Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist parties – Hungary – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Communist parties – Hungary – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist parties – Hungary – History"

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Racz, Barnabas. "The Far-Left in Postcommunist Hungary: The Workers' Party." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1302 (January 1, 1998): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.75.

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The emotional euphoria of the East European regime changes in 1989-1990 and the subsequent implosion of the Soviet system led to a widespread view in both West and East that communist parties would disappear and become a matter of only historical interest. Closer analysis of political processes raised doubts about this view. Whatever rational or irrational reactions emerged about the post-Soviet communist parties, they were forces deeply rooted in twentieth century history and were unlikely to disappear in a quantum leap of change. It is the hypothesis of this inquiry into the radical left, which had enjoyed considerable support in the aftermath of World War II, that it was capable of surviving the crisis and may remain a part of the political realities for some time to come.
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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Communist regimes, legitimacy and the transition to democracy in Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394490.

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and their subsequent collapse in 1989. But, I argue, it was the withdrawal of ideological support by elites that ultimately brought communism to an end. The differences in revolutionary scenarios and transitions to democracy in the four cases indicate the importance of a shift in both rulers and masses towards interest in dialogue and compromise. Hungary and Poland represent the clearest scenarios in which communist parties acted as agents of regime change in a rational-legal direction. The Bulgarian case stands as an intermediary case between these two and Romania. Finally, Romania represents an extreme case of violent revolution and the overthrow of a traditionalist and sultanistic regime and illustrates the difficulties following a complete collapse of political authority.
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Varga, Mihai, Mihai Varga, and Annette Freyberg-Inan. "The Threat of Selective Democracy. Popular Dissatisfaction and Exclusionary Strategy of Elites in East Central and Southeastern Europe." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 3 (2012): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03603004.

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The large dissatisfaction of citizens with post-communist democracy in Central and Eastern Europe favors populist and anti-systemic parties and movements. These parties accuse their rivals of various forms of corruption and prescribe anti-systemic cures, including the discretionary exclusion of their rivals from political life. Analyzing the situations in Poland, Romania, and Hungary more closely, we reveal a risk of the development of “selective democracy,” in which key elites and their supporters redefine the borders of the polity in an exclusionary way, denying various groups of “enemies” legitimate access and representation and thereby undermining basic democratic principles.
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Penner, Mack. "Year of refusal: crisis and ideology in the Communist Party of Canada, 1956-7." Twentieth Century Communism 21, no. 21 (November 1, 2021): 55–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321834645814.

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Just as they did for other communist parties around the world, events in 1956 brought a crisis to the Communist Party of Canada (CPC). Khrushchev's Secret Speech and the Soviet invasion of Hungary produced a reckoning with what exactly it meant to be a communist and a marxist-leninist. In Canada, this reckoning would lead to a mass exit of party members and to a precipitous decline in the general fortunes of the party after 1956. In existing histories, this crisis has been presented as though it played out in quite strictly bipolar fashion as a conflict between a growing minority of independent marxists on the one hand and, on the other, a larger group of party leaders and their supporters who remained committed to a Soviet-aligned marxist-leninist politics in Canada. In fact, the ideology of the crisis was more complex. Ideological reactions to 1956 could range, at least, across stalinist, liberal, marxist-leninist, or independent-marxist iterations. Taking 1956 to constitute a year of refusal in the CPC, this essay follows the trajectories of these ideologically distinct 'modes of refusal' and suggests an alternative history.
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Ferkai, András. "Modernity in the wilderness? Architects’ role in developing rural Hungary, 1930–1960." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 428–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420943782.

