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1
Wilson, Veronica A. "'I chose the values I regarded as American': sexuality, ethnicity, and FBI informant Angela Calomiris." Twentieth Century Communism 20, no. 20 (May 1, 2021): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321832926391.
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For personal or political reasons undocumented and controversial to this day, Greenwich Village lesbian photographer Angela Calomiris joined forces with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) during the Second World War to infiltrate the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA). As Calomiris rose through CPUSA ranks in New York City, espionage efforts resulted in the Attorney General's office declaring the avant-garde Film and Photo League to be a subversive communist organisation in 1947, and the conviction of communist leaders during the Smith Act trial two years later. Interestingly, despite J. Edgar Hoover's indeterminate sexuality and well-documented harassment of gays and lesbians in public life, what mattered to him was not whether Calomiris adhered to heteronormativity, but that her ultimate sense of duty lay with the US government. This article demonstrates how this distinction helped Calomiris find personal satisfaction in defiance of patriarchal conservative expectations and heteronormative cold war gender roles. This article, which utilises FBI files, press coverage, some of Calomiris's papers and her memoir, concludes with a brief discussion of Calomiris's later life in Provincetown, Massachusetts, where she continued to craft her identity as a left-liberal feminist, with no mention of the service to the FBI or her role in fomenting the second Red Scare.
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Chambers, Collin L. "Having Faith in the Party Again: The Two-Line Party Struggle in the Chinese Communist Party." Human Geography 11, no. 1 (March 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861801100104.
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At the present time, the Communist Party is not looked upon as an agent for revolutionary change. It is seen as an archaic artifact that needs to be left in the dustbin of 20th century history. Some in the “New Left” argue for a “post-party politics” – because contemporary party politics are so “closely bound up with structures of power, the possibility that political parties will transform themselves and formulate a new politics is extremely low” (Wang 2016, 169). In sum, we should not have faith in the Party in radically changing social formations. However, this view abstracts from the political and social dynamics of communist parties. Communist parties provide the “affective infrastructure” for activists (Dean 2016) and create the flexible, disciplined organizational form necessary for maneuvering through the complexities of a revolutionary moment. An investigation of the historical and contemporary “line struggles” within the Chinese Communist Party gives insight into how communist parties can foster change in a social formation. This paper seeks to install hope that the Party, particularly the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), can once again create revolutionary change.
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Leafstedt, Carl. "Rediscovering Victor Bator, founder of the New York Bartók Archives." Studia Musicologica 53, no. 1-3 (September 1, 2012): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.53.2012.1-3.24.
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Bartók’s American estate dates its origins to 1943, when he entrusted his music manuscript collection to the care of two fellow Hungarian emigrés, Gyula Báron and Victor Bator, both then living in the United States. After his death in 1945 the estate devolved into their care, in accord with the legal provisions of the will. For the next 22 years it was carefully managed by Bator, a lawyer and businessman who lived in New York City for the rest of his life. The onset of Cold War politics in the late 1940s presented numerous challenges to the estate, out of which emerged the tangled thicket of rumor, litigation, misunderstanding, confusion, and personal animosity that has been the American Bartók estate’s unfortunate legacy since the 1950s.As one of Hungary’s most significant cultural assets located outside the country’s borders, the American Bartók estate has since 1981 been under the control and careful supervision of Peter Bartók, now the composer’s only remaining heir. All but forgotten is the role Victor Bator played in managing the estate during the difficult years after World War II, when its beneficiaries became separated by the Iron Curtain, setting in motion legal and emotional difficulties that no one in the immediate family could have predicted. Equally overlooked is the role he played in enhancing the collection to become the world’s largest repository of Bartók materials.A considerable amount of Bator’s personal correspondence related to the early years of the Bartók estate has recently come to light in the U.S. Together with U.S. court documents and information gleaned from recent interviews with Bator’s son, Francis Bator, still living in Massachusetts, and the late Ivan Waldbauer, we can now reconstruct with reasonable accuracy the early history of Bartók’s estate. A strikingly favorable picture of Bator emerges. Bartók, it turns out, chose his executors wisely. A cultivated and broadly learned man, by the late 1920s Victor Bator had gained recognition as one of Hungary’s most prominent legal minds in the field of international business and banking law. His professional experience became useful to the Bartók estate as the Communist party gradually took hold of Hungary after World War II, seizing assets and nationalizing property previously belonging to individual citizens. His comfort in the arena of business law also thrust him into prominence as a public advocate for increased fees for American composers in the late 1940s - a matter of tremendous urgency for composers of serious music at the time. By reconstructing Bator’s professional career prior to 1943 his actions as executor and trustee become more understandable. We gain new insight into a figure of tremendous personal importance for Bartók and his family.
