Journal articles on the topic 'Communist resistance'
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1
Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Podemski, Piotr. "Antyamerykańska trauma i nostalgia za komunizmem we włoskiej wojnie o pamięć na przykładzie twórczości Giorgia Gabera." Politeja 18, no. 1(70) (February 1, 2021): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.70.07.
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Anti-American Trauma and Nostalgia for Communism in the Italian Memory War as Presented in Giorgio Gaber’s Work
Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, it’s almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by the Communists (anti-American and pro-Communist). Giorgio Gaber (1939-2003), a famous Italian cantautore (singer-songwriter), is one the exponents of anti-American trauma and nostalgia for communism within the latter narrative. In his two famous texts, America and Some used to be Communists, he offers precious insights into these aspects of his generation’s own memory and their ancestors’ post-memory of the post-war period.
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Mukharji, Projit Bihari. ""Communist" dispossession meets "reactionary" resistance." Focaal 2009, no. 54 (June 1, 2009): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540107.
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The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.
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Kitchen, Martin, and Allan Merson. "Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany." Labour / Le Travail 22 (1988): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143093.
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Kater, Michael H., and Allan Merson. "Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany." German Studies Review 10, no. 1 (February 1987): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430486.
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King, C. E. "Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany." German History 6, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.2.209.
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Epstein, Catherine. "The Production of “Official Memory” in East Germany: Old Communists and the Dilemmas of Memoir-Writing." Central European History 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020896.
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In East Germany, official memory was reputedly embodied in Old Communists, those men and women who had joined the German Communist Party (KPD) before Hitler's rise to power in 1933. After 1945, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), East Germany's ruling party, exploited the tragic experiences of Old Communists during the Third Reich—exile, resistance, and concentration–camp incarceration—to foster a triumphant official memory of heroic, Communist-led antifascist struggle. Intended to legitimate the SED regime, this official memory was rehearsed in countless “lieux de mémoire,” including films, novels, school textbooks, museum exhibitions, and commemorative rituals. Concurrently, party authorities encouraged Old Communists to share their past lives with younger East Germans; in particular, they urged Old Communists to write memoirs of their participation in the antifascist struggle against Hitler.
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Adam, Yusril Fahmi. "Perjuangan Umat Islam dalam Gerakan Front Anti Komunis di Indonesia, 1954-1958." Tsaqofah 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/tsaqofah.v20i2.6700.
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This article is a social history research which in general is to analyze the events of the Anti-Communist Front movement. The method used in this article is the historical method and the data collection in writing this article uses library research. The results showed that the Anti-Communist Front movement was a movement aimed at fighting the ideology of communism. In this case, the resistance of the Anti-Communist Front movement was aimed at the PKI, because the PKI was a party that had a fairly large cadre, so with the large number of PKI cadres, it was feared that the ideology of communism would affect the beliefs or beliefs of Muslims. The PKI also had a strong political influence in Indonesia, especially in the 1955 elections, but what became the concern of the Anti-Communist Front was the PKI's revolutionary political attitude, so that the PKI often abused, slandered, and even killed the elite of Islamic political parties, the Kyai, as well as among the students for their political ambitions.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Remembering the Romanian Anti-Communist Armed Resistance: An Analysis of Local Lived Experience." Eurostudia 10, no. 1 (July 28, 2015): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033884ar.
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The anti-communist armed resistance that occurred as a disparate and heterogeneous movement in Romania from 1944 until 1962 became a highly politicized topic after 1989. Some interpreted this history as an element of the national resistance against Soviet occupation and the ensuing forced communization. Others demonized the partisans (or at least minimized their role) and presented them as outlaws, fascists, and criminals. This essay analyzes the armed resistance and its place within the politics of memory from three interrelated perspectives: 1) as lived experience in the context of post-World War II emergence of communism; 2) it takes a concretely localized perspective; and 3) analyzes these lived experiences as they have been presented in autobiographical accounts heavily influenced by post-1989 anti-communist rhetoric. The article concludes that multiple histories of repression and resistance have so far tended to be incorporated in a master narrative and argues that an approach emphasizing localized lived experience may offer an alternative interpretative framework.
