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Journal articles on the topic 'Communist'
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1
Özman, Aylin, and Aslı Yazıcı Yakın. "The symbolic construction of communism in Turkish anti-communist propaganda during the Cold War." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.06ozm.
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The aim of this study is to analyse cultural and social referential importance of the stereotypes of communists/communism in the anti-communist propaganda texts circulated in Turkey during the Cold War. The article displays the symbolism underlying anti-communist discourse by re-reading the propaganda material as texts that introduce the reader to ultimate anti-communist fantasies. The analyzed texts were mainly produced by one of the leading participants of anti-communist struggle, namely the Association for Fighting Communism in Turkey (AFCT) (Türkiye Komünizmle Mücadele Derneği, TKMD, 1963–1977), and its members. The article shows that the analyzed anti-communist propaganda creates mystification as a strategy and builds a narration in which temporal, spatial, and personal references are obscure. The article also shows that anti-communist propaganda operates on traditional dichotomies nature/culture, emotion/reason, and body/mind and that the images of communists/communism are constructed by appealing to a variety of animal species connoting “danger”; the unsocial connoting of the “absence of rules” and animality; and the woman of desire recalling the “immoral” in the popular imagination. It is argued that the texts are all interdiscursive thus allowing for the sexist, Islamist and nationalist arguments to be used as supportive subtopics while defending the anti-communist cause. The analysis also establishes intertextual relationship with the Nazi anti-Jewish and anti-communist discourse.
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PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.
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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
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Fanani, Muhammad Farih, and Siti Maimunah. "GERAKAN KOMUNIS DALAM SAREKAT ISLAM DI SURAKARTA TAHUN 1918-1926 M." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20104.
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In the early 1920s, the Sarekat Islam as an organization Islam had the influence from the communists. Communism in Sarekat Islam (SI) has almost had an even impact from the CSI to Local SI. It is a clash between two different ideologies. Communist entry into SI can also be felt in Surakarta. In Surakarta communist movement activity was represented by H. Misbach. He played a major role in instilling communist ideology through the newspapers, Medan Moeslimin and Islam Bergerak. However, Misbach has a different view of communism. As a person who was born and raised in a religious environment, he tried to find a middle ground between the religion he believed in and his support for communism. Misbach developed the idea of Islamic communism. The idea sought to harmonize and find common ground between Islam and communism.
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Al Tuwayjiri, Mohammad A. "The Encircled Kingdom: The Saudi Anti-Communist Stance, 1958–67." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 1 (June 2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.40.
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AbstractThis article evaluates Saudi Arabia's anti-Communist stance between 1958 and 1967, in the midst of the Cold War. It presents an alternative interpretation of how anti-Communism was framed as a struggle against Arab Nationalism and Zionism in the Middle East. Furthermore, it highlights the different perspectives on anti-Communist agitation provided in primary sources and Saudi historiography and offers fresh insight into the Saudis’ anti-Communist stance. The analysis shows that Saudi attitudes in the Cold War were dominated by a fear of the Soviet Communists that subsequently extended to all other secular ideologies. The article concludes that the Saudi strategy of anti-Communism was a crucial building block to curb the spread of Communism in the twentieth century.
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Mevius, Martin. "Reappraising Communism and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985637.
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There are two popular myths concerning the relationship between communism and nationalism. The first is that nationalism and communism are wholly antagonistic and mutually exclusive. The second is the assertion that in communist Eastern Europe nationalism was oppressed before 1989, to emerge triumphant after the Berlin Wall came down. Reality was different. Certainly from 1945 onwards, communist parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions and guardians of national interests. The communist states of Central and Eastern Europe constructed “socialist patriotism,” a form of loyalty to their own state of workers and peasants. Up to 1989, communists in Eastern Europe sang the national anthem, and waved the national flag next to the red banner. The use of national images was not the exception, but the rule. From Cuba to Korea, all communist parties attempted to gain national legitimacy. This was not incidental or a deviation from Marxist orthodoxy, but ingrained in the theory and practice of the communist movement since its inception.
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Tran, Nu-Anh. "Denouncing the ‘Việt Cộng’: Tales of revolution and betrayal in the Republic of Vietnam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 53, no. 4 (December 2022): 686–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463422000790.
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The Denounce the Communists Campaign (1955–c.1960) was a key moment in the conflict between the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, South Vietnam) and the Vietnamese communist movement and would eventually escalate to become the Vietnam War. The RVN launched the campaign to turn public opinion against communism and destroy the underground communist network. Building on previous scholarship, this article examines the propaganda associated with the initiative. During the campaign, state propagandists and allied intellectuals developed a historical narrative about the Anti-French Resistance (1945–54) that vilified the communists. Although highly partisan, the narrative illuminates the longer history of violence between communists and anti-communists in Vietnam.
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Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.
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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.
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KRISTJÁNSDÓTTIR, RAGNHEIĐUR. "COMMUNISTS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION IN SCOTLAND AND ICELAND, c. 1930 TO c. 1940." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 601–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200256x.
