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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communitarianism'
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1
Bell, Daniel. "Communitarianism and its critic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315808.
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McHale, Tara Kate. "Communitarianism : from method to advocacy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243074.
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Gasson, Ruth, and n/a. "Liberalism, communitarianism, fairness and social policy." University of Otago. Faculty of Education, 1998. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070528.122329.
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Communitarianism is an internationally contentious anti-liberal theory which is becoming increasingly popular in political philosophy. It commonly is employed to motivate and legitimate �identity politics� - a politics which is used to defend the rights of disadvantaged aboriginal minorities to maintain their traditional ways.
Recently �identity politics� has been exploited in mainstream poltical/educational academic literature in New Zealand, especially in literature that deals with Maori issues. This is significant because in the recent history of New Zealand, liberal political theory has been dominant.
Notions of rights and of fairness are fundamental to communitarianism and to liberalism, but communitarians and liberals hold very different ideas about what these notions involve. My PhD thesis compares their ideas and relates them to New Zealand. It views certain social and political issues in New Zealand, by way of liberal and then communitarian theories. It examines how liberalism and communitarianism have been, and can be, used to support and to legitimate particular policies and practices in terms of �fairness� and �justice�.
My work considers the explanatory and the practical application of communitarianism and liberalism with respect to their conceptions of human nature, political ideals, rights and rationality. It defends liberalism against the communities the protections they �need� in order to flourish. With respect to New Zealand it recognises that Maori have been treated unjustly by the crown, but argues that much of the injustice happened, not because of liberalism, but because liberal values were not upheld.
The thesis concludes that liberalism is better equipped than communitarianism to describe Maori and Pakeha relations, and to formulate a framework for positive and constructive trans-cultural policies that will respect both Maori and Pakeha cultures.
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Oelofsen, Rianna. "Afro-communitarianism and the nature of reconciliation." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006809.
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In this dissertation I sketch a conception of personhood as understood from within an Afrocommunitarian worldview, and argue that this understanding of personhood has implications for understanding the concept of reconciliation. Understanding ‘being human’ as a collective, communal enterprise has implications for how responsibility, justice, forgiveness and humanization (all cognate concepts of reconciliation) are conceptualized. In line with this understanding of reconciliation and its cognate concepts, I argue that the humanization of self and other (according to the Afrocommunitarian understanding of personhood) is required for addressing the ‘inferiority’ and concurrent ‘superiority’ racial complexes as diagnosed by Franz Fanon and Steve Biko. These complexes reach deeply within individual and collective psyches and political identities, and I argue that political solutions to protracted conflict (in South Africa and other racially charged contexts) which do not address these deeply entrenched pathologies will be inadequate according to an Afrocommunitarian framework.
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Davis, Brigid M. "Liberalism and communitarianism in Puritan political thought /." Connect to online version, 2009. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2009/378.pdf.
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Parker, Paulette Ann. "Communitarianism, Liberal Individualism, and the Myth of Antecedence: A Democratic Perspective on the Citizenship Debate between Liberal Individualists and Communitarians." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625990.
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Stanley, Michelle Joelene. "Mary Wollstonecraft : forerunner of positive liberty and communitarianism." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44246.
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This thesis explores the extent to which Mary Wollstonecraft can be associated with the philosophical conversation about liberty, in which John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and John Stuart Mill are familiar names. Wollstonecraft was a woman whose appearance in this discourse was well-known during her lifetime; however, due to her unorthodox lifestyle and her gender, she was discredited after her death. My research corrects this omission by placing her within the canon as a philosopher of liberty. In particular, an analysis of her A Vindication of the Rights of Men, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, An Historical and Moral View of the Origin and Progress of the French Revolution, and Letters Written During a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway and Denmark in light of Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor’s work, reveals Wollstonecraft’s position as an early proponent of what comes to be called positive liberty and communitarianism. Positive liberty, loosely defined, is the idea that freedom requires more than the absence of restraint; there are certain actions that government and society need to take to ensure citizens’ freedom. Communitarianism, which proposes that true freedom may only be found in a certain form of society, is closely linked with ideas of positive liberty. Indeed, Wollstonecraft’s call for national public education and the restructuring of the property system, in conjunction with her recognition of the public and political nature of the ‘private’ family, is evidence that not only was she a proponent of positive liberty and communitarianism, but her philosophy was ahead of its time.
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Vitsha, Xolisa. "Reconciling Western and African philosophy : rationality, culture and communitarianism." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807.
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This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
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Critch, Raymond Glenn. "Autonomy, fraternity and legitimacy : foundations of a new communitarianism." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5842.
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In this thesis I explore the possibility for a renewed communitarianism. Rather than present this as a rival to liberalism, however, I present it as a supplement. I start from the viewpoint that there are two basic facts with normative consequences the reconciliation of which is the central task of moral and political philosophy. One fact is the fact of individuality, which I believe produces a normative requirement that all and only obligations that respect a certain kind of individual autonomy are legitimate. This fact is well explained by liberalism, and so I am to that extent a liberal. Where I differ from contemporary liberalism, and where I think there is room for a renewed communitarianism, is in explaining the limits of autonomy. There are, I contend, a wide array of basic and legitimate obligations that cannot be adequately explained (i.e. the legitimacy of which cannot be explained) by autonomy alone. The role for communitarianism, then, is to explain the nature of a second legitimating principle and how these two principles – respect for autonomy and respect for (what I call) fraternity – can work together to explain when various maxims and policies are legitimate or illegitimate. In the first part I explain the importance of communitarianism. In the second, I try and determine the nature of the principle that should be seen as representing the normative requirements of the fact of sociality: the second inescapable fact of moral and political philosophy, that while we are individuals we are never alone. I will ultimately argue for a version of solidarity based on the role ethical obligations play in incorporating the interests of others in one‟s own set of interests. In the final part I explain how the ethical obligation at the heart of solidarity should work and then how to reconcile the normative requirements of the fact of sociality with autonomy.
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Hale, Sarah Valerie. "Communitarianism and the politics of New Labour, 1994-2001." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398358.
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Phillips, Melanie Gail. "The genesis of later MacIntyre : a MacIntyrian perspective." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250309.
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Knowles, Rob. "Communitarian anarchism 1840-1914 : a neglected tradition in economic thought /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16855.pdf.
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Slight, Audrey. "Governing the subject of voluntary work : a study of two generations of volunteer workers." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323062.
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Nash, Victoria. "The politics of locality : re-locating the liberal-communitarian debate." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cec29968-b528-467a-998a-eedfa66b755a.