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Lankina, Tomila V., Alexander Libman, and Anastassia Obydenkova. "Appropriation and Subversion." World Politics 68, no. 2 (February 23, 2016): 229–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000428.
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Twenty-five years after the collapse of communism in Europe, few scholars disagree that the past continues to shape the democratic trajectories of postcommunist states. Precommunist education has featured prominently in this literature’s bundle of “good” legacies because it ostensibly helped foster resistance to communism. The authors propose a differentcausal mechanism—appropriation and subversion—that challenges the linearity of the above assumptions by analyzing the effects of precommunist literacy on patterns of Communist Party recruitment in Russia’s regions. Rather than regarding precommunist education as a source of latent resistance to communism, the authorshighlight the Leninist regime’s successful appropriation of the more literate strata of the precommunist orders, in the process subverting the past democratic edge of the hitherto comparatively more developed areas. The linear regression analysis of author—assembled statistics from the first Russian imperial census of 1897 supports prior research: precommunist literacy has a strong positive association with postcommunist democratic outcomes. Nevertheless, in pursuing causal mediation analysis, the authors find, in addition, that the above effect is mediated by Communist Party saturation in Russia’s regions. Party functionaries were likely to be drawn from areas that had been comparatively more literate in tsarist times, andparty saturation in turn had a dampening effect on the otherwise positive effects of precommunist education on postcommunist democracy.
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Farmer, Sarah. "The Communist Resistance in the Haute-Vienne." French Historical Studies 14, no. 1 (1985): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286415.
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Geary, Dick. "Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany. Allan Merson." Journal of Modern History 61, no. 1 (March 1989): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468230.
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Kenney, Padraic. "The Gender of Resistance in Communist Poland." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650371.
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Sinke, Tijn. "Dutch Communism in Transition: The Unfolding of a National Cold War during Political Reconstruction, 1944–8." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (June 16, 2017): 1042–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694430.
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Within three years after the Second World War, the wartime alliance between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union, and between communist and bourgeois resistance forces, had collapsed. By 1948, Dutch communists found themselves in total isolation. Historians have generally treated this phenomenon in light of the ‘restoration’ of pre-war structures – including anticommunist attitudes – or by interpreting the Cold War as an international phenomenon ‘imposed’ on Dutch society. Neither view pays sufficient attention to the contingency of transition politics and the power struggle that was fought between 1944 and 1948. My project focuses on the Dutch Communist Party’s (CPN) attempt to forge a political breakthrough by forming a front of progressive forces against the ‘reaction’, and on the responses of non-communist political and intellectual actors. Instead of interpreting the 1948 stalemate as a ‘natural’ outcome, this article highlights the combination of historical anticommunism, dynamics of transition politics and strategic solidification that accounts for the emergence of the Dutch Cold War. The reinvention of the rules of Dutch politics during political reconstruction ultimately led to the ruination of the post-war communist breakthrough. This resembles the process going on in other European countries, but with important unique features.
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Shaldin, Nikolai N. "The French communists on the results of the Munich conference of 1938." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 2 (June 18, 2022): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-2-240-245.
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The article is devoted to the reaction of the leading figures of the French Communist Party (PCF) to the results of the Munich Conference of 1938. The Communists became one of the few forces that unequivocally condemned the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany. Their opponents very often blamed them for trying to ignite a large-scale European conflict, which was, however, far from the truth. The leaders of the PCF had their own clear vision of how the French government should have acted during the events of September 1938. Only by the combined forces of democratic countries, by their resolute resistance to the aggressor, a new European war could be prevented. The author examines what impact, according to the communists, the results of the conference had on the domestic and foreign policy of France. Particular attention the author pays to the actions the leaders of the Communist Party considered necessary to resolve the Czechoslovak crisis.