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The aim of this article is to survey a longer period in Hungarian architecture starting from around 1930 and into the 1960s in order to investigate how subsequent generations of modern architects related to the social and housing problems of the countryside. It is widely held that although social sensitivity was a dominant feature of the modernist agenda, it was limited to an urban context, with little regard for rural areas unfamiliar to the movement’s leading proponents. Since the most radical and best-organized group of Hungarian architects was a section of the international organization Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne, their theoretical work was largely guided by the group’s centre in Zürich. This article traces some of the visions that were set against these ‘imported ideas’ and the extent to which these visions could be realized under the Horthy regime, which was at the time gradually moving towards the far-right. Furthermore, it maps the process that led to the confrontation between modernists and regionalists in the early 1940s. It also shows how the bipolar discourse revolving around social modernization was resolved by the democratic transformations of 1945, which set the stage for temporary cooperation between rivalling factions and led to architects reaching an understanding with reconstruction in mind. However, the hope for a strong and independent farming class and long-term development and planning policies backed by peasant parties was dashed by the communist breakthrough in 1948 As a result, the issue of rural housing would be raised anew only in the 1960s, when the Kádár regime made concessions to the collectivized peasantry. In the final section of this article, I will discuss why both the functionalist modern and regionalist models offered by architects failed. The family house type, which had been spontaneously developed by ‘self-help building’ and was condemned by the architecture profession in a new debate of the 1960s, cannot be explained by mere ideological or cultural discrepancies but through a profound socio-psychological analysis.
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Ziblatt, Daniel F. "The Adaptation of Ex-Communist Parties to Post-Communist East Central Europe: a Comparative Study of the East German and Hungarian Ex-Communist Parties." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00003-8.

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The “Ex-communist party” label has often been used to describe the political ideas and political behavior of the former ruling communist parties operating in post-communist political systems. Yet, the former ruling communist parties have not only followed diverse paths of organizational transformation, but also have developed very different strategic visions of their role in the politics of post-communism. By comparing the political environments faced by the former ruling organizations of East Germany and Hungary and then utilizing content analysis to identify the strategic visions of each of the two organizations, this article demonstrates how different post-communist national political settings have resulted in divergent strategic visions for successor parties in Germany and Hungary.
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Kovacs, Andras. "Antisemitism in post‐communist Hungary." Patterns of Prejudice 27, no. 2 (October 1993): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970113.

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Mueller, Wolfgang. "Soviet Policy, Political Parties, and the Preparation for Communist Takeovers in Hungary, Germany, and Austria, 1944-1946." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354557.

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A large number of similarities can be seen between Soviet and communist activities following World War II in Germany and Austria and in East Central European countries such as Hungary, which were later entirely incorporated into the Soviet bloc. In both cases, Moscow-trained communists aimed at establishing “people’s democracy” and took a leading role in rebuilding the respective country’s adminis-trative apparatus. However, while they managed, with Soviet support, to take over power in Hungary, they failed to do so in Austria. In Germany, communist and Soviet action contributed to the partition of the country. This article, on the basis of Soviet and German documents, draws the conclusion that the main reason for the success or failure of communist takeover was the Soviet factor: the power Soviet authorities had in the respective countries and the priority they assigned to communist takeover.
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Lubecki, Jacek. "Echoes of Latifundism? Electoral Constituencies of Successor Parties in Post-Communist Countries." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (February 2004): 10–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258286.

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This article examines patterns of elector support for successor parties in Hungary, Poland, East Germany, and Russia. After consideration of competing hypotheses purporting to explain variance in successor vote, the author proposes a new hypothesis—that regions dominated by latifundism in pre-communist times, and where masses of agricultural proletarians and impoverished peasants experienced the communist period as an era of unprecedented social advancement, show an above-average level of elector support for successor parties. This hypothesis is tested on a regional level in the four country-cases and found to be valid and a more powerful determinate of regional variance in patterns of successor vote than socio-economic status of regions in the post-communist era.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist parties – Hungary – History"

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Csipke, Zoltan Pal. "The 1956 revolution and the politics of history and memory in post-communist Hungary." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.526835.

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Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /." Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Chan, Man-lok, and 陳民洛. "Between red and white: Chinese communist and nationalist movements in Hong Kong, 1945-1958." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46088908.

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Hesjedal, Siv Helen. "Contemporary left politics in South Africa: the case of the tri-partite alliance in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003083.