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In the period between 1935 and 1939, the international communist movement urged communist parties to strike a more nationalistic note in their propaganda. In Scotland this was met by what may seem as a surprising reluctance to move away from strict communist adherence to internationalism, and towards a more nationalistic approach to Scottish politics. This article aims at understanding how the interplay between the international and national political contexts resulted in this reluctance. It considers, in particular, the extent to which the national identity of Scottish communists influenced their approach to the national question. It places the ideas of Scottish communists in the context of Marxist-Leninist doctrine, and considers how these were adapted into the national political context. As a further aid in determining which factors were at work when Scottish communists tackled the national question, the attitude of Scottish communists is compared with that of their fellow communists in Iceland. By broadening the perspective in this way, it is argued, we can make sense of the paradox that it was indeed international communism that eventually turned Scottish communists into nationalists.
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Kelleher, Michael. "Bulgaria's Communist-Era Landscape." Public Historian 31, no. 3 (2009): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.39.
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Abstract This essay discusses the various architectural and design elements that helped define the communist-era landscape of Bulgaria. The conclusions presented here are based on observations made by the author while living in Bulgaria and research into the literature on communist architecture and design in the East Bloc. Bulgaria was the member of the East Bloc that most closely followed the architectural and design model established by the Soviet Union and exported to its satellite states following the Second World War. This didactic model was intended to present a certain image of communism and its achievements. Despite physical changes that came with the end of communism in Bulgaria, the country has retained a significant communist-era landscape. Bulgaria, therefore, presents an opportunity to examine many of the architectural and design elements typical of the East Bloc, both how the communists intended them to be interpreted and how these buildings and monuments made the transition to the postcommunist era.
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Syrný, Marek. "The Communist Party of Slovakia between the liberation and the gain of totalitarian power." Securitas Imperii: Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 39, no. 2 (2021): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/vmfg6393.
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This study deals with the tactics, means and methods by which the Communist Party of Slovakia, as a regional branch of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, politically fought for a monopoly of power after the Second World War. First, it briefly describes the development of this party and its acceptance by the Slovak society in the interwar and war period. Then, it presents a picture, analyses and compares the ways in which the Slovak Communists tried to disqualify their insurgent partners and post‑war rivals for power in the political struggle – the Slovak Democrats. It notes the relations between the Slovak and Czech Communists, the transformation of communist propaganda and tactics, conditioned by a single goal – the gain of totalitarian power, the introduction of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the replacement of capitalism by communism. Until the communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, the Communists used a variety of democratic, semi‑democratic and outright violent and undemocratic practices to win – from hyperbolizing the party propaganda, via the abuse of mass social organizations and the secret police, to purposeful investigation and intimidation and the threat of using a forceful solution of the political struggle.
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Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
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Poeze, Harry A. "The Cold War in Indonesia, 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340999004x.
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Existing accounts of the Madiun incident or revolt of September 1948 suggest that it was a mainly domestic incident, with little direct link to international communism, whether through instructions or the international communist line. This paper argues that there were in fact strong links to both. The revolt was closely linked to the return of veteran communist Muso, who arrived from Europe after discussions with communists there, and with a mandate to help the PKI to reform its policies.
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BELOGUROVA, ANNA. "The Civic World of International Communism: Taiwanese communists and the Comintern (1921–1931)." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 6 (May 25, 2012): 1602–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000327.
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AbstractThe short history of the Taiwanese Communist Party (Taiwan gongchandang 台 灣 共 產 黨) (1928–1931) offers a window into the negotiative polity of international communism during the Third Period (1928–1934). The Party was established during the time when the Comintern intensified its operations in colonies and promoted the organization of communist parties there. Its demise was the result of government suppression that occurred as a reaction to their increased public activity in 1931, allegedly at the direction of the Comintern. This paper examines the Comintern's role in the Taiwanese communist movement and shows that the Taiwanese communists were active agents (rather than passive tools) in their relationship with the Comintern.
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STANCIU, CEZAR. "Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000532.
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AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemned by an international meeting of Communist parties between 1967 and 1969. His basic ideological argument was that unity of world communism should have a polycentric meaning.
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Beaumont, Thomas, and Tim Rees. "Editors' Introduction: Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Colonialism In The Comintern Era." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (June 28, 2023): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280553.
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The articles assembled in this special issue of Twentieth Century Communism explore the related themes of Communist engagement with the politics of anti-colonialism and of anti-racism during the Comintern era. This special issue represents the first publication to emerge from the AHRC-funded 'Rethinking International Communism' research network. The articles were among those presented at the workshop, 'Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Imperialism', held at the University of Exeter in April 2022. 1 The authors approach the subject with research interests and interdisciplinary backgrounds that illustrate the contrasting, but complementary, perspectives in the expanding body of studies on the relationships between interwar international communism and struggles for liberation from colonialism, imperialism and racial oppression. They also represent the intersection of two mutually enriching approaches that have driven this new research and more nuanced interpretations: studies that are largely concerned with fitting communist involvement into the wider histories of interwar anti-colonialism and anti-racism; and studies focusing on the role of anti-colonialism and anti-racism as an important aspect of interwar international communism. Together they demonstrate the myriad ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism and anti-racism were often defining elements in the commitment of a great many communists to the international communist movement. 2 They also show how pivotal their involvement in liberation struggles often was in the wider development and success of those causes in the longer term.