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Turcescu, Lucian, and Lavinia Stan. "Church Collaboration and Resistance under Communism Revisited: The Case of Patriarch Justinian Marina (1948-1977)." Eurostudia 10, no. 1 (July 28, 2015): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033883ar.
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This article revisits the history of the Romanian Orthodox Church under communism and its instrumentalization after 1989 by focusing on the figure of Patriarch Justinian Marina (1948-1977). It argues that one of his successors and protégées, Patriarch Teoctist Arăpașu (1986-2007), had an interest in repainting Marina’s relation to the communist regime as opposition, more than collaboration, because he viewed the opening of the Securitate archives in 2000 with alarm, given the large number of Securitate informers among the Orthodox clergy. It then presents a debate that has taken place in post-1989 Romania about Patriarch Justinian, and concludes that a deeper understanding of the history of ROC under early communism is possible only if Justinian is seen as both a collaborator with the regime and a defender of the ROC.
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Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (November 2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.
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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
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Markham, Mira. "Světlana: Partisans and Power in Post-War Czechoslovakia." Contemporary European History 30, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000508.
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After the renewal of national independence in 1945 former anti-fascist partisans were among the Czechoslovak Communist Party's most reliable and radical allies. Nevertheless, following the communist coup of 1948, a group of partisans in the rural region of Moravian Wallachia began to mobilise wartime networks and tactics against the consolidating party dictatorship, establishing the Světlana resistance network. Simultaneously, state authorities also drew on partisan practices to reconstitute opposition and resistance in this region as evidence of an international conspiracy that could be understood and prosecuted within the framework of official ideology and propaganda. This article analyses the case of Světlana to examine the politics of people's democracy in Czechoslovakia and explore local dynamics of resistance and repression during the early years of the communist regime.
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Bernhard, Michael. "Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 3 (July 2005): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.
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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.
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Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Civil Resistance and Democracy in the Portuguese Revolution." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (July 27, 2016): 688–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416641496.
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During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the transition to socialism and the Armed Forces Movement was discussing the dissolution of the recently elected constitutional convention. This article offers a new account of the significance and political impact of the anti-communist rallies, demonstrations and riots during 1975 and provides an interpretation of the mechanisms by which anticommunist mobilization empowered moderate leaders and reversed the balance of power within the military, playing a crucial role in the triumph of electoral democracy.
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van Dijk, Ruud, and Peter E. Grieder. "Perspectives on Resistance with the People." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.144.
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Gary Bruce's volume in the Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series, Resistance with the People: Repression and Resistance in Eastern Germany, 1945–1955, provides an overview of the East German state security apparatus (Stasi) from the mid-1940s, when secret police organs were set up in eastern Germany by the Soviet occupation forces, through the mid-1950s, when the size of the Stasi sharply increased, allowing it to become a massive surveillance and repressive apparatus. Bruce examines the origins of the Stasi, the role of the state security organs in the outbreak and suppression of the East German uprising of June 1953, and the subsequent evolution of the Stasi under Walter Ulbricht, who removed his rivals from the state security apparatus and then reestablished it as a separate ministry responsible for “combatting all internal and external enemies” of the Communist regime. Two prominent experts on East German history offer their perspectives on Bruce's book and the role of popular resistance under Communist rule.
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Sygkelos, Yannis. "The National Discourse of the Bulgarian Communist Party on National Anniversaries and Commemorations (1944–1948)." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985678.
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During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.
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Weinberg, Henry H. "THE DEBATE OVER THE JEWISH COMMUNIST RESISTANCE IN FRANCE." Contemporary French Civilization 15, no. 1 (April 1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1991.15.1.001.
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Lutzkanova-Vassileva, A. "Spoken Revolutions: Discursive Resistance in Bulgarian Late Communist Culture." Poetics Today 30, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03335372-2008-006.