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This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.
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Bergner, Petter. "Med historien som motståndare : SKP/VPK/V och det kommunistiska arvet 1956-2006." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-70326.

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This dissertation concerns Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (SKP) [the Swedish Communist Party] – in 1967 renamed Vänsterpartiet kommunisterna (VPK) [the Left Party – the Communists] and in 1990 renamed Vänsterpartiet (V) [the Left Party] – and the Party's process of coming to terms with history and its communist legacy. The aim of the study is to describe and analyse the SKP/VPK/V's process of coming to terms with history for the period 1956-2006, and to set out and problematise the driving forces and constraining mechanisms of this process. The theoretical framework of the study consists of Gunnar Sjöblom’s theory about party strategies of political parties in multi-party systems and Michael Freeden’s conceptual approach to ideology analysis.      During the period of study the SKP/VPK/V has, like no other political party in Sweden, been ascribed historical guilt regarding its own party history but also regarding the effects of world communism. The Party has thus found itself in a situation where it has had history as an adversary. The process of coming to terms with history has mainly revolved around three issues: independence (1956-1977), international ties (1977-1989) and a broadening beyond the communist tradition (1986-2006). The internal debate within the Party has linked these issues to calls for change aimed at ridding the party of what is considered undesirable elements of the Communist legacy. By analysing the arguments pursued in favour of these calls, it is possible to pick out a number of the driving forces behind the Party's process of coming to terms with history, namely an ambition to obtain vote maximisation, programme realisation and maximisation of parliamentary influence. The urge to distance the Party from certain aspects of its communist past has thus been related to fundamental goals that political parties in multi-party systems seek to obtain.      The results of the dissertation show that it is possible to pick out five main constraining mechanisms in the Party's process of coming to terms with history. 1) The safeguarding of Party cohesion. 2) The safeguarding of the distinctive character of the Party.  3) The need to resist external pressure. 4) The desire to avoid unfair apportioning of blame. 5) The safeguarding of the right to define the substance of one's own ideology. The existence of these constraining mechanisms help to explain why the process of coming to terms with history lingered on for several decades, and also why it seems to have been a process of such complexity for the Swedish Communist and Post-Communist Party.
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APOR, Balazs. "Methods of cult-building and cult-dismantling in communist Hungary : the case of Mátyás Rákosi, 1945-1956." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6594.

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Defence date: 29 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Arfon Rees (Supervisor) ; Prof. László Bruszt ; Prof. Robert Service ; Prof. Árpád von Klimo
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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APOR, Peter. "Corpus communismi mysticum :history, politics and continuity in communist Hungary." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5706.

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Examining board: Bo Stråth, European University Institute ; István Rév, Central European University ; Luisa Passerini, European University Institute ; Andrea Pető, European University Institute
Defence date: 11 June 2002
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BRACKE, Maud. "Is it possible to be Revolutionary without being Internationalist? : West European communism proletarian internationalism and the Czechoslovak crisis of 1968-1969 : a comparative study of the Italian and French communist parties." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5718.

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Defence date: 19 March 2004
Examining board: Prof. Alan Milward, IUE (supervisor) ; Prof. Marc Lazar, Inst. d'Etudes Politiques, Paris ; Prof. Silvio Pons, Università Tor Vergata ; Prof. Arfon Rees, IUE
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Comintern, the Communist Party of Australia and illegality." Thesis, 2003. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32983/.

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This thesis examines the Communist Party of Australia's (CPA) period of illegality between 1940 and 1942. This thesis also examines the CPA's relationship to the Comintern during, and before, World War II. A grasp of that relationship is essential for understanding the causes of the CPA's proscription.
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Thomson, Marion Arthur. "Researching Class Consciousness: The Transgression of a Radical Educator Across Three Continents." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29889.