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Thorpe, Andrew. "The Communist Party and the New Party." Contemporary British History 23, no. 4 (December 2009): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460903198101.
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Fujio, Hara. "The Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party: Features of Co-operation." Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no. 2 (2010): 216–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x526113.
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AbstractThis is an analysis of the relations between the Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party in several areas. It will begin with a discussion of the mutual support between the PKI leaders and the Kesatuan Melayu Muda prior to the declaration of Emergency in 1948, followed by an examination of their cooperation immediately after World War II. The second part will look at the activities of the MCP members in Indonesia up to the establishment of the Representative Office of the Malayan National Liberation League in Jakarta. There will be an account of the overt activities of the Representative Office and its covert activities after its closure. The article will also ascertain the actual relations between the two based on a close examination of the official documents of the two parties.
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Kluzik, Marcin. "“Niepodległość” Liberal Democratic Party." Sowiniec 26, no. 46 (June 30, 2015): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec26.2015.46.04.
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The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.
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Hartono, M. Paulina. "“A Good Communist Style”." Representations 151, no. 1 (2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.151.2.26.
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This essay focuses on the history and politicization of radio announcers’ vocal delivery in China during the mid-twentieth century. It explores how Chinese Communist Party leaders used internal party debates, national policies, and broadcasting training to construct an ideal Communist voice whose qualities would ostensibly communicate party loyalty and serve as a sonic representation of political authority.
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Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 2 (April 13, 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.
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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "
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L P GORE, Lance. "Revamping the Chinese Communist Party." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (January 2015): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000021.
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The 2014 Party reform aimed to modernise the CCP. The Politburo passed the “Action Plan for Deepening Party-building Institutional Reforms”, outlining 26 concrete reforms in four key areas to be completed by 2017. Notable departures include the re-emphasis on ideological unity, the rollback on intra-party democracy, the renewed emphasis on intra-party legislation and the control on the growth of the Party's size. However there are inherent dilemmas in building a Leninist party in a globalised market economy.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. "China’s Communist Party: From Mass to Elite Party." China Report 54, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 385–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518806076.
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The Communist Party of China (CPC) is not withering away as predicted by some Western scholars. On the contrary, in recent years, the party has centralised and strengthened its rule over China. At the same time, party membership has changed. Today, workers and farmers only account for only one-third of the total party membership compared to two-thirds when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established. Instead, new strata and groups such as technical and management personnel have evolved. The composition of the party’s cadre corps has changed accordingly, and cadres today are younger and much better educated than during Mao’s time. The leading cadres form an elite which is at the heart of a ranking-stratified political and social system. This article discusses how the CPC has evolved from a mass to an elite party. It argues that in this process, the party has taken over the state resulting in a merger and overlap of party and government positions and functions, thereby abandoning Deng Xiaoping’s ambidextrous policy goals of separating party and government. Centralisation and reassertion of ranking-stratified party rule is Xi Jinping’s answer to the huge challenges caused by the economic and social transformation of Chinese society—not a return to Mao’s mass party.
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Jia, Yong-jian. "The Leadership of the CPC be written into the Laws: Standard, Scope and It’s Expression." Legal Science in China and Russia, no. 6 (June 5, 2024): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2587-9723.2023.6.022-029.