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This thesis assesses whether communitarian critique can still inform contemporary liberal political theory. The suggestion is that although liberalism has correctly rejected calls for a politics of 'community', it has ignored one important aspect of that critique, namely emphasis on the social embeddedness of the individual. Investigation of this hypothesis proceeds in two stages. The first involves reconsideration of the liberal-communitarian debate in the light of Charles Taylor's distinction between ontological and normative issues. This reveals how the arguments for social embeddedness (or ontological holism) fit in with more traditional appeals to community. Further analysis of the idea of ontological holism emphasises the potentially philosophical or empirical character of holist claims. The second stage of the argument ascertains whether liberal theory should heed communitarianism's recommendation of a more holist approach. Analysis of liberal texts reveals that liberal theorists already do adopt such an approach, however they do so in a piecemeal fashion, and generally without reference to supporting empirical evidence. Given the assumption that liberal theory is not expressly Utopian, some attention to limiting empirical factors would seem to be required. To back up this claim a case-study of liberal tolerance is undertaken, comparing the theoretical and social psychological accounts of inter-group toleration and its development. This comparison reveals that liberal tolerance is too narrow in scope, failing to absorb some of the most virulent forms of inter-group antagonism (such as gender- or race-based antipathy). Further, social psychological study shows that socially intolerant attitudes may be at least as harmful as, political ones, as they undermine the development of self-respect. Overall, important conclusions are reached as to the theoretical changes required of liberalism if it is to adopt a more thoroughly holist approach. Attention to the operation of factors at the localised rather than national level is vital, as is attention to empirical detail. Thus the 'politics of locality' complements traditional focus on the nation-state.
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Farrelly, Colin Patrick. "Rights and responsibilities : an examination of Rawlsian justice." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297887.
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Spence, Keith G. "Individuated or hermeneutic selves? : interpreting vocabularies and subjectivities in the works of John Rawls and Charles Taylor." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/7ab68127-8e58-4f01-a210-fb086f2ba2c4.
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Chachine, Isaias Ezequiel. "Community, justice, and freedom : liberalism, communitarianism, and African contributions to political ethics /." Uppsala : Univ, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017536099&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Chachine, Isaias Ezekiel. "Community, Justice, and Freedom : Liberalism, Communitarianism, and African Contributions to Political Ethics." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Studies in Faith and Ideologies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8735.
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<p>This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.</p>
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Langdon, John C. "Pocket editions of the new Jerusalem : Owenite communitarianism in Britain 1825-1855." Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10872/.
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Olateju, Olatunji Agboola. "Neo-communitarianism and speconomy as models for development in sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42710.
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Africa's tragedy has at different times been subjected to various paradigm shifts ranging from modernisation to neo-Marxist theories with each paradigm identifying different sources of the tragedy. The tragedy, to some scholars, is rooted to the crisis of development. But to some African scholars, a key aspect to the crisis remains the question of 'which and whose democracy?' The central issue for investigation in this thesis is the efficacy of 'best-practice' political and economic templates prescribed by both liberals and socialists for Africa. These templates appear to be producing hybridised political order that breeds crises of political instability, leadership, economic hardship, violent conflicts etc; with no visible solution in sight. There is therefore a need for the reconstruction of Africa's development strategy with unique models based on a foundation of 'best fit' values nurtured by the indigenous grains of the African societies. The thesis adopts critical theory using textual and contextual analysis as its methodology to engage literature on liberal, popular, social, and socialist democracy. It also engages the Africanist and African debate on democracy to discuss what works contextually in Africa and what does not work. The thesis sets out to establish how neo-communitarianism and speconomy can collectively serve as models for development in the sub-Saharan Africa, that is currently mediated by the alienating role of an incoherent public sphere dominated by representations of foreign ideologies which do not seek to create a common consciousness in all citizens but rather to help maintain and perpetuate a fractured image of the Enlightenment.
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杜耀明 and Yiu-ming To. "A communitarian theory of press freedom." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29797639.
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To, Yiu-ming. "A communitarian theory of press freedom /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25085475.
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Eze, Michael Onyebuchi. "Ubuntu : a communitarian response to liberal individualism?" Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11092006-161825/.
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Park, Jae Hyung. "Understanding and managing 'schools as communities' and 'communitarianschools': a critique of Kenneth Strike's view." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963195.
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Rist, Patrick T. "The communitarian view of humanity an examination Etzioni and Bellah /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.
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Cross, Michael James Rixon. "Praxis and associations : Communitarianism and Jean-Paul Sartre's Critique of Dialectical Reason volumes one and two." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364319.
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Maclean, Niall. "Towards politically relevant forms of communitarianism : communal shared understandings and the problem of health care distribution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419055.
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Goldsby, Michael G. "New Organization Forms: An Examination of Alienation and Ideology in the Postindustrial Workplace." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26070.
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Bureaucracy is being seriously challenged today by other organizational designs because its rigidity is being viewed as a detriment to organizational survival in the hypercompetitive marketplace of global business. Standardization, homogeneity, and hierarchy are not conducive to meeting the changing demands of a turbulent business environment. As a result, new organization forms based on flexibility and adaptibility are gaining prominence in the business literature and in managerial practice. The purpose of this study was to provide an empirically-based examination of how employees are responding to these new organization forms. Three hypotheses were generated concerning the impact of the new organization forms on employee alienation, and the role of ideology as a moderating variable between the new organization forms and alienation. I predicted that employees working in new organization forms with an orientation toward communitarianism would be more alienated than employees who were more inclined toward the ideology of individualism. While my hypotheses were not supported, hindsight suggests an alternative hypothesis for further study: Employees with differing ideological dispositions can both prosper in the postindustrial workplace as long as elements of the traditional economic compact are in place.<br>Ph. D.
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Hall, James. "A theory of communal reciprocity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ff1abf95-3355-4066-8976-08ae97a999bb.
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This thesis sets out an interpretation of the value of community that I call communal reciprocity. It charts the history of that ideal, analyses its use in the work of an important academic proponent, G.A. Cohen, and develops a more comprehensive account of its main features. It also discusses the implications of communal reciprocity, including whether or not it conflicts with certain freedom-based concerns and its application, including in the assessment of market economies.
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Park, Jae Hyung. "Understanding and managing 'schools as communities' and 'communitarian schools' : a critique of Kenneth Strike's view /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25755110.
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Reyes, Morel Agustín. "Comunidades de significación como capacidades colectivas. Una revisión comunitarista de la teoría de Amartya Sen." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112827.
