet and Murphy 1995, p. 18) In conclusion, it is likely that the motivation for companies to run health promotion campaigns will increase, but wellness may be a concept which fits somewhat awkwardly in the employer-employee relationship. Perhaps care for employees is the factor which will bring outcomes beneficial to all. Farnell (1987) expresses such care this way: An organisation's health comprises three components, its financial health, its organisational health (openness, trust, morale, etc) and the personal health of its members. No employer should consider the organisation in good shape without addressing each component. References Blewett, V. and Shaw, A. "Health promotion, handle with care." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 11 (1995): 461-5. Downie, R., Fyfe, C. and Tannahill, A. Health Promotion - Models and Values, Oxford UP: Oxford,1990. Farnell, L."Corporate culture change - the healthy way." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 3 (1987): 46-52. Hirschhorn, L. The workplace within: psychodynamics of organizational life. Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press,1988. Leigh, J. and Harrison, J. "Reduction of Ischaemic heart disease risk factors following direct probabilistic risk communication in the workplace.", Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 7 (1991): 467-72. Meurer, L., Meurer, J. and Holloway, R. "New models of health care in the home and in the work site.", American Family Physician 56 (1997): 384-7. Noblet, A.J. and Murphy, C. "Adapting the Ottowa Charter for Health Promotion to the Workplace Setting." Health Promotion Journal of Australia 5 (1995): 18-22. Rose, N. Governing the soul: the shaping of the private self. London: Routledge, 1989. Stokols, D., Pelletier, K. and Fielding, J. "Integration of medical care and worksite health promotion.", Journal of the American Medical Association 273 (1995): 1136-42. Williams, P. 1991, "Planning factors contributing to on-going health promotion programs." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 7 (1991): 489-94.