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Promoting the Communist Party of China’s leadership into the law is an inevitable requirement for the CPC’s comprehensive leadership in governing the country according to law in the new era, and it is also a legislative action to implement the CPC’s Leadership clause of the Constitution. On the issue of the standard of «the party’s leadership into the law», the academic circles have successively put forward two representative viewpoints: «theory in the field of public law» and «theory of political standard». But both are too formal to be applied in practice. For example, although the political judgment standard theory initially involves the substantive content level, the actual understanding and application still seem relatively broad, and there is no substantive content to grasp.In 2018, the amendments to China’s constitution added a clause that «the leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics», which fundamentally established the criterion of «socialist attributes»: a substantive criterion of «promoting CPC’s leadership into the law». According to this provision, if the law needs to confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China , it means the law should highlight its socialist nature. The question of which national legislation needs to specify the «leadership of the Party» is essentially the issue of which national legislation needs to highlight the socialist nature in the substance and must ensure its socialist attribute.Therefore, to judge whether a national legislation should state «the leadership of the Communist Party of China», the substantive content should be based on whether the country’s legislation has outstanding socialist attributes and should absolutely guarantee and give special prominence to its socialist values. In this constitutional sense, state legislation stipulating «the leadership of the Communist Party of China» is to highlight its «socialist» attributes; In order to manifest and guarantee its socialist character, state legislation must clearly stipulate the principle of «Adhere to the leadership of the CPC». The Constitution is the fundamental law and supreme law of the country, and the highest standard and basis for national legislation. Therefore, national legislation should also be based on the Constitution when stipulating the «leadership of the Communist Party of China» clause. That is, national legislation with prominent socialist attributes should comprehensively stipulate «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China». The basic scope of these legislation involves the fields of basic system of state and government, national defense and military, national security, cadre personnel, education, ideological security, governing the country according to law, anti-monopoly, etc., and mainly belongs to public law. The legislative field with socialist attributes is a practical and opening field. With the in-depth development of socialist practice, when the socialist nature in some fields is gradually highlighted and clearly recognized by legislators, its corresponding legislation will clearly stipulate the principle of «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China», which further confirm and guarantee its «socialist attribute» at the national legislative level. Therefore, the issue of the field and scope of «the Party’s leadership into the law» is fundamentally a dynamic issue, a dynamic field that has always been constantly evolving in the face of the development of socialist practice.To promote the Party’s leadership into the law, the fundamental purpose should be conducive to strengthening the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and comprehensively consider the coordination and convergence between the national laws and the Communist Party of China’s regulations under the socialist rule of law system. The newly revised National Constitution in 2018 has established a legislative expression model that confirmed the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. The normative content of how the Chinese Communist Party exercises its leadership is specified in detail by the Communist Party of China Constitution. The Communist Party regulations are the main basis rules for the party to manage the party and govern the party, and have outstanding functions of governing the party and controlling power. They are most suitable for comprehensively standardizing and directly stipulating the specific content and procedures of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country. In this way, the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations can be harmony and unified in the socialist system of rule of law as a whole. Accordingly, when relevant national legislation stipulates «the CPC’s leadership», it should also mainly implement the model established by the National Constitution and the Communist Party of China Constitution, which confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. So, there will leave the legislative blanks for the Communist Party of China regulations to stipulate the normative content such as its specific scope, matters, methods, procedures, responsibilities, and so on. This legislative white space is intentional from an overall perspective of the socialist rule of law system, and is a «rule of law interface» that must be reserved for the integration of the Communist Party of China regulations with national laws to further specific provisions on the actual content of «the CPC’s leadership».As a result, the national legislation focuses on «abstract confirmation of the party’s leadership status», while the Communist Party of China regulations focus on directly regulating and restraining the party’s leadership activities in a comprehensive and concrete way. The national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations are closely coordinated and connected on the issue of promoting the CPC’s leadership into the law. At that time, there is a differentiated division of labor and dislocation and complementary relationship between the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations. That will not only highlight the unity and scientific nature of the socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics but also conducive to accelerating the formation of a rule of law pattern in which national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations complement each other, promote each other, and guarantee each other. The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country will be confirmed and guaranteed by party rules and state law, and will be more stable in the socialist rule of law system.
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Naiden, F. S. "Moses Finley’s Communist Party Membership." American Journal of Philology 138, no. 4 (2017): 739–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2017.0037.
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Dean, Jodi. "The Party and Communist Solidarity." Rethinking Marxism 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 332–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2015.1042701.
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Wegren, Stephen K. "The Communist Party of Russia." Party Politics 10, no. 5 (September 2004): 565–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804045388.
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Curthoys, Barbara. "The Communist Party and the Communist International (1927 - 1929)." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509165.