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El Enfoque de las Capacidades de Sen se distingue en el terreno de la justicia distributiva porque ha intentado establecer criterios evaluativos que superen el atomismo de las teorías utilitaristas. Pero algunos pensadores críticos han señalado que el Enfoque aún mantiene una impronta individualista que limita su alcance a la hora de implementar políticas públicas tendientes a transformar estructuras injustas. Para estos críticos, los conceptos básicos de Sen deben complementarse con una noción de capacidad colectiva o común, irreductible a términos individuales, que permita dar cuenta de los procesos intersubjetivos del desarrollo de la agencia y de la constitución de la identidad personal. En este artículo se analizarán algunas críticas comunitaristas al Enfoque y se intentará postular un candidato plausible a capacidad colectiva, que respete el núcleo vivo de los comentarios y que mantenga los conceptos de capacidad y de agencia centrales en la teoría de Sen.---Communities of Meaning as Collective Capabilities. A Communitarian Revision of Amartya Sen’s Theory”. Sen’s Capability Approach it is distinguished in the field of the distributive justice, because It has tried to set evaluatives terms that exceed the atomism of the Utilitarian theories. But some critical thinkers have pointed out that the Approach still keep an individualistic style that restrict its impact at the moment of implementing public policies. For these critics, Sen’s basic concepts must be complemented with the idea of collective capability, irreducible to indivudual terms, that allows to account to the intersubjective process of agency and the personal identity constitution. This paper will attempt to present a plausible candidate to the collective capability, that respects the live core of the communitarian comments and that keeps the capability and agency concepts, which are fundamental in Sen’s theory.
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Soares, Paulo Sérgio Gomes. "O modelo freireano de educação popular e os fundamentos do comunitarismo." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7790.
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Previous issue date: 2012-02-28<br>Não recebi financiamento<br>The principal objective of this thesis is to bring the debate between communitarianism and liberalism into the context of popular education, proposing a reinterpretation of the thought of Paulo Freire, from the communitarian approach, differentiating it from the thought of the typically liberal New School authors of his time. Communitarian assumptions are spread throughout Freire’s work, especially in his defence of popular culture, placing it in opposition to liberal assumptions, despite his progressive spirit and his training having taken place within the context of the New School movement. The concerns that drive our argument are as follows: to what extent does Freire’s pedagogy reinforce the communitarian assumptions that converge to the interests of the social theory communitarian? Can it assist in the expansion of popular sovereignty? To what extent can Freire’s pedagogy, updated with this approach, contribute to the strengthening of popular sovereignty and influence public policies in public commitment to the socio-cultural demands of different groups, taking into account a wide range of interests and values? In answering these questions, we can fill some gaps and expand the spaces for debate about the foundations and purpose of Popular Education. Similarly, the debate permeates the dispute between liberals and communitarians, in how these demands can be included. Liberals defend the principle of formal equality, that press for individual rights, and the communitarians defend the demand for recognition of cultural groups, showing the contradictions present in social organization. The debate runs through the different models of democracy. The formal model of liberal democracy makes the concepts of freedom and equality abstract, in addition to disregarding any trait of cultural tradition. It produces some phenomena that beset modernity and contribute to the strengthening of capitalism, such as the process of massification, alienation, uprooting and homogenization of cultures, factors that affect the identity of the subjects and, therefore, their conscious participation in public life. The model of participatory democracy, in turn, assumes active participation and concrete living conditions. The thesis points to the contradictions and suggests that contextualized education can generate resistance against individualism, in addition to identifying possible paths for a participatory democracy separate to communitarianism. Freire shows an educational perspective that assumes a principal of politics that helps to foster the practice of participatory democracy, especially because it advocates dialogue as the essence of all education. The proposal of political literacy, arising from the incentive to understand the world and create learning in communion, is inserted in the context of culture and not the atomized individual.<br>O objetivo central desta tese é trazer o debate entre o comunitarismo e o liberalismo para o contexto da Educação Popular, propondo uma releitura do pensamento de Paulo Freire, a partir do enfoque comunitarista, diferenciando-o do pensamento de autores escolanovistas de sua época, tipicamente liberais. Os pressupostos comunitaristas se espalham pelo conjunto da obra de Freire, sobretudo pela defesa que faz da cultura popular, colocando-o em oposição aos pressupostos liberais, a despeito de seu espírito progressista e de sua formação ter ocorrido no
contexto do movimento escolanovista. As inquietações que movimentam nossa argumentação são as seguintes: em que medida a pedagogia freireana reforça os pressupostos comunitários que convergem para os interesses da Teoria Social comunitarista? Ela pode auxiliar na ampliação da soberania popular? Em que medida a pedagogia freireana atualizada sob esse enfoque pode contribuir com o fortalecimento da soberania popular e influenciar as políticas públicas no compromisso político com as demandas socioculturais de diferentes grupos, considerando uma variada gama de interesses e valores? Ao responder a estas questões, podemos suprir algumas lacunas e ampliar os espaços de debate acerca dos fundamentos e dos propósitos da Educação Popular. Da mesma forma, o debate permeia a disputa entre liberais e comunitaristas, na forma como essas demandas podem ser incluídas. Os liberais defendem o princípio de igualdade formal, que prima pelos direitos individuais, e os comunitaristas defendem as reivindicações por reconhecimento dos grupos culturais, mostrando as contradições presentes na organização social. O debate perpassa pelos diferentes modelos de democracia. O modelo de democracia liberal, por ser formal, torna os conceitos de liberdade e igualdade abstratos, além de desprezar qualquer traço de tradição cultural, produzindo alguns fenômenos que assolam a modernidade e contribuem para o fortalecimento do capitalismo, como os processos de massificação, alienação,
desenraizamento e homogeneização das culturas, fatores que interferem na identidade dos sujeitos e, por conseguinte, na sua participação consciente na vida pública. O modelo de democracia participativa, por sua vez, pressupõe a participação ativa e em condições concretas de existência. A tese aponta para as contradições e sugere que a educação contextualizada pode gerar resistência contra o individualismo, além de apontar caminhos possíveis para uma democracia participativa a partir do comunitarismo. Freire apresenta uma perspectiva de educação que supõe um princípio de politicidade que contribui para disseminar a prática da democracia participativa, sobretudo, porque defende o diálogo como essência de toda educação. A sua proposta de alfabetização política, originada do estímulo à leitura do mundo e do aprendizado em comunhão, está inserida no contexto da cultura e não do indivíduo atomizado.
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Lacroix, Justine. "Communautarisme versus libéralisme: quel modèle d'intégration politique? Les présupposés normatifs d'une union politique européenne à la lumière des débats intellectuels contemporains." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211347.
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Godoy, Junior Valdy José. "O comunitarismo de Michael Walzer e as interfaces com a educação." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/70589.