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Falk, Barbara J. "Resistance and Dissent in Central and Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 2 (April 15, 2011): 318–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388408.
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This article offers both a genealogy of academic interest in resistance and dissent in the region, as well as an overview of current directions in research. Four kinds of sources are canvassed to paint as fulsome a picture as a short article permits. First, the original literature on dissent prior to the conclusion of the Cold War is reviewed, beginning with the seminal challenge to the “totalitarian” school presented by Gordon Skilling’s seminal article in World Politics . Second, key texts written in the two decades since the fall of communism on the impact of resistance and dissent are examined. Trajectories of initial research in the post-communist era are outlined, along with an assessment of how more recent texts of the “twenty years since the Fall” variety account for resistance and dissent. Finally, results of a short survey conducted by the author and sent to both established and emerging scholars in Europe and North America who are interested, have written on, and/or published on forms of resistance and dissent add a critical contemporary dimension to the analysis.
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BEISSINGER, MARK R. "Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005074.
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AbstractThis article examines the role of nationalism in the collapse of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, arguing that nationalism (both in its presence and its absence, and in the various conflicts and disorders that it unleashed) played an important role in structuring the way in which communism collapsed. Two institutions of international and cultural control in particular – the Warsaw Pact and ethnofederalism – played key roles in determining which communist regimes failed and which survived. The article argues that the collapse of communism was not a series of isolated, individual national stories of resistance but a set of interrelated streams of activity in which action in one context profoundly affected action in other contexts – part of a larger tide of assertions of national sovereignty that swept through the Soviet empire during this period.
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Connelly, John. "East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011845.
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Those who opposed Communist rule in East Germany often did so because Communism in practice strongly reminded them of the fascism they had experienced in the Third Reich. The new East German regime was also one that attempted total control of people's lives; therefore it became natural to describe it as totalitär. Most sensitive to the similarities between the old and new regimes were university students. They displayed stronger direct opposition to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the years from 1946–1949 than any other social group. This is reflected in the political battles that were fought in universities during these years, leading to SED election failures in the elections of the postwar years: 1946/47 and late 1947. The latter were the last freely contested elections in East Germany until 1989. It is also reflected in the disproportionate number of students arrested by Soviet and East German authorities in the early postwar years.
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Nishku, Genta. "The Wretched on the Walls: A Fanonian Reading of a Revolutionary Albanian Orphanage." Feminist Critique: East European Journal of Feminist and Queer Studies, no. 3 (2020): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52323/309702.
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Using Franz Fanon’s “On Violence,” this paper analyzes dynamics of power and violence in Lulëkuqet mbi Mure / Red Poppies on Walls, a 1976 Albanian film about WWII anti-fascist resistance, told through the story of a group of orphans in Italian-occupied Albania. Fanon’s explication that the colonizer’s power is founded on force and maintained through violence, capitalist exploitation, dehumanization and compartmentalization, elucidates the film. His argument that decolonization is possible only through greater counter-violence is critical in understanding why the orphans use violent means to liberate themselves. The children’s struggle against the fascist orphanage directors is noticed and harnessed Communist Party members. I argue that though the Party’s guidance helps the children fight their subjugation, it also curbs their revolutionary potential. Thus, the didactic and propagandistic goals of Lulëkuqet mbi Mure allow only for a strict cold war dichotomy: one is either a fascist, capitalist and colonizer, or a communist, revolted colonized subject ready to take up arms. My engagement with the film, however, demonstrates that the children’s solidarity with one another and their subtle resistance prior to the communists’ intervention, gestured toward an alternative way of building community – one closer to Fanon’s ideas of a new humanism, even if it ultimately remains unrealized in the film.
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Cvetkovć, Srdjan. "Homeland is Freedom." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no. 1 (2012): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/23.