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O’Connor, Emmet. "Jim Larkin and the Communist Internationals, 1923–9." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014206.
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In 1924 James Larkin agreed with British and Soviet communists to undertake the leadership of communism in Ireland. The triangular relationship soon became poisoned with dissension, insubordination and deceit. Not only did Larkin refuse to form a communist party, he went to great lengths to ensure that no one else did either. By 1925 British communists, contrary to Moscow’s directives, were attempting to work in Ireland independently of Larkin, and by 1927 Moscow too was plotting to clip his wings.Larkin’s communist career is treated in some detail in two publications. Emmet Larkin’s biography offers the kindest interpetation, taking his subject’s politics at face value, and concluding that Ireland, and the weak and divided condition of its labour movement after 1923, were simply too hostile an environment for communism. Mike Milotte’s Communism in modern Ireland deals more directly with organisational politics and cites repeated examples of Larkin’s failure. Both studies are based on sources available in the west, which offer a superficial picture of events, and the story still holds obvious puzzles. Why did Larkin accept the leadership of the communist movement and then deliberately prevent its development? Why did Moscow tolerate his leadership for so long? Did Larkin have a political strategy, or were his political thinking and actions purely impulsive and reactive? And how do we explain his eccentric behaviour during these years, when he seemed to quarrel with everyone?With the liberalisation of access to the former Central Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the Institute for Marxism-Leninism, Moscow, now the Russian Centre for the Conservation and Study of Documents of Modern History (Rossijskij Tsentr Khraneniya i Izutshenija Dokumentov Novejshej Istorij, cited as R.Ts.Kh.I.D.N.I. throughout this article), it is possible to answer these questions.
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Podemski, Piotr. "Antyamerykańska trauma i nostalgia za komunizmem we włoskiej wojnie o pamięć na przykładzie twórczości Giorgia Gabera." Politeja 18, no. 1(70) (February 1, 2021): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.70.07.
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Anti-American Trauma and Nostalgia for Communism in the Italian Memory War as Presented in Giorgio Gaber’s Work
Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, it’s almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by the Communists (anti-American and pro-Communist). Giorgio Gaber (1939-2003), a famous Italian cantautore (singer-songwriter), is one the exponents of anti-American trauma and nostalgia for communism within the latter narrative. In his two famous texts, America and Some used to be Communists, he offers precious insights into these aspects of his generation’s own memory and their ancestors’ post-memory of the post-war period.
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T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.
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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.
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Sacewicz, Karol. "Communism and communists towards the intelligentsia in interwar Poland. An outline of the issue." Echa Przeszłości, no. XXIV/1 (August 29, 2023): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/ep.9303.
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As a section of the Comintern and a de facto Soviet agent, the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (CWPP), and subsequently the Communist Party of Poland (CPP), aimed to effect a revolt of the masses—a revolution—which would culminate in making the dictatorship of the proletariat a reality. Holding hegemonic power, the Communists would thus be able to carry out Moscow’s imperial plans in the guise of Communist slogans and ideals. In that struggle, the communist party active on the territory of the Second Republic of Poland, as well as all sections of the Comintern, relied primarily on the working masses, on the proletariat, and with time found support among the landless and rural smallholders: groups which were susceptible to the most extreme revolutionary slogans. Or was there a place for another force, namely the intelligentsia? What positions with regard to the latter were adopted by the Bolsheviks in Russia, the principal ideologists of the Soviet mir and, by virtue of the CWPP/CPP’s subordination to Moscow, by the communist parties in Poland? This is precisely what this text is concerned with: the varying, fairly flexible policy of the communists towards the intelligentsia, which nonetheless was always calculated to serve the interests and goals of Moscow. One rather important detail should be noted here. The intelligentsia in question was neither a homogeneous group in terms of its social, political or economic views nor was it a national or religious monolith; on the contrary, it was characterized by numerous dividing lines, which is why applying a uniform yardstick to assess its attitudes towards communism and vice versa would be erroneous. Hence, this study only outlines and critically discusses the chief directions adopted by the communist party in its treatment of the intelligentsia, as well as the selected modalities of the latter’s approach to communism: from negation, through conformist subservience, to total subordination. All the same, it is merely a voice in the scholarly debate that should continue.
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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.
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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.
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Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.
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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.
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AHMAD, MOHD ABDUL AZIZ, and MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD. "PERCUBAAN FAHAMAN KOMUNIS MENGUASAI PARTI KEBANGSAAN MELAYU MALAYA (PKMM)." International Journal of Creative Future and Heritage (TENIAT) 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47252/teniat.v5i1.208.