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This study addresses the topic of class consciousness and the radical educator. Using the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy and Marxist humanism I examine the impact of formative experience and class consciousness on my own radical praxis across three continents. The methodology of auto/biography is used to interrogate my own life history. I excavate my own formative experience in Scotland, Canada and my radical praxis as a human rights educator in Ghana West Africa. The study is particularly interested in the possibility of a radical educator transgressing across race, whiteness and gender while working in Ghana, West Africa. Chapter One begins by discussing the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy, Marxist humanism and theories of the self. Chapter Two assesses the methodology of auto/biography,research methods and an introduction to formative experience. Chapter Three, Four and Five contain excavation sites from Scotland, Canada and Ghana with accompanying analysis. Chapter Six concludes with a summary of research findings.
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Books on the topic "Communist parties – Hungary – History"

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1960-, Backes Uwe, and Moreau Patrick, eds. Communist and post-communist parties in Europe. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008.

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Pungur, Joseph. The churches in communist Hungary, 1948-1990. [Toronto]: Hungarian Studies Association of Canada, 1994.

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Berényi, Zoltán. Constitutional democracy and civil society in post-communist Hungary. Budapest: Research Center of Ethno-regional Studies at the Institut for Political Science of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1999.

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Gordon, Wightman, ed. Party formation in East--Central Europe: Post-communist politics in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, and Bulgaria. Aldershot, Hants, England: Brookfield, Vt., USA, 1995.

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A magyar parlamenti pártok szervezeti felépítése (1990-1999). Budapest: Rejtjel, 2000.

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Firsov, Fridrikh Igorevich. Lenin, Komintern i stanovlenie kommunisticheskikh partiĭ. Moskva: Izd-vo polit. lit-ry, 1985.

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Broué, Pierre. Histoire de l'Internationale communiste: 1919-1943. Paris: Fayard, 1997.

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1973-, Wang Hongjiang, ed. She hui zhu yi guo jia zhi zheng dang jian she de li shi, li lun yu shi jian. Beijing: Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2008.

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Hungary from the Nazis to the Soviets: The establishment of the Communist regime in Hungary, 1944-1948. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Lajos, Gubcsi. Four days that shook Hungary: A split between Hungarian communists and socialist? Budapest: L. Gubcsi, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist parties – Hungary – History"

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Spirova, Maria. "Formation, Persistence, and Change: Parties in Bulgaria and Hungary." In Political Parties in Post-Communist Societies, 55–99. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230605664_3.

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Szegedy-Maszák, Mihály. "The Introduction of Communist Censorship in Hungary 1945–49)." In Comparative History of Literatures in European Languages, 114. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/chlel.xxii.18sze.

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Dobos, Balázs. "Cultural Autonomy, Safe Haven or Window-Dressing? Institutions Maintained by Minority Self-Governments in Hungary." In Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 155–70. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_11.

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AbstractIn the history of national cultural autonomy (NCA) in Hungary, the emphasis since the mid-2000s has been placed on institutionalisation, with the aim of establishing, or taking over and maintaining various cultural and educational institutions with appropriate budget support by the minority self-governments (MSGs), the local variants of NCA. However, in practice this remained mostly on paper in the 1990s. But now there are hundreds of institutions—kindergartens, primary and secondary schools, dormitories, museums, libraries, theatres, research institutes, etc.—that are run by minorities. In this way, MSGs have become main actors in implementing linguistic, cultural and educational minority rights in the country.This is all the more important because recent experiences have shown that the transmission of minority languages ​​and identities in families is now largely interrupted, and minority educational institutions have an increasingly important role to play. However, this has been somewhat controversial, and still characterises minorities to varying extents, with those previously recognised in the communist era remaining in better positions with their pre-existing networks of institutions. It has only been possible for the establishment of these institutions, recognised later under the 1993 Minority Act, to begin in the last two decades. In some places, the idea of MSGs taking over existing institutions met resistance from the local populations, especially parents. In other places, especially during the Orbán governments in the 2010s, such a takeover became a kind of escape route so that the school in the municipality would neither be closed, nor continue to be maintained by the state or the churches. It has also been a question of how these minority schools perform on a variety of indicators, and thus whether it is worthwhile for parents to enrol their children. In addition, some ‘institutions’, especially certain ‘research centres’ employing only one person, cannot be considered real institutions. To address the issues above, the major aim of the study is to introduce and analyse the complex process of institutionalisation, and to summarise and evaluate its experiences, especially with regard to the impact of these institutions on the linguistic, cultural and educational rights of minorities.
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Gyóni, Eszter Cúthné. "In the Shadow of the Communist Power. A History of the Catholic Church in Hungary from the Conclusion of World War II until the Trials known as the „Black Ravens” series." In Christen und totalitäre Herrschaft in den Ländern Ostmittel- und Südosteuropas von 1945 bis in die 1960er Jahre, 245–60. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/9783412527501.245.