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Na pesquisa pedagógica, é comum que a articulação conferida entre filosofia e educação ocorra a partir de pressupostos conceituais amplos, aquilo que convencionou-se chamar de ideal de formação. Nesse sentido, caberia a outras áreas a responsabilidade de investigar temas afeitos à educação escolarizada, tais como o currículo ou avaliação. O objetivo da Tese é problematizar esse pressuposto trabalhando na ideia de uma filosofia que emerja da escola, de uma filosofia conectada. Para tanto, utiliza-se como sustentação teórica a filosofia comunitarista de Michael Walzer. O comunitarismo, enquanto filosofia política, opõe-se ao liberalismo filosófico, pois crê, em oposição a este, que a vida boa deve ser perspectivada em cada contexto específico e a partir da prática cotidiana dos indivíduos. No entanto, a filosofia comunitária não possui um corpo de doutrina unificado e para as pretensões do texto de articular escola e filosofia, utiliza-se a obra de Walzer e seus diversos conceitos no sentido de sustentar a ideia de uma boa escola alicerçada na cidadania democrática, participação e protagonismo das crianças e adolescentes. Defende-se que o comunitarismo de Walzer possui como paradigma o conceito de filosofia prática e nesse sentido todos os demais temas investigados pelo autor, tais como pluralismo, sociedade civil, tolerância, justiça distributiva, comunidade, crítica social e moralidade, estão todos ancorados no ideal de uma filosofia focada no real. Segue-se essa intuição básica, portanto, para a elaboração de vinte proposições que consolidem uma ideia de comunitarismo voltado à educação, ou mais apropriadamente, um comunitarismo voltado à escola, com o propósito de oferecer alternativas a um quadro de desarraigamento comunitário – especialmente urbano – cada vez mais proeminente.<br>In pedagogic research, it is common for the articulation between philosophy and education to happen from broad conceptual assumptions, which is usually called ideal of education. In this sense, other areas should be given the responsibility of investigating subjects related to school education, such as curriculum or evaluation. This Thesis aims at putting into question that assumption, dealing with the idea of a philosophy arising from school, a connected philosophy. For this, the communitarian philosophy of Michael Walzer is used as a theoretical support. Communitarianism, as a political philosophy, opposes to philosophical liberalism, as it sets that good life should be put into perspective in every specific context, and from one’s everyday practice. However, communitarian philosophy does not have a unified doctrinal body, for attaining the aims of this text (an articulation between the school and philosophy) Walzer’s work was used along with his several concepts to support the idea of a good school based on democratic citizenship, participation and protagonism of children and teenagers. Walzer’s communitarianism is advocated as having as its paradigm the concept of practical philosophy, and in this sense all other subjects explored by the author, such as pluralism, civil society, tolerance, distributive justice, community, social criticism and morality, are all based on the ideal of a realityfocused philosophy. That basic perception is therefore adopted for the formulation of twenty propositions that consolidate an idea of communitarianism as focused on education or – more appropriately – as focused on the school, aiming at offering alternatives to an ever-growing scenario of community detachment (specially urban).
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Novotný, Ondřej. "Kritika liberálního multikulturalismu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206427.
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The content of the diploma thesis entails proving of compatibility between liberal variant of multiculturalism and liberalism. Critique by Brian Barry this compatibility denies and understands liberal multiculturalism, which it personifies in Will Kymlicka, as illiberal. This critical view is related to the liberal-communitarian debate, through which are interpreted Brian Barrys critique as well as new conceptual elements in Will Kymlickas liberal multiculturalism that make it an update of modern liberalism. The thesis legitimizes this update, as well as firm attachment between liberal multiculturalism and liberalism through interpretation of Kymlickas postulates that is based on Rawls theory of justice and through establishing connection between those postulates and the wider postulates of liberalism.
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Padmanabhan, Sudarsan. "Two models of consensus." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001113.
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Berglund, Tobias. "Understanding Prostitution : A political discourse analysis on prostitution in Sweden." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-21588.
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Jamieson, Janet. "In search of community : a critical exploration of the resonance of community to New Labour's youth justice policy and to the lives of young offenders." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1807.
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'Community' has long proved an integral element in commonsense thinking about a range of social problems and experiences, and with respect to crime the general conclusion is that more community will mean less crime. This study comprises a critical exploration of the resonance of community to New Labour's youth justice policy and to the lives of young offenders. The concept of community is of particular interest, as since its election in 1997 New Labour has been committed to forge a new political ideology of the 'Third Way', wherein communitarian ideas have proved central to the government's ambitions to revive and emphasise individual's responsibilities and obligations to civil society. Thus evident in the array of civil and criminal orders, which constitute the youth justice system in England and Wales, are constructions of community as both a 'moral resource' and as a 4moral claimant'. The former assumes that communities have inherent capacities in preventing and controlling youth crime, while the latter prioritises the community's right to demand the punishment and exclusion of those young people who fail to live up to their communal responsibilities. Given that communitarian responses are but the latest manifestation of the constant search for solutions t o youth crime, consideration is initially accorded to the historical shifts and continuities in both youth justice and community safety policy and practices. It is argued that a movement towards increasingly punitive, exclusionary and defensive responses to crime and young offenders has prevailed in recent years, and it is within this context that New Labour's prioritisation of communitarian thought has occurred. Attention then turns to the specificities of the government's commitment to communitarianism,within youth justice. Not only do New Labour emphasise young people's responsibilities to the community - rather than the community's, or indeed, the state's responsibilities to the young person- but it has also demonstrated its willingness to define. legislate and sanction with respect to those responsibilities it considers essential to the membership rights of the 'law-abiding' community. As such it is contended that the government's vision of community is essentially narrow, defensive and divisive. The analysis then draws upon semi-structured qualitative interviews with a sample of young offenders and Youth Offending Team practitioners to explore the resonance of community to the lives of young offenders and to their experiences of youth justice supervision. It is argued that community is a salient feature of the lives of young offenders which often provides for inclusionary experiences. However, the government's faith in the community to act as a 'moral resource' in preventing and controlling crime does not adequately account for the complex, transitory and ambiguous nature of young offenders' experiences of communal life. Furthermore, the punitive repercussions of the government's commitment to honouring the community's role as a 'moral claimant' serve to undermine the practitioner's ability to exploit the resources the community may have to offer to with regard to encouraging and motivating young people to desist from offending. Additionally, the emphasis on intolerance is likely to promote the community's disapproval and hostility towards young offenders. It is concluded that New Labour's commitment to communitarianism, and its particular envisaging of community, conjures a powerful exclusionary potential which is unlikely to engender positive outcomes for either the young offender or the 'law abiding' community.
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Campelo, Olívia Brandão Melo. "A ideia de justiça na crise moral contemporânea." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/18830.