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Penyebaran fahaman komunis di Tanah Melayu dilakukan oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), fahaman komunis pada peringkat awalnya disebarkan di kalangan masyarakat Cina sahaja, kemudiannya mereka menyebarkan fahaman mereka kepada masyarakat Melayu. Fahaman komunis disebarkan kepada masyarakat Melayu melalui dua kaedah. Pertama, penyebaran secara langsung kepada orang Melayu (propaganda atau penyebaran ideologi komunis dilakukan secara terus melalui Parti Komunis Malaya); dan kedua, melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu (menguasai parti politik Melayu dan menyebarkan ideologi komunis dalam parti politik Melayu tersebut). Kajian mengenai kaedah pertama sudah banyak dihasilkan oleh penyelidik sebelum ini. Oleh itu, artikel ini bermatlamat meneliti kaedah kedua komunis iaitu melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu iaitu Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). Perkara yang menjadi persoalan kajian ialah sejauh manakah fahaman komunis berjaya menguasai PKMM? Bagi menjawab persoalan kajian, kaedah kualitatif digunakan berdasarkan kepada analisis teks bertemakan sejarah politik. Hasil analisis ini pengkaji telah mendapati fahaman komunis tidak dapat menguasai kepimpinan dan dasar parti kerana dalam PKMM mempunya tiga aliran iaitu aliran nasionalis, aliran agama dan aliran komunis. Aliran yang menguasai kepimpinan adalah aliran nasionalis dan agama. Kegagalan fahaman komunis menguasai PKMM juga disebabkan oleh kerjasama yang terjalin antara mereka adalah atas sebab kepentingan masing-masing. The spread of communism in Malaya was undertaken by the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). The movements of communism were initially diffused only among the Chinese community, then later on to the other communities. Communism was disseminated to the communities through two methods. Firstly, the ideology was spread directly to the Malays (the propaganda of communist ideology was made directly through the Malayan Communist Party); and secondly, it was carried out through the control of Malay political parties (by dominating the Malay political parties and spread the communist ideology in the Malay political parties). The study of the first method has been widely produced by the researchers before. Therefore, this article aims to examine the second method utilized by the communists to control the Malay political party, Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). A question arises as to what extent the communists successfully gained control of PKMM? To answer the research question, a qualitative method is used based on the analysis of political history themed texts. The result of the analysis, researcher found that communists did not dominate the leadership and policy of the party for PKMM consists of three streams which are the nationalist, religious and communist streams. The streams that took control of the leadership are the streams of nationalism and religion. The failure of communists to dominate PKMM was due to the cooperation linked between them and also because each of the streams cared for their own interests.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.
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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent past – the National Archives, the National Council for the Study of Securitate's Archives, and the Institute for the Investigation of Crimes of Communism – is undertaken. The work of these three institutional actors shows a direct relationship between truth-telling in its various forms (access to archives, opening the files and exhumations) and any subsequent retroactive justice and restitution. The main argument of the paper is that while deep-seated dichotomies between former communist and anti-communists in addressing the past still persist, a more nuanced way of seeing the regime that explores the ambiguous line that divides outright repression from cooptation is emerging.
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "The Patrimonialization of the Communist Past in Romania: Laws, Memorials, and Monuments." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (January 5, 2021): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.11.
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The patrimonialization of the communist past in post-communist Romania is a twofold phenomenon: one the one hand, communism was demonized while its victims celebrated as martyrs, and, on the other, it was thrown away to the dustbin of history without comments. The last approach, promoted by neo-communists, was meant to hide the responsibility of theirs ancestors in perpetrating victimhood upon the Romanian nation. What were theirs strategies and concrete actions in achieving the wanted results are the main concerns of my article. It investigates how monuments, memorials and museums were instrumental in forging a politicized/ideological suitable image of the communist past. Furthermore, the laws, institutions, commemorative practices and rituals are analyzed in order to see what was at stake in creating them and who were the promoters of the narratives which lead to such creations.
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Kunicki, Mikołaj. "The Red and the Brown: Bolesław Piasecki, the Polish Communists, and the Anti-Zionist Campaign in Poland, 1967-68." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 185–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270673.
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This article complements studies on 1968 in Poland that have explained the anti-Semitic campaign by pointing to the Soviet factor, traditional Polish anti-Semitism, or factional conflict within the Polish Communist Party. The article attributes March 1968 to the communists’ growing reliance on Polish nationalism. It narrows the scale of historical observation to the case of Bolesław Piasecki (1915-79), a prominent nationalist politician. A fascist in the 1930s and a proregime Catholic activist after the war, Piasecki was the leading proponent of the mutual reinforcement of nationalism and communism. Melding Piasecki’s role in the 1968 drama with the ideological metamorphosis of the Polish Communist Party, the article argues that under certain conditions, not only did the communists utilize nationalism, but they also prolonged the existence of the nationalist radical right, which supplied the chauvinistic message during the anti-Semitic campaign.
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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Mates, Lewis. "'We want real live wires, not gas pipes': Communism in the inter-war Durham coalfield." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 51–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165607.