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Clark, Terry D., and Jovita Pranevičciūte. "Perspectives on communist successor parties: The case of Lithuania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 9, 2008): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.003.
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The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania’s successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success.
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Moreton, Edwina. "Introduction to the Series, The Crisis of Marxism — Leninism." Government and Opposition 25, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00742.x.
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In The Spring of 1989, as Poland's Communist Party was hammering out a new political deal with the non-communist opposition, one Communist official was heard to remark to a Solidarity participant that the only thing really dividing the two sides was the agricultural question: who buries whom? Ironically, neither the Communist Party nor Solidarity could have imagined that within a matter of months Poland would have its first noncommunist prime minister in over forty years, and that the Communist Party would find itself fighting for its political survival, pleading for more posts in a new Solidarity-led Cabinet.
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Bing, Ngeow Chow. "Party Literature Work, Ideology, and the Central Party Literature Office of the Communist Party of China." China Report 58, no. 1 (February 2022): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074199.
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This article reviews the origins, development and current trends of what is known as ‘party literature work’ and the principal organisation that carries out this work—the Central Party Literature Office (CPLO). Party literature work plays a crucial role for each generation of Chinese communist leadership to assert its ideological ‘line’ and build its canon. It is an integral part of the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party of China. Under Xi Jinping, CPLO was merged into a new organisation, but party literature work remains and continues to play a key role, supporting his ideological line.
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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.
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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.
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Melnichenko, Tanya. "Ukrainian Communist Party and the Comintern." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029706-5.
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The article examines the relationship between the Ukrainian Communist Party (UCP) and the Comintern, and attempts to assess the possibility of Ukapists joining the Comintern or uniting with the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine. The controversy within the party between the so-called “left faction” that arose after the split in 1923 and the main composition of the party is touched upon. Based on the analysis of verbatim protocols and materials for the meeting of the Ukrainian Commission of the Comintern, it is concluded that the leaders of the Ukrainian Communist Party, until the adoption of the resolution of the Comintern Commission on their issue, maintained their opposition position, while understanding that maintaining an opposition party in the USSR was impossible. The Comintern and the CP(b)U ignored most of the statements of the Ukapists, acting in the spirit of a political monopoly. On December 24, 1924, the Comintern adopted a resolution dissolving the Ukrainian Communist Party.
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Savich, Aleksandr A. "Historiography and New Sources about the Dissolution of the Communist Party of Western Belarus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 962–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.316.
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The article is aimed at studying the Belarusian historiography on the dissolution of the Communist Party of Poland and its constituent part — the Communist Party of Western Belarus in 1938 by a decision of the Executive Committee of the Comintern on suspicion of penetration of enemy agents. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical sources, including archival documents, the author reveals the emergence and transformation of the approaches and critical views of historians of the BSSR on this topic, taking into account the positions of Russian and Polish scholars and the determination of the judgments of the researchers of the 1930s — the first half of the 1950s by the official Soviet version of the validity of the dissolution of the communist parties of Poland and Western Belarus as agents of Piłsudski. The political rehabilitation of the Communist Party of Poland in 1956 contributed to the intensification of the study into the history of the Communist Party of Western Belarus, but there was no significant extension of the topic of dissolution either in 1960–1980 or during the period of the Republic of Belarus. At the same time, the organizational status of the communist organizations in Western Belarus in the 1930s has not been explored, and no attempts have been made to systematically identify the contacts with the Polish police and the Polish security service. The research identifies archival documents of the Communist Party of Western Belarus and Polish state bodies, including the state police, which testify to the unsatisfactory state of the communist organizations, low party discipline, as well as secret contacts of ordinary party members and leading workers with the security service and the Polish police.
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Billam, Gregory. "‘Uncomradely and Un-communist’: Breakdown in the Communist Anglosphere? The Communist Party of Great Britain and Communist Party of Australia Debate, 1947–1948." Labour History Review 88, no. 1 (April 2023): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2023.3.
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Vinokurov, Vasiliy A. "Failed revolution: the Comintern and the Communist Party of Peru in 1930—1933." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 6 (December 15, 2024): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24060051.
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The article focuses on the history of the Communist Party of Peru in 1930—1933 and on cooperation between Peruvian communists and the Comintern during the period of “class against class” tactics. Based on archival sources, article highlights the activities of emissaries of the world communist party and their role in the organization of the party. The article reflects the evolution of the approaches of the Latin American institutions of the Comintern to Peru and to the tactics of the Communist Party of Peru.