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Mihajlo Mihcylov was not a dissident from the commmist movement, an outcast from the Communist Party, or a man from government structures destroyed in the purges as were the majority of victims during the Tito regime, Mihajlov's bold intellectual resistance to communist totalitarianism was that of a real dissident in Eastern Europe, while many in Yugoslavia served as a faqade of "liberal communism," An umompromising critic, Mihcglov remained in the shadow of the much better known Milovan Djilas, a former senior Commmist Party official who drew intemational attention, Mihajlov's resistance and spiritual breadth, seeking freedom of expression for people of different ideologies, from Serbian right-wing proponents to Croatian nationalists, Djilas and social-reformists, to ultra-left Informbureau sympathizers, testify to his consistent liberal-democratic attitude and Kantian paradigm that every person has the right to political thought and action ifit does not violate the same rights of other humans, A high degree of tolerance for ideological opponents as well as consistency of commitment to human rights and freedoms make him one of the few rebels with common sense so rare in this part of the world, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn spoke of Mihajlov as a man who is a kind of spiritual beacon of anti-totalitarianism.
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Velicu, Irina. "The Aesthetic Post-Communist Subject and the Differend of Rosia Montana." Studies in Social Justice 6, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v6i1.1072.
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By challenging the state and corporate prerogatives to distinguish between “good” and “bad” development, social movements by and in support of inhabitants of Rosia Montana (Transylvania) are subverting prevailing perceptions about Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)’s liberal path of development illustrating its injustice in several ways that will be detailed in this article under the heading “inhibitions of political economy” or Balkanism. The significance of the “Save Rosia Montana” movement for post-communism is that it invites post-communist subjects to reflect and revise their perception about issues such as communism, capitalism and development and to raise questions of global significance about the fragile edifice of justice within the neo-liberal capitalist economy. However, resistance to injustice (and implicitly affirmations of other senses of justice) is an ambiguous discursive practice through which Rosieni make sense as well as partake their sense of Rosia Montana. The movement brings about a public dispute which may be compared with a differend: (in Lyotard’s words), a conflict that cannot be confined to the rules of “cognitive phrases,” of truth and falsehood. This article argues that while post-communist events of “subjectification” are unstable and thus, are to be viewed aesthetically, this same ambiguous multiplication of political subjectivity may facilitate the creation of social spaces for imagining alternative possibilities of development.
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Kopstein, Jeffrey. "Chipping Away at the State: Workers' Resistance and the Demise of East Germany." World Politics 48, no. 3 (April 1996): 391–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0011.
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This article is a study of everyday resistance and political protest among East German workers under communism. It develops and adduces evidence for two hypotheses based on evidence from Communist Party and state archives. First, in contrast to the standard explanation for the revolution of 1989, which emphasizes intellectual and popular mobilization against the regime, this essay emphasizes the long-term capacity of otherwisepowerless workers to immobilize the regime through nonpolitical acts of everyday resistance. This resistance, coupled with the rare act of political protest, rendered ineffective the conventional methods of labor discipline and undermined any hope of meaningful economic reform. The second hypothesis concerns the motivation for working-class behavior. Two models of social action have dominated studies of subalterns: rational choice and moral economy. The models are evaluated against the archival record. While the evidence is not overwhelmingly in favor of either model, the moral economy approach provides a better account of the sporadic acts of rebellion and the myriad acts of everyday resistance.
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Więch, Karol. "Audiovisual Tactics of Resistance of the Polish Anti-Communist Opposition in the 1980s as Illustrated by Tomasz Łabędź’s Kalendarz Wojny (War Calendar)." Studia Polonijne 43 (December 7, 2022): 427–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.18.
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This study is an interdisciplinary presentation of the changing media paradigm of the Polish anti-communists opposition in the 1980s. The article, in particular, emphasizes the first production of the Polish émigré media institution Video Kontakt, titled War Calendar, directed by Tomasz Łabędź. Interpreted as an example of audiovisual tactics of resistance, his work employed subversion and counterpoint to expose the discursive hypocrisy of the communist regime in Poland. The article also discusses the support that Polish dissident groups received from the Western trade unions and government agencies leading to the ‘paralel society’ with its own communication potential.