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Durham was the second largest and best unionised interwar British coalfield. With some leading pre-war Durham miner militants sympathetic to communist inspired movements after 1920, there seemed to be considerable potential for the CPGB's growth. The 'communist moment' seemed to arrive in 1926. The Durham miners' leaders' inactivity during the general strike and after, contrasted with communists' apparent dynamism, made for excellent propaganda. Hundreds duly flocked to the CPGB throughout the coalfield in those heady months of late 1926. Yet the factors that aided communism's growth while the dispute raged had the opposite impact after the miners' defeat. A successful counter-attack by local Labour and miners' leaders, coal owner victimisation and the defeatism and demoralisation it engendered, as well as the general depressed state of the industry that brought short time and unemployment, saw Durham communism retreat rapidly in 1927. The district CPGB's own shortcomings also played a part. Both before 1926 and after 1934, communist influence was most readily exerted through Labour Party miner activists who had never been CPGB members. Their political careers suggest why communism did not gain a stronger independent foothold in the Durham coalfield.
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Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.
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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “official” correspondence and her interventions in party meetings. Reading such sources as sites of self-fashioning, Kirschenbaum argues that Ibárruri was at once empowered and constrained by her self-presentation as the mother of the Spanish exiles. Ibárruri's case both internationalizes understandings of Stalinist culture and suggests the possibility of a history of international communism structured around the interconnected and diverse lives of individual communists.
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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.
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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.
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Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.
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This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in the end functioned as compliant tools of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinist ideology. Although CPNZ officials did not openly cooperate with Soviet intelligence, the Comintern engaged in clandestine operations with New Zealand Communists. The CPNZ invariably deferred to Moscow, altered its policies to accord with Soviet objectives, aligned its policy to suit ideological pronouncements from the Comintern, kept Moscow informed of internal developments, and sought and received financial assistance from Moscow.
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El-Amin, Mohammed Nuri. "The Role of the Egyptian Communists in Introducing the Sudanese to Communism in the 1940s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 4 (November 1987): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056506.
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The Sudan came to know of Communism directly during the 1940s, through Egypt and Herbert Storey. Egyptian Communism had passed through two phases. The first phase was in the 1920s when, under Joseph Rosenthal and his Alexandria Group, it appeared first as a socialist movement and then as a Communist one proper. During this phase it made some impact on some of the Egyptian intelligentsia, a few trade unions, and a small number of workers. It also tried, though unsuccessfully, to join the Comintern so as to act as its official representative in this part of the world, thereby assuming for itself the role that organization had already entrusted to the Communist parties of the European colonial countries. However, the efforts of Egyptian Communism during this first stage received a mortal blow in the mid-1920s at the hands of Saʿd Zaghlūl, the leader of the Wafd party, when he began to see in the activities of the Communists a serious challenge to the hegemony of the Wafd in Egyptian politics.
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Bonura, Carlo. "The What-Has-Been and the Now of a Communist Past in Malaya in the Films of Amir Muhammad." positions: asia critique 29, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8722769.
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This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a communist past in Malaysia, both of its politics and suppression, inflects the present. The films provide an opening to recognize how the absence of communism today is the effect of the ideological clearing of all leftism that became the hallmark of the end of the British Empire in Malaysia. Communism is made meaningful in Amir’s films both as a lived experience and as a displacement that is absent from the postcolonial everyday.
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Švecova, Martina. "Regime Preferences in Communist Czechoslovakia and the Narrative on the Slovak National Uprising." Political Preferences, no. 27 (December 10, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.27.79-94.
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Most of the participants in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) were fighting for the ideals of democracy and freedom, for the defeat of fascism and Nazism and for the new Czechoslovak Republic with equal status for the Slovak people within it. They could not have foreseen that communist totalitarianism would be established after the war, one that would try to use the Uprising as a precursor for the socialist revolution (Fremal 2010: 359). The Communist Party, with the support of historians, utilised the legacy of the SNP to justify its political actions. Czechoslovak identity was also constructed through the image of the SNP, whose annual celebrations provided the communists with the opportunity to interpret the legacy of the SNP in various forms. This work deals with the way the communists interpreted the SNP in order to convince the public that this was a people's Uprising intended to lead to social equality and the eventual acceptance of communism in Czechoslovakia in the years 1947,1948 and 1954.
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Burds, Jeffrey. "“Turncoats, Traitors, and Provocateurs”: Communist Collaborators, the German Occupation, and Stalin’s NKVD, 1941–1943." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 3 (December 13, 2017): 606–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417742486.
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Historians have long assumed that Germany closely followed a take-no-prisoners policy in dealing with captured communists in the East. That was the direct conclusion to be drawn from Hitler’s notorious Commissar Order issued on the eve of the Barbarossa invasion, which prescribed summary execution of all communists and communist officials. Data published in the Soviet Union largely confirmed this impression, reflecting a dramatic reduction in Communist Party members during the first six months of the war in the East. New data suggest, however, that far from annihilating communist cadres as part of the so-called “Jewish-Communist” threat, the German occupation authorities instead recruited many former communists for service in occupation governmental work, as spies, or in other roles vital to German authorities in eastern zones. Post-Soviet archives offer profound insights into the development of Stalin’s special policy towards these suspected communist turncoats.