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Gyanwali, Gokarna Prasad, and Khem Raj Khanal. "People's Multi-party Democracy: A Success Story of the Communist Movement of Nepal." Patan Gyansagar 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pg.v6i1.67405.
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The 1990s was a crucial time in the global communist movement that faced a serious setback after the collapse of the USSR and other East European communist and socialist governments. In Nepal, communist parties allied with the Nepali Congress, a democratic party to stage the people’s movement to end active monarchy and restore democracy. The call for the people’s movement by the parties appealed the people and they took part in the movement in a historic way. That movement succeeded to restore democracy and end the active monarchy. Madan Bhandari, the secretary-general of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) witnessed this unprecedented participation of the people in a peaceful democratic movement and realized the need to democratize the communist movement, so that, they could build people’s trust towards communist parties. In the general election held in 1991, communist parties won forty percent of the seats in the parliament and popular votes as well. In this context, Bhandari presented the document of people’s multi-party democracy in the fifth national congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) held in 1993, and it was passed overwhelmingly in the congress. This article attempts to make a textual analysis of the document of People’s multi-party democracy to examine the major aspects of the document and to see how successful it has become in democratizing the communist movement in Nepal.
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Wysocki, Roman. "Komunistyczna Partia Zachodniej Ukrainy. Stan badań." Res Gestae 10 (July 27, 2020): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.10.3.
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The article discusses the current historiography of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine (CPWU), the main communist organisation in the south-eastern provinces of the Second Polish Republic. Under that name the party was established in 1923 and from 1925 to 1938 (i.e. when the party was disbanded) it possessed the status of an autonomous organisation of the Communist Party of Poland. In fact, during that period the CPWU was directly dependent on the leadership of the communist party in the USSR, which is important to note. Despite several decades
of Ukraine being ruled by communists, the CPWU had not been studied satisfactorily or completely impartially by Soviet historians. The unsatisfactory state of knowledge of the CPWU deprives us of opportunities to understand the important role the party played in preparing the ground for Soviet rule, which began (with a three-year gap) in 1939.
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Paltiel, Jeremy T. "PLA Allegiance on Parade: Civil-Military Relations in Transition." China Quarterly 143 (September 1995): 784–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000015046.
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Civil-military relations in China demonstrate a unique fusion of military and political leadership within the Communist Party. Variously described as a “symbiosis,” “dual-role elite” or “the Party in uniform,” this feature rooted in the guerrilla experience of the Chinese Communist Party was sustained over six decades by the political longevity of the Long March generation. The civil war experience formed political leaders skilled in both civil affairs and military command. Analysts of civil-military relations in China must therefore define the scope of “civil” in relation to the Chinese Communist Party.
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Terskikh, M. "The Ideological Influence of the Communist Party of China on the Communist Party of Vietnam." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-64-70.
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The article focuses on the peculiarities of Vietnam’s position in the orbit of the ideological and theoretical influence of China. The author examines the most important party documents of both states, reveals their main similarities and differences. The author concludes that Hanoi scrupulously studies, critically assesses, and actively uses the experience of Chinese economic and political reforms. The party and state leadership of Vietnam, when carrying out major transformations of recent decades, was directly guided by the successful experience of their Chinese colleagues. This led to the situation where today’s political systems of Vietnam and China are quite similar, but still are not (and will never be) twin brothers. At the same time, the countries developed a wide network of inter-party contacts which is used not only as an instrument of exchanging views on adapting Marxism-Leninism to current realities, but also as an additional and mutually beneficial channel of communication on a wide range of issues. Despite this, the similarity of the political systems does not necessarily lead to a change in foreign policy. China has an impressive array of tools to influence its southern neighbor, but their ideological closeness is definitely not the most important of them. It is concluded that the role of ideology in Vietnam’s policy, although it remains noticeable, is significantly inferior to the role of national interests and pragmatic views.
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ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ. "High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20121.82.93.
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The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
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Tiemann, Guido. "The Nationalization of political parties and party systems in post-communist Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.009.