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Delisle, Philippe. "Flemish Comics versus Communist Atheism." European Comic Art 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2017.100205.
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It is well known that from 1920 to 1950, Belgian comics, embedded in a Catholic milieu, sometimes promoted anti-Communism. Au pays de la grande angoisse, drawn by Renaat Demoen and published from 1950 to 1951 in Zonneland and Petits Belges, fits into this category. Nonetheless, its ideological stance can be differentiated from that of series appearing in major Franco-Belgian magazines. Au pays de la grande angoisse is Flemish, intended only for the Belgian market, and therefore not subject to the control of the French Control Commission set up by the July 1949 law. Its critique of Eastern bloc countries is more explicit and more violent. Moreover, the story appeared in comics with a religious affiliation. It sets out to denounce the atheism of the Communists and to glorify the resistance of the believers. Ultimately, Au pays de la grande angoisse is as much a Christian comic as an adventure comic.
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Romanu, Keti. "Style and ideology: The cold war 'blend' in Greece." Muzikologija, no. 8 (2008): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0808055r.
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This paper describes cultural policy in Greece from the end of World War II up to the fall of the junta of colonels in 1974. The writer's object is to show how the Cold War favoured defeated Western countries, which participated effectively in the globalisation of American culture, as in the Western world de-nazification was transformed into a purge of communism. Using the careers of three composers active in communist resistance organizations as examples (Iannis Xenakis, Mikis Theodorakis and Alecos Xenos), the writer describes the repercussions of this phenomenon in Greek musical life and creativity.
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McDERMOTT, KEVIN. "Popular Resistance in Communist Czechoslovakia: The Plzeň Uprising, June 1953." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731000024x.
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AbstractThis article examines an important, but little-known, event in the history of post-war Czechoslovakia: the Plzeň uprising of June 1953. After outlining the context, processes and outcomes of the revolt, I argue that the disorders were less an expression of ubiquitous political and ideological resistance to the communist regime than a reflection of the disastrous socio-economic conditions and the breakdown in relations between party and workers at the point of production. I also maintain that the conventional wisdom of the ‘Stalinised’ Communist Party of Czechoslovakia as a fully fledged ‘totalitarian’ party is in many ways wide of the mark. Finally, the uprising prompted the party's tentative turn towards a ‘New Course’ and eventually a strategy of ‘socialist consumerism’.
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Zhang, Ji. "Analysis of the Political Mobilization Experience of the Communist Party of China during the Anti-Japanese War." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 9 (September 21, 2022): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/fhss.v2i9.2099.
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During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Communist Party of China insisted on the unity of the party's leadership and the consciousness of the masses, and the coordination between mass organizations and political power construction. The strong fighting spirit and the spiritual strength of the whole nation in the war of resistance have laid a solid ideological foundation, mass foundation and leadership foundation for winning the war of resistance. It is an important magic weapon to win the victory of the war of resistance. At the historical moment of national peril, the Communist Party of China resolutely carried the banner of resistance against Japan and led the whole nation to participate in the war to defend the homeland and the country. The high effectiveness of political mobilization is still worthy of in-depth study and summary and promotion to this day.
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Broder, David. "Red Partisans: Bandiera Rossa in Occupied Rome, 1943–44." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341504.
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Faced with the collapse of the Italian Communist Party (pci) and Italy’s both economic and political crisis in the 2000s and 2010s, many left-activists have mounted a rear-guard action trying to reassert the principles of the Resistance. However, rarely do debates concerning the legacy of the anti-fascist struggle acknowledge the variety of Resistance forces’ social and political goals, far from it being a single patriotic movement. This article focuses on the experience of Bandiera Rossa, the largest partisan force in Rome during the German occupation, to argue that the Resistance involved both a struggle over postwar Italy and a battle to define a communist movement re-emerging after twenty years of Fascist repression.