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Previous issue date: 2016-04-01<br>This research was developed with the objective of seeking a way to accomplish the concept of justice in contemporary moral crisis. The society is experiencing an intense process of transformation of its values. In order to answer the inquiries of this uncertain moment, the contemporary legal philosophy focuses its discussions under the strands of liberalism and communitarianism. While the the liberalism understand that society is not governed by certain common goals applied to its members, but by just principles, which do not assume that a certain way of living is more correct than the other; communitarians believe that the experiences and meanings of individuals are shaped by the ideals of their home community, as an integrated part in the search for a common good. For the realization of this paper, It was necessary a tour in the history of legal philosophy and a brief analysis of the idea of Justice in Ancient Greece with Socrates, Plato and Aristotle; a passage through the Middle Ages to understand the lessons of Augustine, Aquinas and William Ockham; followed by a search for an idea of a more “modern” justice, with the influence of Kant in contemporary liberal thought and the opposition of Hegel to Kant's thought. Subsequently, the contractualist tradition was addressed by John Rawl´s theory of justice and his liberal view on the concept of justice. In regards to the communitarian objection to the liberal theory, especially to Rawls´, it was evaluated the diagnosis and contributions of Alasdair MacIntyre and Michael Sandel about moral decay and the idea of justice in the current context. It was concluded by the existence of moral crisis, considering also the crisis of values, as well as a legal crisis that compromises the ideal of justice. Thus, it becomes necessary an emergency resumption of practical rationality and the return of the theory of Aristotelian virtues as a way of carrying out the idea of justice<br>Esta pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o objetivo de identificar o conceito de justiça na crise moral contemporânea. A sociedade vive um intenso processo de transformação de seus valores. Para responder às indagações desse momento de incerteza, a filosofia jurídica contemporânea concentra suas discussões sob as vertentes do liberalismo e do comunitarismo. Enquanto os primeiros entendem que a sociedade não é governada por determinados fins ou objetivos comuns aos seus membros, mas sim por princípios justos, os quais não pressupõem que uma determinada forma de vida seja mais correta que a outra; os comunitaristas consideram que as experiências e significações dos indivíduos são modeladas pelos ideais da sua comunidade de origem, como parte integrante dela na busca de um bem comum. Para a execução do trabalho, foi necessário um passeio pela história da Filosofia do Direito e uma breve análise sobre a ideia de Justiça na Grécia Antiga com Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles; bem como uma passagem pelo medievo para compreender as lições de Agostinho, Tomás de Aquino e Guilherme Ockham; além de buscar uma ideia de justiça mais “moderna”, com a influência de Kant no pensamento liberal contemporâneo e a contraposição de Hegel ao pensamento kantiano. Posteriormente, foi abordada a tradição contratualista, a teoria de justiça de John Rawls e a sua visão liberal sobre o conceito de justiça. Quanto à crítica comunitarista à teoria liberal, especialmente à Rawls, foram avaliados os diagnósticos e contribuições de Alasdair MacIntyre e Michael Sandel sobre a decadência moral e a ideia de justiça no contexto atual. Concluiu-se pela existência de crise moral, considerada também crise dos valores, além de uma crise jurídica que comprometem o ideal de justiça. Assim, torna-se emergencial a retomada da racionalidade prática e o retorno da teoria das virtudes aristotélicas como forma de efetivar a ideia de justiça
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Tait, Michael James. "Recognition and community in the thought of Charles Taylor, a study of the relation between Charles Taylor's communitarianism and his theory of recognition." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22403.pdf.
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Gualda, Diego de Lima. "Individualismo Holista: uma articulação crítica do pensamento político de Charles Taylor." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-05022010-095325/.
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Charles Taylor é um dos principais e mais influentes filósofos contemporâneos. No campo da política, o debate liberal-comunitário é o tema em que suas contribuições são mais conhecidas. Entretanto, o estudo da reflexão política de Taylor tem sido parcial. No registro teórico do debate liberal-comunitário, sua assim chamada crítica comunitarista é, muitas vezes, tomada como uma resposta normativa a possíveis equívocos ou limitações dos ideais morais do liberalismo. A conclusão mais comum é que o pensamento tayloriano se contrapõe à tradição liberal, sendo por vezes identificado ora com o comunitarismo, ora com o republicanismo, ora com o multiculturalismo. A reflexão de Taylor, contudo, se ocupa de um outro registro, mais amplo: o desenvolvimento de concepções de identidade e de bem baseadas em argumentos que não são normativos, mas sim ontológicos. Nesse registro, o objetivo de sua obra não é questionar os ideais morais do liberalismo, mas reconfigurá-los num contexto ontológico específico, bem como ampliar o leque de bens moral e politicamente relevantes para as sociedades contemporâneas. O objetivo dessa dissertação é o de justamente explorar a estrutura conceitual do que poderíamos chamar de individualismo holista, uma tipologia de pensamento político que, embora defensora normativamente da liberdade, pluralismo e autonomia, guarda uma profunda preocupação com a natureza irredutivelmente social da ação e dos bens humanos. Espera-se que a partir dessa chave de leitura sejamos capazes de uma abordagem mais sistemática da reflexão política de Charles Taylor, articulando suas diferentes e fragmentadas intervenções no debate político num quadro mais amplo, referenciado também às discussões sobre a natureza da agência, do self e da modernidade. Ao final, sugerimos que o autor canadense se move teoricamente muito mais próximo daquilo que se considera uma tradição liberal de pensamento do que sua classificação usual permitiria imaginar.<br>Charles Taylor is one of the most important and influential contemporary philosophers. In the political field, the liberal-communitarian debate is the theme where his contributions are most recognized. Nevertheless, the study of Taylors political thought has been limited. In the liberal-communitarian theorical debate arena, his so called 6 communitarian criticism has many times been taken as an advocacy answer to possible mistakes or limitations of liberalisms moral ideals. The most common conclusion is that the taylorian thought opposes itself to the liberal tradition and it has been identified with communitarianism theories, republicanism, or even with multiculturalism. Taylors reflection, however, is concerned with another more ample aim: the development of identity and good conceptions based in ontological arguments. The purpose of his work is not to question liberalistic moral ideals, but to reconfigure those in a specific ontological background, as well as to amplify the set of allowable moral and political relevant conceptions of goods to contemporary society. The intent of this paper is indeed to explore the conceptual structure of what we could call holistic individualism, a political thinking typology which although concerned with the advocacy of freedom, pluralism and autonomy also continues to take into account the inextricable social nature of agency and human goods conception. Hopefully, with this interpretation key we will be able to put in place a most systematic account of Charles Taylors political reflection, articulating its different and sparse contributions in the political debate in a more comprehensive landscape which will be referenced to his agency, self and modernity discussions. In the end, we suggest that the Canadian author is closer to what we could call a liberal tradition thinking than his usual classification would allow.
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Hung, Tsz Wan Andrew. "The idea of theistic communitarian self in Charles Taylor's political philosophy." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2009. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/989.
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Koseff, Justin Adam. "The individual and the social order in Mill and Hegel : seeking common principles in liberal and communitarian ancestry." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005624.