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Mat Yazid, Mohd Noor. "Indonesian Relations with the Eastern Europe, Soviet Union and China before 1965: Systemic and Domestic Factors." Review of European Studies 8, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n3p253.
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<p>This article discusses the Indonesian relations with Eastern Europe Communist states, Soviet Union and China Communists before 1965 and how the systemic and domestic factors influenced Indonesian decision. Indonesian foreign relation was closer to communist state after President Sukarno’s official visits to Moscow and Beijing in 1956. Why President Sukarno foreign relations closer to communist states? What was the international political situation that influenced Sukarno to lean to East bloc? What was the domestic situation that influenced Sukarno to do so? Why Indonesian closer relation with the communist not began earlier than 1956? Among the main discussions in this article are: the Indonesian-Soviet Union relations, Indonesian-China relations, Communist ideology and Indonesian relations with Eastern European Communists states. Indonesian relations with Communists state changed dramatically after the Indonesian Coup of September 1965 and the collapsed of President Sukarno and the formation of “new order” regime under Suharto in Indonesia. The changes of domestic politics in Indonesia after September 1965 strongly influenced the Indonesian relations with the Communists states.</p>
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (November 29, 2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.
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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in explaining this deficit: first, the demographic profile (including lower religiosity levels) of post-communist countries is less conducive to civic participation than elsewhere. Second, the magnitude of the deficit increases with the number of years an individual spent under communism but the effects were particularly strong for people socialized in the post-totalitarian years and for those who experienced communism in their early formative years (between ages six and seventeen). Finally, we also find that civic participation suffered in countries that experienced weaker economic performance in the post-communist period, though differences in post-communist democratic trajectories had a negligible impact on participation. Taken together, we leave behind a potentially optimistic picture about civic society in post-communist countries, as the evidence we present suggests eventual convergence toward norms in other non post-communist countries.
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Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.
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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in almost totally separate communities.
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Between Deprivation and Privilege: (Former) “Enemies of the People” in Communist and Postcommunist Romania." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.2.
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Communism everywhere it settled aimed to create a new society and the ‘new man’ in the shortest possible time. In order to put into practice such social engineering, it was necessary that those social categories refractory to change to be annihilated. There-fore, the former politicians, the landlords, the wealthy peasants (the kulak), the bour-geois, the intellectuals, the artists were methodically and constantly repressed. Laws, institutions and people were summoned to effect change through repressive methods. The beginning of the process of building the communist society created many ‘enemies of the people’, as the communists described them, victims of the class struggle, but also of their own ideals. Belief in the ‘Arrival of the Americans’, and in the short duration of Communism led them directly to prisons, hard labor and deportation camps. Many perished, but most escaped and returned to the society that was reconfiguring itself on new bases and with new values. The fall of communism brought their recognition as ‘victims’ of the totalitarian regim’s politics. In order to acknowledge their suffering the postcommunist Romanian state offers them compensations, granted them the label of ‘anti-communist fighter’, and eventually condemned Communism as ‘illegitimate and criminal’. My paper discusses all these issues while pointing out what was at stake in organized repression during communism as well as in recognizing the suffering of the repressed in the first postcommunist decades.
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Khamedova, Olha. "Feminism and communism: specifics of interaction in the western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s – 1930s." Synopsis: Text Context Media 26, no. 3 (2020): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-259x.2020.3.4.
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The Subject of the Study is the models of interaction and intersection of ideologies in media discourse. In contrast to the homogeneous ideological discourse of the Soviet press, the Western Ukrainian of the interwar period was ideologically diverse, in particular, “leftist” ideas were propagated in magazines. There is a noticeable trend in modern media studies: researchers to some extent ignore the “communist segment” of the Western Ukrainian press of the interwar period, this is due to the relevance of our study. Realizing that the communist movement was not widespread in Western Ukraine during the interwar period, let us consider the press of communist organizations both for the sake of objectivity and the need to explore models of the intersection of communist ideology and feminism and this is the novelty of the research. The aim of the article is to investigate the specifics of the interaction of feminism and communism in the Western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s and 1930s on the material of communist magazines. The weekly Nasha Zemlya and Sel-Rob, which represented the communist ideological discourse of Western Ukraine, were selected for analysis. The research methodology is a combination of critical discourse analysis with feminist critique. The Results of the Study. Communist magazines were concerned about how to attract Ukrainian women to the party ranks. The key issues covered in Western Ukrainian communist magazines were: women’s unemployment, low-skilled workers, difficult conditions, and low wages. At the same time, only women journalists paid attention to the gender aspect of such problems, for example, the gender disparity in the remuneration of men and women. The political and ideological orientation of Western Ukrainian communist newspapers toward the Soviet Union and Moscow Bolshevism was obvious. Propaganda materials about the Soviet Union’s success in resolving the “women’s issue” regularly appeared in the newspapers of Western Ukrainian communists. Publications on women’s issues were feminist in terms of authorial Intentions, ideological accents, and interpretation of facts. However, discrimination against women was primarily due to an unjust socio-economic system. Despite feminist intentions in the materials of communist magazines, activists of the Ukrainian Women’s Union were criticized as the main ideological competitors in the struggle for the Ukrainian woman.