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Port, A. I. "Revolution and Resistance in Eastern Europe: Challenges to Communist Rule." German History 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghm022.
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Topgyal, Tsering. "THE SECURITISATION OF TIBETAN BUDDHISM IN COMMUNIST CHINA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 217–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602217t.
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This article examines the troubled relationship between Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese state since 1949. In the history of this relationship, a cyclical pattern of Chinese attempts, both violently assimilative and subtly corrosive, to control Tibetan Buddhism and a multifaceted Tibetan resistance to defend their religious heritage, will be revealed. The article will develop a security-based logic for that cyclical dynamic. For these purposes, a two-level analytical framework will be applied. First, the framework of the insecurity dilemma will be used to draw the broad outlines of the historical cycles of repression and resistance. However, the insecurity dilemma does not look inside the concept of security and it is not helpful to establish how Tibetan Buddhism became a security issue in the first place and continues to retain that status. The theory of securitisation is best suited to perform this analytical task. As such, the cycles of Chinese repression and Tibetan resistance fundamentally originate from the incessant securitisation of Tibetan Buddhism by the Chinese state and its apparatchiks. The paper also considers the why, how, and who of this securitisation, setting the stage for a future research project taking up the analytical effort to study the why, how and who of a potential desecuritisation of all things Tibetan, including Tibetan Buddhism, and its benefits for resolving the protracted Sino-Tibetan conflict.
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Vovkanych, Ivan, and Ihor Shnitser. "Political Crisis in Slovakia in 1947." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.285.
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The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship
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HE, QILIANG. "Between Accommodation and Resistance: Pingtan Storytelling in 1960s Shanghai." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (August 2, 2013): 524–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000789.
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AbstractThis paper examines the resistance of pingtan storytellers to Communist political domination and economic exploitation on the eve of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). In the early and mid-1960s, storytellers rarely mounted resistance through direct confrontations with the political authorities, but often in ‘everyday forms’ such as by libelling cadres, asking for sick-leave, refusing to conform to the dress code during performances, and threatening to withdraw from troupes. In order to vent their disappointment at the economic hardships following the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), storytellers resorted to the flexible ways of narrating and performing pingtan stories to manipulate the storylines and characterizations in their stage performances. Hence storytellers engaged in counter-propaganda by telling ribald jokes and distorting stories that were originally designed to praise Communist revolutions. This investigation of the resistance of storytellers, both on and off stage, is intended not merely to raise a long overlooked history of the 1960s from oblivion, but also to highlight the Party-state's inability to ideologically transform Chinese artists prior to the Cultural Revolution.
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Chan, Gordon Y. M. "Hong Kong and Communist Guerrilla Resistance in South China, 1937–1945." Twentieth-Century China 29, no. 1 (2003): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2003.0000.
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Chan, Gordon Y. M. "Hong Kong and Communist Guerrilla Resistance in South China, 1937–1945." Twentieth-Century China 29, no. 1 (November 2003): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tcc.2003.29.1.39.
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Montgomery, Kathleen A. "Women's resistance to the radical right: lessons from post-Communist Hungary." Patterns of Prejudice 49, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2015.1048978.
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Pucherová, Dobrota. "Cabaret Theatre in Communist Czechoslovakia 1960s–1980s as Political Resistance: The Case of Milan Lasica and Július Satinský." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 5 (June 12, 2017): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.1(5).4.
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The article analyses the cabaret theatre of Milan Lasica 1940– and Július Satinský 1941–2002, also known as L+S, in socialist Czechoslovakia in the 1960s–1980s as a form of resistance against communist totalitarianism. Rather than conventional political satire, which would have been impossible at the time, their texts subverted the political discourse by focusing on the word, the prime instrument of state propaganda, to expose its falseness through linguistic games and free play with associations. The essence of their satire, which can be most closely described as a mixture of theatre of the absurd and Dadaism, was in pointing to the meaninglessness of the language of communist ideology that bore no correspondence to reality, since the regime heavily invested in constructing and maintaining artificial realities and simulacra. However, their target was not high-ranking communists, but the common people, who internalized the discourses, values, and practices of the system and held it in place.