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This thesis seeks to establish a significant commonality and compatibility between the principles underpinning the political and social philosophies of GWF Hegel and John Stuart Mill. The role of the individual and the social order in both their theories is discussed and assessed separately and in turn in reference to their respective seminal works on the proper structure, principles and function of modern political infrastructure. Through an interpretation of the fundamental tenets and goals of their theories of the social order I argue for a coherent modern reconstruction of their doctrines, within which I locate parallels and contrasts as they apply. Both theorists as ultimately put forward similar arguments for freedom as an intersubjectively·developed capacity, the ideal social order as rational framework for the management of ethical and political engagement, linked to a social holism that ties individual and social progress inextricably. A respect for individual particularity of perspective and practice is integral both of their social frameworks, but that such a space must be harmonised within a rational political community worthy of individual obligation. Finally their social and political theories can be understood as complementary, each providing insights which the other lacks. Mill suffers from an insufficient regard for the social basis of identity and interconnected nature of the modern institutional framework, while Hegel displays an insufficient regard for Mill's caveats concerning the repressive potential of institutional structures and the dangers of overly empowered bureaucracies. In conclusion key elements of the two theorists' projects stand as separate but not in any way fundamentally opposed to each other. This points to the possibility of a via media between a politics of individualism and a politics of community, suggesting strong potential for reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.
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Trindade, Ubiratan. "Conceito de pessoa em John Rawls: críticas e perspectivas." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2016. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6041.
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Previous issue date: 2016-11-08<br>Milton Valente<br>Um dos objetivos desta investigação é apresentar ao leitor o debate entre comunitaristas (holistas) e liberais individualistas (atomistas), esclarecendo os pressupostos defendidos por ambos no que diz respeito às suas visões de pessoa e sociedade. Partindo da reflexão dos elementos centrais da teoria de Rawls, nas obras A Theory of Justice (1971) e Political Liberalism (1993), nós avaliamos a plausibilidade e o grau de sustentação de sua doutrina frente aos seus mais destacados críticos no campo do comunitarismo, entre os quais, Michael Sandel e Charles Taylor, destacando suas principais objeções à obra de Rawls, mais precisamente à concepção moral de pessoa na posição original. Mostramos que a teoria da justiça como equidade é compatível com as exigências ontológicas e epistemológicas das sociedades complexas contemporâneas, afirmando que o agente moral submetido a uma situação de escolha na posição original possui a noção de senso de justiça e empatia em relação aos demais membros da sociedade. A partir da crítica feita à Rawls pelos comunitaristas, procedemos na defesa de seus pressupostos fundamentais, ou seja, na plausibilidade da complementaridade entre uma concepção deontológica e teleológica de sociedade, na qual o justo e o bem podem ser complementares, como forma de superação dos conflitos políticos proporcionando então, a pretendida estabilidade e unidade das instituições sociais. Destacamos, ainda, a importância da noção de pessoa no modelo de representação oferecido por Rawls e conhecido como “posição original” mostrando que o modelo neocontratualista de Rawls não corresponde a uma concepção abstrata ou atomizada de pessoa. O objetivo central dessa tese foi responder se nossas escolhas do que é certo ou errado se dão a partir de uma concepção naturalizada de pessoa (conhecimento inato) ou de uma concepção política de pessoa (cultural), ou, até mesmo, da complementariedade de ambas. Se confirmada a hipótese da complementariedade entre as duas concepções, estaremos aptos a dar uma resposta às críticas endereçadas a Rawls por parte dos comunitaristas, mostrando que sua teoria não é abstrata ou atomista. A partir dessas considerações, analisamos na obra Elements of Moral Cognition, de John Mikhail, sua interpretação do equilíbrio reflexivo rawlsiano e a concepção naturalizada de pessoa, que afirma que os seres humanos possuem um conhecimento inato de uma variedade de regras, conceitos e princípios morais ou até mesmo jurídicos. Na obra Why Political Liberalism? de Paul Weithman, trabalhamos uma concepção política de pessoa, dando destaque para a reformulação da teoria de Rawls a partir da obra Political Liberalism (1993) mostrando a distinção entre o conceito moral de pessoa em A Theory of Justice (1971) e em Political Liberalism (1993).<br>One of the objectives of this research is to present to the reader the debate between communitarians (holists) and individualistic liberals (atomists), enlightening the assumptions defended by both regarding to their visions of person and society. From the reflection of the central elements of Rawls' theory in The Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993), we assessed the plausibility and sustainability of his doctrine towards his most prominent critics in the communitarianism area, among them, Michael Sandel and Charles Taylor, highlighting their main objections to Rawls's work, more precisely to the moral conception of person in the original position. We showed that the theory of justice as equity is compatible with the ontological and epistemological demands of contemporary complex societies, asserting that the moral agent when submitted to a situation of choice in the original position owns the sense of justice notion and empathy towards the other members of the society. Based on the criticism on Rawls by the communitarians, we proceeded on the defense of his fundamental assumptions, it means, in the plausibility of the complementarity between a deontological and teleological conception of society, in which the just and the good can be complementary, as a way of overcoming political conflicts, and thus providing the desired stability and unity of social institutions. We also emphasize the importance of the notion of person in the model of representation offered by Rawls and known as "original position" showing that Rawls's neocontractualist model does not correspond to an abstract or atomized conception of person. The main objective of this dissertation was to answer whether our choices of what is right or wrong come from a naturalized conception of person (innate knowledge) or from a political conception of (cultural) person, or even from the complementarity of both. If the hypothesis of complementarity between the two conceptions is confirmed, we will be able to answer those criticisms addressed to Rawls by the communitarians, showing that his theory is not abstract or atomistic. From these considerations, we analyzed the work Elements of Moral Cognition written by John Mikhail, his own interpretation of the rawlsian reflexive equilibrium and the naturalized conception of person, which states that human beings have an innate knowledge of a variety of rules, concepts, and moral principles or even legal ones. In the book Why Political Liberalism? by Paul Weithman, we worked on a political conception of person, highlighting the reformulation of Rawls's theory based on the work political Liberalism (1993), showing the distinction between the moral concept of person in A Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993).
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Björck, Jenny. "Do we have a moral duty to offer severely ill asylum-seeking children residence permits?" Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7555.
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<p>Do we have a moral duty to offer severely ill asylum- seeking children permanent residence permits?</p><p>This thesis analyses our moral duty to offer 410 severely ill asylum-seeking children permanent residence permits. During 2004 an emotionally charged debate started in Sweden. The debate concerned the deportation of 410 severely ill asylum- seeking children and their families. For this and other reasons Sweden was criticized by the United Nations commission along with human rights organizations for being too restrictive in its migration and asylum politics. My thesis outlines the migration and asylum debate and the refugee situation in the world at present together with facts about how the asylum procedure takes place in Sweden. Further I draw upon medical research connected to the asylum procedure along with how the Swedish Government and Save the Children respond to the migration and asylum debate.</p><p>I also explore which rights, in terms of legal implications and ethical principles, these children have. Additional I outline theories in political philosophy from the utilitarian and communitarian tradition. The two philosophers I refer to are Michael Walzer and Peter Singer to apply their views to my primary question. Finally, I reach a critical analysis where I summarize and discuss my research. In the end I offer my final reflections in order to further debate on migration and asylum issues.</p>
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Šiaučiūnas, Justinas. "Komunitarinė valdžios funkcijų samprata." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20140623_172606-89973.