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Party system nationalization is a crucial aspect of political competition. The territories of Eastern Europe have often been characterized by outstanding levels of territorial heterogeneity. However, during and after World War II ethnic cleansing and forced migration resulted in more homogeneous nation states, and these trends were significantly reinforced by bureaucratic, centralized communist rule. I present a systematic empirical assessment of party and party system homogeneity or heterogeneity in post-communist Eastern Europe and will discuss some major macrosociological and institutional factors determining the degree of party and party system nationalization such as the political consequences of social diversity and political cleavages, legacies of the communist regimes, electoral systems, and federalism.
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Cătănuș, Dan. "Întâlniri necunoscute cu Stalin şi Dimitrov Vizita lui Chivu Stoica la Moscova, iulie – august 1945, II." ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 31, no. 3-4 (February 13, 2024): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.61232/at.2023.3-4.06.
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In the second part of the article, the author analyses the meeting Chivu Stoica had with Stalin, as well as a series of consequences of the Romanian Communist leader’s visit to the Soviet Union: Moscow’s lost of interest in the case of Ștefan Foriș, the former general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party during the war, the weakening of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu’s political position, the election of Chivu Stoica to the new Political Bureau of the Romanian Communist Party, and Moscow’s direction of the decisions taken at the National Conference of the Communist Party in October 1945.
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Grzymala-Busse, Anna. "Authoritarian Determinants of Democratic Party Competition." Party Politics 12, no. 3 (May 2006): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806063089.
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The remarkable trajectories of transformation of the communist successor parties have been the focus of research since the collapse of communism. In contrast, the impact of these different outcomes, the ways in which communist successors adapted to democracy and transformed their organization, has been neglected. In this article, I argue that communist transformation played a crucial role in the formation of a strong and robust party opposition which could constrain rentseeking and lead to the rise of a stronger institutional framework.
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Casal Bértoa, Fernando, and Ingrid van Biezen. "Party regulation and party politics in post-communist Europe." East European Politics 30, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2014.938738.
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Sa'di, Ahmad H. "Communism and Zionism in Palestine-Israel: A Troubled Legacy." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0103.
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The political marginalisation of the Palestinians inside Israel between 1948 and 1977 has been widely discussed in the literature. The Israeli Communist Party is often credited with being the sole political organisation which gave an outlet during this period to the critical and oppositional political, literary and artistic activities of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Party organs in particular have done their utmost to popularise this claim, which has also become an article of faith for many Arab left-wing intellectuals. The question tackled in this article is: why did the Israeli State grant a margin of freedom to the Communist Party during this period, while denying it to every single Palestinian organisation inside Israel? I discussed this question at a conference on the Left in Palestine held at SOAS in February 2010. While the reader will be spared here the details of the subsequent personal accusations levelled against me in the organs of the Communist Party, I argue here (as in my SOAS paper) that the Communist Party was given this freedom of action for a range of reasons and in particular those to do with the Soviet support for the establishment of Israel and the important pro-Zionist role played the Communist Party during the 1948 War for Palestine. Other reasons are related to the endorsement by the Communist Party of Zionism's tenets and claims in support of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, including the ‘modernising’ nature of the Zionist project.
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Sartikova, Evgeniya V. "Эволюция корпуса первых секретарей Калмыцкой организации ВКП(б) в 1921–1943 гг." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-42-50.
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The article discusses the main trends in the rotation of the executive (the first) secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee in 1921–1943. The study is based on the documents from the fund of the Kalmyk regional committee of the USSR Communist Party kept at the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia. The principles of objectivism and historicism were used for the analysis of the archive materials that allowed to examine the problem in its relation to the existing specific historical circumstances. The goal of the article is to investigate the body of the first secretaries of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party in Kalmykia. The use of the common in the historical research methods (the broadside examination of the archive sources, historical description, chronological method) allowed to investigate the historical phenomena in the close relation to the historical situation. The author concludes that the specific feature of the rotation of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee was the appointment of people from other regions of the country to this position. Mainly these were formal representatives, supervisors recommended by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party for the positions of the first or second secretaries of the regional party committee. The analysis of the characteristics of the body of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party in the given time period showed that all these people were from poor peasant families, without high education but with sufficient party service record who combined party and soviet activities.
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Li, Jieli. "Geopolitics of the Chinese Communist Party in the Twentieth Century." Sociological Perspectives 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389391.