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Wald, Alan. "Marxist Literary Resistance to the Cold War." Prospects 20 (October 1995): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006189.
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On the morning of June 20, 1951, a hundred FBI agents poured out of the Foley Square Federal Building in Manhattan at dawn, buttoned up their gray trenchcoats, and bounded into a fleet of waiting Buicks. Spreading throughout New York City in a well-orchestrated operation, they surrounded twenty private homes, burst into bedrooms, and dragged sixteen Communist Party leaders off to jail under the Smith Act charge of conspiring to teach the overthrow of the U.S. government. This was the second group of top Party functionaries to be arrested under the Act.
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Meerpoel, Robbe. "Slachtoffer van communistische terreur? De moord op onderwijzer Herman De Vos, 13 september 1944." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 78, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 222–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v78i3.15742.
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Op 13 september 1944 werd de Aalsterse onderwijzer en medeoprichter van de Vlaamsche Kinderzegen Herman De Vos door leden van het verzet neergeschoten. Het was pas wanneer deze verzetsgroep in mei 1945 nog een tweede moord pleegde dat een onderzoek werd geopend. Tijdens het proces dat in 1950 aan het Gentse assisenhof werd gevoerd, werden de daders in de pers voorgesteld als een groep ontspoorde verzetsleden die verbonden waren met de lokale communistische partij. Herman De Vos werd afgebeeld als een willekeurig slachtoffer van het bevrijdingsgeweld. De casus werd later door voormalige collaborateurs gebruikt om het verzet in diskrediet te brengen en de framing van een repressie ‘zonder maat of einde’ kracht bij te zetten. Deze beeldvorming werd dominant in de herinnering aan de bevrijding in Aalst, doordat historici zich op tijdens het proces verschenen krantenartikelen baseerden om de moord te reconstrueren. Onderzoek van de procesdossiers bracht echter nieuwe elementen over de rol van de verschillende verzetsorganisaties en de lokale communistische partij aan het licht. De hoofdverantwoordelijke voor de moord gebruikte communisme als dekmantel om het geweld te rechtvaardigen. Herman De Vos was een toevallig slachtoffer omdat het eigenlijke doelwit, VTB-ondervoorzitter Jozef Van Overstraeten onvindbaar was. De opdracht om hem te vermoorden werd wel degelijk gedekt door het Aalsterse verzet._________
A victim of communist terror?The murder on the teacher Herman De Vos, September 13, 1944
On September 13, 1944, the teacher and co-founder of the ‘Vlaamsche Kinderzegen’ [Flemish Child Blessing], Herman De Vos, was shot in Aalst by members of the resistance. An investigation however would only be initiated after this resistance movement had committed a second murder in May 1945. During the trial – taking place at the court of assize in Ghent in 1950 – the press depicted the culprits as a group of deranged members of the resistance that were associated with the local communist party. Conversely, De Vos was portrayed as an incidental victim of the violence that ensued after the liberation of Belgium, later granting former collaborators a case to discredit the resistance, and enhance their framing of the repression as being ‘without rule or resolution.’ Moreover, this portrayal has become ubiquitous in the memory of the liberation of Aalst as historians have mainly focused on contemporaneous newspaper articles to reconstruct the trial. Analysis of the trial transcripts and documents however sheds a new light on the role of the different resistance movements and local communist party. The main culprit of the murder used communism as a pretext to justify the violence. In addition, De Vos was an unintended victim because they could not locate their actual target, Jozef Van Overstraeten, vice-chairman of the VTB [Flemish Tourist Association]. The order to murder Van Overstraeten had, in fact, been supported by the resistance in Aalst.