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Komunitarizmas atsirado kaip kritika liberalizmo atžvilgiu. Laikui bėgant, jo atstovai siekė ir siekia pateikti šią kryptį kaip alternatyvią teoriją, turinčią išskirtinių bruožų ir galinčią konkuruoti su kitomis politinės filosofijos teorijomis. Bet tvirtinama, kad liberalizmas ir komunitarizmas iš esmės nesiskiria. O liberalai ir komunitarai vienas kitam prieštarauja tik apibrėždami valdžią ir jos funkcijas. Šiame darbe siekiama įvertinti šio teiginio pagrįstumą. Komunitarizmas atmeta tiek liberalų tvirtinimą, kad galima susitarti dėl teisingumo principų, tiek ir liberaliąją laisvo individo sampratą. Komunitarai pabrėžia, kad individo gyvenime nepakeičiamą vaidmenį atlieka bendruomenė ir tik joje jis tampa tikru žmogumi. Jie teigia, kad yra tik bendruomeninės vertybės ir jos negali tarpusavy būti palyginamos, nes nėra jokių universalių principų. Vadinasi, viskas tinka ir bet kokia bendruomeninė praktika gali būti pateisinta. Komunitarai nesutinka, kad galimos bet kokios bendruomenės. Joms įvertinti įveda visuotinius visų lygaus dalyvavimo bei lygių teisių principus. Be to, nė viena bendruomenė nėra vertesnė už kitą, tad valdžia ne tik prižiūri kaip bendruomenės atitinka minėtus principus, bet taip pat turi išlikti nešališka jų atžvilgiu. Komunitarų kritika liberalų atžvilgiu nėra neatremiama. Viena vertus, jie supaprastina liberaliąją individo sampratą, o antra vertus, liberalai be jokių keblumų gali priimti daugelį dalykų, kuriuos tvirtina komunitarai (bendruomenių svarba)... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>Communitarianism emerged as a critique to liberalism. Communitarians are aiming to show that communitarianism is an alternative political theory which could successfully compete with other political theories. However, it is maintained that liberalism and communitarianism are not separate theories and they only disagree over the proper role of power. Thesis claims that the communitarian concept of power is liberal and, therefore, communitarianism is not a distinct political theory, but a liberal one. Communitarianism denies a liberal claim that it is possible to agree about the principles of justice. Moreover, communitarians maintain that a liberal concept of free individual is a false view. They emphasize the significance of the community in the life of an individual, because it helps one to become a real human being. On the other hand, if there are only communal values and we cannot commensurate them, because there are no universal principles then everything is possible. Thus it is impossible to criticize or condemn other communal practices. That is why communitarians claim that there are some non-communal principles, like “parity of participation” and “everyone has an equal rights”. They emphasize that no community can be more superior than other, so power has to be neutral. Communitarian critique of liberalism is not irresistible. Firstly, it simplifies the liberal concept of an individual. Secondly, liberals agree with some of the communitarians proposals, like the role... [to full text]
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Cruz, da Fonseca Rosenblatt Fernanda. "The role of community in youth offender panels in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:06021e55-832b-4384-bd22-1e9e1b022f4d.
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The primary aim of this thesis is to reach a better empirical and theoretical understanding of what ‘community involvement’ means and what work it does in restorative justice. A case study approach was adopted to examine the involvement of the community in one selected practice of restorative justice, namely youth offender panels in England and Wales. Data collection comprised 127 interviews with key stakeholders involved in youth offender panels, as well as observation of 39 panel meetings, and analysis of related documents (e.g. panel reports and contracts). The role of ‘community’ in youth offender panels is argued to be more ‘theatrical’ (or rhetorical) than real: community panel members do not have a real say in the type or extent of reparation the offender should undergo, they do not clearly benefit from this reparation, and they do not support the reintegration of offenders into the community. The experience of youth offender panels suggests that the greater involvement of lay members of the community – or their changing role from mere witnesses/juries to facilitators – does not help to fully incorporate community harm into criminal justice practice. The English and Welsh experience also suggests that restorative justice advocates have placed unreasonably high expectations on the benefits of lay involvement. For example, this study found that lay members of the community do not have better ‘local knowledge’ than professionals. All in all, a key lesson from the experience of youth offender panels is that – while ignoring the kind of community that features in contemporary, urban contexts – restorative justice programmes run the risk of paying lip service to genuine community involvement. In conclusion, it is argued that restorative justice programmes need to start from a more concrete and up-to-date notion of community. While operationalizing community involvement, they need to acknowledge, all at once: the importance of place; the importance of family links, friendship and other social ties; and the importance of similar social traits and identities.
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Konik, Inga. "Whither South Africa – neoliberalism or an embodied communitarian indigenous ethic?" Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21656.
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This thesis offers a critique of neoliberal transformation in South Africa, which process results in growing social inequality and political apathy among citizens. Many scholars have made political-economic and historical analyses of the neoliberal transition, emphasizing structural changes at work at a ‘macro’ level. However, little attention has been paid to changes that have taken place in South Africa at the ‘micro’ level – changes to individual subjectivity and gender codes. That said, the thesis opens by summarizing the above mentioned political-economic accounts of neoliberalism in South Africa, because such works are indispensable to understanding how the regime is embedded within and buttressed by major global institutions. Yet, to achieve a holistic grasp of ‘neoliberal South Africa,’ more is needed. A sociological investigation into the impact of neoliberalism on ordinary people’s self-identification uncovers deep cultural reasons for the continued perpetuation of this unjust political-economic system. Only if it can be understood why people comply with the system in the face of suffering, can effective counter-measures be proposed and implemented over time. This thesis is inherently transdisciplinary. The approach rejects the privileging of one discipline over others, and likewise cautions against collapsing or dissolving disciplines into one another. Instead, recognizing the valuable contribution that each discipline can make to critical scrutiny of a particular issue, a form of methodological transversalism is used to bring different disciplines into dialogue with one another. Following this interplay of structural and subjective analysis, the thesis uncovers the role that consumerism plays in the political neutralization of South Africans. Consumer culture, tied as it is to profitable accumulation, instigates the neoliberal ‘values’ of economistic calculation, competition, and social atomization. This ethos is inculcated in individuals, both at work and during leisure hours. Moreover, consumerism derives much of its power from its ‘sexual sell,’ the creation of fashionable and ‘exemplary’ models of masculinity and femininity. In South Africa, these hegemonic gender models serve to instill competitive individualism while derogating indigenous values. The thesis proposes that in order to counter neoliberal hegemony in South Africa, and begin reclaiming the cultural autonomy of its peoples, it is important to invigorate indigenous communitarian practices and norms. The original contribution of this thesis consists in placing the African ethos of ubuntu in transversal dialogue with global ecological feminist voices. Both political perspectives reinforce a liberatory alternative vision for a future based on principles of embodied relationality, care giving and protection of community.