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De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (August 14, 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.
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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.
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This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of post-communist transitions. Thus, whereas we can still discern a distinctive and fairly uniform communist imprint in areas such as primary education and the importance of the state sector in the economy, in other areas of socioeconomic development, either communism was unable to reverse longer-term intraregional differences (e.g., with respect to GDP/capita or the size of the agrarian sector) or its initially distinctive developmental imprint has been fundamentally reshaped by post-communist economic reforms (as in the case of the massive increase in income inequality in a subset of ex-communist countries). In political terms, there is an interesting contrast between institutional trajectories (such as regime type), which largely follow pre-communist developmental differences, and individual political attitudes and behavior, where communist exceptionalism generally trumps post-communist diversity.
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ROSE, RICHARD. "Ex-Communists in Post-Communist Societies." Political Quarterly 67, no. 1 (January 1996): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1996.tb01561.x.
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Parra, Ricardo, and Jorge Ferraz. "From a Communist Heritage to an Unwanted Past: The Case of Romania." Science Insights 38, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/si.21.re076.
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Communist ideologies and political regimes have had their specific models of tourism. These models reflect on the way former communist countries view tourism today. Despite the long communist period, Romania refuses to accept Communism as an integral part of its historical culture and society, being perceived as a dark period of its history. Several campaigns which were broadcasted as a way to show the cultural and natural beauty of the country, promote rural tourism and the ancient Romanian History, eluding themes and subjects related with that recent past. Even though there has been a growing touristic interest in Romania’s communist heritage, the country’s strategies express the difficulty in accepting Communism as part of the Romanian cultural identity and history. Thus, what communication strategies does Romania use to promote its culture, in order to avoid its communist heritage? What are the reasons behind the country’s vehement silence about its past? This article aims to discuss how and why the country and its population promote specific tourist products as a way to avoid their communist legacy.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "Nepali Communist Parties in Elections: Participation and Representation." Dristikon: A Multidisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dristikon.v10i1.34537.
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The communist parties are not gaining popularity throughout the countries of the world, as they are shrinking. The revolutionary communist forces are in a defensive position, and the reformist communists have failed to achieve good results in the elections. Communist parties are struggling just for their existence in the developed countries. They are not in a decisive position, even in developing countries as well. Nevertheless, communists of Nepal are obtaining popularity through the elections. Although the communists of Nepal are split into many factions, they have been able to win the significant number of seats of electoral offices. This article tries to analyze the position of communist parties in the general elections of Nepal. It examines seven general elections of Nepal held from 1959 to 2017. Facts, which were published by the Elections Commission of Nepal at different times, were the basic sources of information for this article. Similarly, governmental and scholarly publications were also used in the article.
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Smith, Evan. "Policing Communism Across the ‘White Man's World’: Anti-Communist Co-operation between Australia, South Africa and Britain in the Early Cold War." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (September 2017): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0274.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper explores how this co-ordination of anti-communist efforts was implemented in Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War era, which involved the breaking of strikes using the armed forces, the close monitoring of ‘persons of interest’ and the (attempted) banning of the Communist Party. It also seeks to demonstrate that the history of anti-communism, similar to communism, has an international dimension that is only starting to be investigated by historians.
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Moisa, Gabriel. "Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 3-4(131-132) (November 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.04.
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At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen Rozvany, recently returned from the front, a member of the Socialist Party of Transylvania and Banat, made his presence felt in Oradea. He joined the communist movement in 1920, where he held an important position until his departure to the USSR in 1932, placing himself at the head of the Bihor and even national communist movement. He was the one who seriously imprinted the communist movement in Bihor and beyond. Breiner Bela was added immediately. Along with them, new leaders were formed who turned to communism in a very short time, such as Sándkovitz Sándor (Alexandru Sencovici) and Mogyorós Sándor (Alexandru Moghioroş). Oradea and Bihor played an important role in the national communist movement. This is demonstrated by the fact that after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Romania, held in 1922, the communist movement in the country was organized into eight regional secretariats. One of them was in Oradea. The Communist Party of Romania, the Bihor county organization, was a political structure overwhelmingly dominated in the interwar period, as can be seen, by members of the Hungarian and Jewish communities. They made the law in the organization, and if someone did not agree with its conduct, he was quickly shot dead. This is also the case of Eugen Rozvany, who, when he had a different position from the local communists on “the self-determination of the peoples of imperialist Romania”, he supported the idea of the Romanian national state, was unmasked, removed from the party, whose fate was sealed.
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Schulze, Emilie. "Copland and Communism: Mystery and Mayhem." Musical Offerings 13, no. 1 (2022): 23–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15385/jmo.2022.13.1.3.