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Geopolitical theory is employed to address the question of why the Chinese Communist Party-state persists, despite Western pressures stemming from the suppression of student demonstrators in “Tienanmen Square” in 1989. As the theory postulates, macro dynamic forces revolving around the geopolitical processes are crucial to the resource mobilization and legitimacy of the state. The entire history of the Chinese Communist Party is reviewed in order to document the conclusion that changes in the geopolitical position of the Party are associated with periods of internal strength and weakness. Since 1979, the Chinese Communist Party-state has been increasingly favored by geopolitical circumstances, thereby facilitating its internal strength even in the face of Western pressures, potential for internal dissent, and collapse of the Soviet empire. As long as this favorable geopolitical trend continues, the Chinese Communist Party will likely exist as a ruling political force in China.
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De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (August 14, 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.
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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.
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Zhou, Qi. "The course of the communist party of China of leading Chinese people to conquer difficulties over the past century, and its summation of experience, and implication of the times." MATEC Web of Conferences 395 (2024): 01057. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/202439501057.
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The experience of the Communist Party of China over the past century is a great course of leading Chinese people to constantly conquer difficulties and finally achieve victory. The Communist Party of China has always adhered to the fundamental guidance of Marxism, kept emancipating our mind and enhancing our theoretical confidence, and formed valuable experience in leading the people to conquer difficulties. In the new era, the Communist Party of China relies on the broad masses, strengthens the “four-sphere confidence”, improves the combination of ideological Party-building and institutional Party governance and other innovations of the times, and starts a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way.
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Zhang, Shaoying, and Derek McGhee. "Governing through ‘the family’ in China: cultivating ethical political subjects through officials’ ‘nearest and dearest’." Families, Relationships and Societies 8, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 495–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674318x15271465130398.
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In this article we argue that the families of Communist Party members are increasingly being seen as both part of the problem and part of the solution to eradicating corruption in contemporary China. Our findings reveal how families are being investigated as well as co-opted by the party as a mechanism for encouraging its members to become ethical communist subjects. The current anti-corruption campaign in China is the context that has enabled this indirect governance of communist officials through the co-option of their ‘nearest and dearest’ in the party’s power structures. We argue that ‘the family’ in China is a privileged site for the remoralisation of society and the party through the process of facilitating what we call the ‘ethical subjectivities’ of officials. The contribution we make in this article is to analyse the continuum between the formal agencies of socialisation within the communist system and the informal but equally important institution of socialisation, namely, Communist Party members’ families.
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Wang, Tao. "Study on Crop Variety Improvement in the Early Days of the Founding of New China." Learning & Education 10, no. 2 (September 16, 2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/l-e.v10i2.2301.
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Variety improvement reflects the level of agricultural productivity.The Communist Party of China has long explored ways to promote the improvement of varieties by means of mass campaign.After the founding of the people’s Republic of China,the change of variety improvement path reflects that the Communist Party of China has taken reasonable measures to promote the progress of agricultural productivity on the basis of national conditions,which implies the basic experience of the Communist Party of China in governing the country.
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Levi, Paul. "Two Documents by Paul Levi (16 March 1920–8 January 1921)." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341516.
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This is a translation and critical edition of two documents on the Kapp Putsch and the origins of the united-front policy in the German Communist Party (kpd). The documents were written by the kpd leader Paul Levi and their titles and dates are, respectively: ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ (16 March 1920) and ‘Open Letter of the Zentrale of the United Communist Party of Germany’ (8 January 1921). They are a documentary appendix to our essay ‘Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International’, published in this issue of Historical Materialism.
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Timoshina, S. A. "Political Government of Informing Soviet Citizens about Events Abroad in 1921–1941 (Penza Region is Taken as an Example)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 1 (2012): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-1-111-117.
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The article analyses the methods Communist party organizations used in informing Soviet citizens about events and developments abroad. It concludes that Communist party played a leading role in informing Soviet people about life abroad.
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Pan, Weili. "A Brief Analysis of Hu Yaobang's Political Character." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 7 (July 20, 2022): 96–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/fhss.v2i7.1313.