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Naguil, Gómez Víctor. "De la raza a la nación, de la tierra al país. Comunitarismo y nacionalismo en el movimiento mapuche, 1910 - 2010." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/393938.
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La tesis explica la emergencia de un movimiento nacional mapuche a partir de 1990 y los cambios que supone respecto a las tendencias comunitaristas que han predominado en su seno desde sus orígenes en 1910. Se identifican y analizan cómo han operado algunos factores centrales en el surgimiento de este nacionalismo.
La tesis postula que comunitarismo y nacionalismo son dos estrategias políticas distintas. Si bien estas pueden tener similares puntos de partida y compartir algunos de sus caminos, se distancian en sus objetivos finales. El nacionalismo es siempre una estrategia territorialista que busca autocentrar y materializar la vida política de la nación reivindicada en su propio territorio. Mientras el nacionalismo integra la contradicción centro-periferia, el comunitarismo se apoya exclusivamente en el clivaje grupo dominado-grupo dominante. El comunitarismo, sobre todo político, puede aspirar a la obtención de un órgano político colectivo, pero siempre prescinde del territorio propio como base real del autogobierno.
Se postula como hipótesis explicativa que el nacionalismo surge en el movimiento mapuche como resultado de un proceso político estratégico en un contexto de restringidas condiciones nacionales y una ampliación de las condiciones sociales, junto a la presencia de restringidas oportunidades políticas estatonacionales y una ampliación de las oportunidades internacionales. Así, el nacionalismo mapuche está más vinculado a transformaciones sociales y políticas que a procesos de revitalización étnica.
Para el desarrollo de las hipótesis se propone un modelo en que la variable dependiente, el cambio del comunitarismo al nacionalismo, es el resultado de la influencia que ejercen dos conjuntos de variables independientes. Por una parte, unas determinadas condiciones estructurales, nacionales y sociales, y por otra unas oportunidades políticas, estatonacionales e internacionales. Las condiciones estructurales y las oportunidades políticas influyen tanto sobre las estructuras de movilización (tipo de organización y repertorio de movilización) como en los marcos interpretativos del movimiento (conceptos medulares, ideas articuladoras y objetivos políticos). Las variaciones (aunque lentas) de las condiciones estructurales y la aparición de oportunidades políticas, hacen que se vayan reconfigurando los componentes de las estructuras de movilización y del marco interpretativo del movimiento, reflejando el paso del comunitarismo al nacionalismo.
Aplicando una perspectiva institucionalista histórica al caso mapuche, el análisis articula tres conjunto de teorías: 1) las relativas al comunitarismo y nacionalismo; 2) las que explican la formación de clivajes, asociadas a la expansión del Estado-nación, el desarrollo económico y la modernización; y 3) las teorías sobre las oportunidades políticas, estructuras de movilización y marcos interpretativos, relativas a los movimientos sociales.<br>The thesis explains the emerge of a Mapuche national movement from 1990, and the changes that this has involved, if looking at the communitarian tendencies that predominated at the centre of its origins in 1910.
The thesis proposes that communitarianism and nationalism are two different political strategies. Although they may have similar starting points and share the same path to some extend, they part from one another when it comes to their final objectives. Nationalism is always a territorial strategy that aims to self-centre and materialize the political life of the claimed nation in its own territory. Whereas nationalism integrates the contradiction between centre and periphery, communitarianism leans exclusively on de cleavage between dominated group and dominating group. Communitarianism, specially political, can aspire to obtain a collective political organism, but it always lacks its own territory as the base of real self-government.
It is proposed as an explanatory hypothesis that nationalism rises in the Mapuche movement as the result of a strategical political process in a context of restricted national conditions and an increase of the social conditions, together with the presence of the restricted state-nationalist political opportunities and an increase of the international opportunities. Therefore, Mapuche nationalism is more linked to social and political transformations, than to processes of ethnic revitalization.
For the development of the hypotheses, the proposed model is one where the dependent variable and the shift from communitarianism to nationalism is the result of the influence of two groups of independent variables. On the one hand, some determined national and social structural conditions, and on the other hand, state-national and international political opportunities. The structural conditions and the political opportunities influence the mobilization structures (type of organization and repertoire of mobilization) and the frames of interpretation of the movement (core concepts, articulatory ideas and political objectives). The variations (though slow) of the structural conditions and the appearing of political opportunities, reconfigure the components of the structures of mobilization and of the frame of interpretation of the movement, reflecting the transition from communitarianism to nationalism.
By applying a historic institutionalist perspective to the Mapuche case, the analysis articulates three groups of theories: 1) relatives to communitarianism and nationalism; 2) those that explain the formation of cleavages, associated to the expansion of the State-nation, economic development and modernization; and 3) the theories concerning political opportunities, structures of mobilization and the frames of interpretation, relative to social movements.
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Toss, Luciane Lourdes Webber. "Taylor e Walzer e a política de reconhecimento: meios de inclusão dos grupos sócio-culturais ao status de exercício da cidadania." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2006. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2124.
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Previous issue date: 27<br>Nenhuma<br>O presente estudo propõe a inserção da teoria comunitarista de TAYLOR e WALZER na redefinição do conceito de cidadania, através da possibilidade de procedimentos aceitáveis e limites morais que contribuam para inclusão da política de reconhecimento como elemento propositivo para as políticas públicas, no que se refere às dos grupos socioculturais em desvantagens nos processos de distribuição e acessibilidade de bens no espaço público. O estudo desenvolveu-se a partir da pesquisa bibliográfica das obras dos dois autores, localizando: I – em quais pressupostos no comunitarismo estão inseridos TAYLOR e WALZER; II – quais as principais categorias e conceitos nos dois autores, as possibilidades de convergência e divergência entre ambos; III – quais são os limites morais e procedimentos aceitáveis e a relação destes com a política do reconhecimento. Para a discussão sobre a política de reconhecimento, foram inseridos autores como HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, THIEBAUT, entre outros. A metodologia utiliza<br>This study is an attempt to use TAYLOR’s and WALZER’s communitarian theory to redefine the concept of citizenship, through the possibility of acceptable procedures and moral limits which may contribute for the inclusion of a politics of recognition as a propositional element in public policies, concerning disadvantaged social and cultural groups in the processes of distribution and accessibility of goods in the public space. The study was developed based on bibliographic research on the works of the two authors, trying to pinpoint: I – what communitarian assumptions can be found in TAYLOR and WALZER; II – what the main categories and concepts of the two authors are, as well as the possibilities of convergence and divergence between them; III – what the moral limits and the acceptable procedures are, as well as the relation between those and the politics of recognition. In order to discuss the politics of recognition, authors such as HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, and THIEBAUT were used, among others