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In the midst of the second Red Scare, Aaron Copland, an American composer, came under fire for his communist tendencies. Between the 1930s and 1950s, he joined the left-leaning populist Popular Front, composed a protest song, wrote Lincoln Portrait and Fanfare for the Common Man, traveled to South America, spoke at the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, and donated to communist leaning organizations such as the American-Soviet Musical Society. Due to Copland’s personal communist leanings, Eisenhower’s Inaugural Concert Committee censored a performance of Copland’s Lincoln Portrait in 1953. HUAC (The House Committee on Un-American Activities) brought Copland to the committee and questioned him on his communist connections. Copland clearly denied any and all communist activities or affiliations. This raised the questions: what impact did the contemporary political climate have on Copland’s music? What actual ties did he have to communism? Does it matter? To answer these questions, I examined the primary sources in the Copland Collection at the Library of Congress, during the fall of 2019. In addition to selected secondary sources, I focused on the relevant letters, hearing records, and other materials contained in Box 427: the box on HUAC. In addition to the Performing Arts Reading Room Aaron Copland Collection, I utilized the Folklife Collection and their resources on Aaron Copland. I will conclude there is significant external evidence Copland associated with communists, but since Copland himself continuously denied the identity, it is difficult to conclude whether Copland was or was not in fact a communist. It is much easier to conclude that Copland was, at the very least, politically left-leaning, although his political beliefs held a secondary role to the musical style in his compositions.
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Strippoli, Giulia. "'Be a better communist': the life story of a Portuguese militant." Twentieth Century Communism 16, no. 16 (March 10, 2019): 30–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319826746003.
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The history of the Portuguese Communist Party – PCP – can be explored from different perspectives. From the viewpoint of a communist militant, this study discusses some issues linked to the history of communism and its supporters' political apprenticeship. Based on a series of conversations between a Portuguese communist and the author, historians of different generations, the article focuses on a life story, where autobiography, biography, episodes from the history of Socialism and the Communist Party are mixed and questioned.
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Vaičiūnas, Gintaras. "Sovietų Sąjungos penktoji kolona Anykščių krašte tarpukario Lietuvoje." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 52 (January 23, 2023): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2022.203.
Full textAbstract:
The communist underground movement which emerged in the provinces of Lithuania during the years of independence used to be involved in anti-state subversive activities in favour of the foreign state, the USSR, already before the occupation, thus laying down the foundations of a collaborative system. The Lithuanian Communist Party was a strictly centralised organisation consisting of LCP groups, districts, regions, and units which were governed by the Central Committee of the LCP through instructors appointed by this institution of the LCP. In Anykščiai and in the adjacent Kavarskas parish the first communist groups were created by members of the Communist Party of the whole of Russia (VKP (b)); Edvardas Makštys, former secretary of the revolutionary committee of the Švenčionys district, a teacher, and Alfonsas Karosas, former commissar of the RA division and a pharmacist. The communist underground movement founded by the Lithuanian bolsheviks was expanding, and new underground communist groups started to appear both in the parish centres of Anykščiai and Kavarskas and in the villages of these parishes. Communists from Anykščiai and Kavarskas were active in cooperation, and for some time they belonged to the same LCP Anykščiai volost. The communist movement in the LCP Anykščiai-Kavarskas volost (from 1934 onwards) was small and very scarce archival data suggest that during the years of independence in Anykščiai there were only three Lithuanian and one Russian communist, all the others were Jews. In Kavarskas, only Jews were members of communist organisations. The situation in Anykščiai and Kavarskas was quite the opposite: members of Communist and Komsomol groups operating in the villages of Anykščiai and Kavarskas volosts were exclusively Lithuanians, as there were almost no Jews living in rural areas. In terms of the total number of members and supporters of communist organisations in Anykščiai (in the towns and villages) during the years of independence, the number of communists, members of the Komsomol and the international organisation for the support of the revolutionary struggle (in Russian – MOPR) was fewer than 80 persons, which was less than 1 per cent (0.58) of the population in the volost (in September 1939, a total population of the volost was 13,741 person). All in all, in 1940 there were 18 communists and about 30 members of the Komsomol and the MOPR in Anykščiai volost, and the same number (about 30) of their supporters (mostly acting as sureties for the detained communists). In 1936, 37 members of communist organisations lived in Anykščiai (some of them were serving prison sentences at the time), 33 of whom were Jews, which constituted 2.34 per cent of the Jewish community in Anykščiai (according to the data from September 1939, there were 1,405 Jews living in Anykščiai). The Lithuanian security police successfully controlled the activities of the communists, and the latter did not constitute a major source of concern for the state. Due to the low number of communists and the hostility of the majority of the population towards them, they had no means and no way of changing the government, either by election (the LCP was banned in Lithuania) or by force. The situation changed radically after the occupation of Lithuania by the Soviet Russia, when the former fifth column – members of communist organisations and their supporters, together with the representatives of the occupiers, took over almost all the most important government posts and workplaces, and set about destroying everything connected with the independent state of Lithuania and its autonomy.