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The development of character affects a person's whole life, while political character affects a person's whole political life, including a series of political decisions, choices and so on.Hu Yaobang as a distinct political character of the leaders of the communist party of China, in the growth and maturity, by the influence of Hunan culture, he was influenced by a big era, and the contact of people and things, through a series of challenges and hone, eventually grow into the top leader of the Communist Party of China, its political character is gradually mature, among them, the public servant nature, fearless courage and firm faith are its main characteristics, these political characteristics of Hu Yaobang not only won him the praise of an excellent Communist party member, but also made indelible achievements for China's reform and opening up.Its distinctive political characteristics also set an example for today's leading party member cadres, it is worth every today's Communist party member to seriously commemorate and learn his spirit.
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Strippoli, Giulia. "'Be a better communist': the life story of a Portuguese militant." Twentieth Century Communism 16, no. 16 (March 10, 2019): 30–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319826746003.
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The history of the Portuguese Communist Party – PCP – can be explored from different perspectives. From the viewpoint of a communist militant, this study discusses some issues linked to the history of communism and its supporters' political apprenticeship. Based on a series of conversations between a Portuguese communist and the author, historians of different generations, the article focuses on a life story, where autobiography, biography, episodes from the history of Socialism and the Communist Party are mixed and questioned.
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T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.
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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "History of the left: the creation of the Bolivian Communist Party. The «late child» of the Communist Movement." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2023): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024995-3.
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In the ХХ-th century, the most important place belongs to the history of the international communist movement. Many regional and national pages of this history have not yet been written. And the story of the Communist Party of Bolivia remains unexplored by historians. This party was created later than all other communist parties in the region, only in 1950. This article for the first time not only in domestic but also in Bolivian historiography addresses the plot of the creation and first decades of the activity of the Communist Party, relying on the analysis of party documents, the press, archival documentation. The article analyzes the internal and external factors of the activities of the Bolivian Communists, the causes of numerous party crises and splits in which the party had to face. In all these crises, the party's life took place in the struggle of opposing currents, between reformists and revolutionaries, and relied more on external, international factors and ideas than on internal political experience and critical analysis of national reality. The exposition touches on several such crises, from the struggle against reformism and Stalinism to the split into pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese parties.
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Rovny, Jan. "Communism, Federalism, and Ethnic Minorities: Explaining Party Competition Patterns in Eastern Europe." World Politics 66, no. 4 (September 15, 2014): 669–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000227.
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Scholarship on East European politics expects that party competition in the region is determined by various communist legacies, juxtaposing state-centric authoritarianism to a liberal market economy. Recent empirical evidence, however, uncovers significant variance of party competition patterns across East European countries. To explain this variance, this article argues that an interaction between communist institutional framework and partisan responses to ethnic minorities determines party competition structure in the region. While experience with communist federalism determines partisan affinities with ethnic minorities, tolerance or support for ethnic minorities leads the political actors associated with those minorities to general socially liberal positions. Consequently—and contrary to received knowledge—ethnic politics influence the ideological content of party competition and structure party systems in Eastern Europe.
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Reid, Donald. "L'écriture et le parti." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400303.
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Abstract Do militants expelled from the Communist Party ever leave it behind? Jorge Semprún was a Communist resister captured and sent to Buchenwald, where he worked in the sui generis Communist organization there. He spent almost two decades in the party, half of those years organizing the Communist underground in Franco's Spain. Expelled in 1964, he became an anti-Communist who held on to what he valued as a Communist at Buchenwald and in the underground. In the decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Semprún came to see in what he had learned at Buchenwald a harbinger of the European project he was making his own.
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Cimek, Henryk. "Jewish problem in the Polish Communist Party." Review of Nationalities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2016-0005.
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Abstract Jews accounted for approx. 8-10% of the population of the Second Republic and in the communist movement (Polish Communist Party and Polish Communist Youth Union) the rate was approx, 30%, while in subsequent years it much fluctuated. The percentage of Jews was the highest in the authorities of the party and in the KZMP. This had a negative impact on the position of the KPP on many issues, especially in its relation to the Second Republic.
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Ross, George. "Party Decline and Changing Party Systems: France and the French Communist Party." Comparative Politics 25, no. 1 (October 1992): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422096.
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Rossabi, Morris. "Mongolia: Transmogrification of a Communist Party." Pacific Affairs 82, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2009822231.
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