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Uslaner, Eric M. "Poland and Hungary." In National Identity and Partisan Polarization, 98—C7.T2. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197633946.003.0007.

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Abstract Hungary and Poland were formerly ruled by Communist governments imposed by the Soviet Union. Both had long histories of their own culture, based upon ethnic heritage and religion. Once Communism was overthrown, both had brief periods of liberal democracy. The countries did not have a long history of democratic values and viewed immigrants as threats to their lineage. The ruling parties now favor exclusivist national identities but generous support for people of their own blood lines. They worry that people who are not of their ethnicity or religion threaten their historic cultures and have taken actions to restrict the rights of Muslims, Jews, and gays and lesbians.
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"Communist Parties: The First Generation (1918–1923)." In Transnational Labour History, 85–94. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315235721-6.

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"The character of the political parties in Hungary (Autumn 1989)." In Post-Communist Transition : Emerging Pluralism in Hungary. Bloomsbury Academic, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474287821.ch-003.

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Bunce, Valerie. "The Return of the Left and Democratic Consolidation in Poland and Hungary." In The Communist Successor Parties of Central and Eastern Europe, 303–22. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003063629-18.

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Breslauer, George W. "Diversity and Defiance within the World Communist Movement." In The Rise and Demise of World Communism, 151–55. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197579671.003.0022.

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As Soviet leaders worked to manage the contradictions they had unleashed, they faced a wide range of responses from within the world communist movement: worker rebellions in Eastern Europe; revolution in Hungary in 1956; near revolution in Poland; and criticism or ambivalence from Yugoslavia, China, and nonruling communist parties in the wake of de-Stalinization and the crushing of the Hungarian revolution.
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Leibner, Gerardo. "The Italian Communist Party between “Old Comrades in Arms” and the Challenges of the New Armed Left." In Toward a Global History of Latin America's Revolutionary Left, 171–98. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401698.003.0005.

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During the 1960s the Italian Communist Party (PCI) developed a policy of dialogue and support toward many Latin American Communist Parties and left-wing organizations. The Cuban Revolution and the radicalization of new Latin American movements challenged Latin American Communist Parties and sympathetic outsiders like the PCI. Being an early exponent of the “pacific (and electoral) road toward socialism” and of autonomy from Soviet criteria, the PCI developed a close relationship with the Chilean Communist Party and gave support to Venezuelan Communists when they were under Fidel Castro’s criticism for retreating from armed struggle. However, between 1969 and 1972, the PCI also gave support to Brazilian guerrilla organizations. This was justified by the fact that “the pacific road” was cut off by the 1964 coup and the Brazilian military dictatorship. However, guerrillas were rivals to the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) and PCI assistance was given despite the protests of Luis Carlos Prestes, the PCB’s leader. This chapter shows how the PCI was influenced by sentimental and moral identifications of its cadres. This case study therefore contributes to a complex understanding of the relations between Communist Parties and the revolutionary armed movements of the 1960s and 1970s in Latin America and Europe.
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Conference papers on the topic "Communist parties – Hungary – History"

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Neupauer, František. "Dr. Korbuly Pál, sudca Štátneho súdu v Bratislave." In Protistátní trestné činy včera a dnes. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9976-2021-10.

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The history of law indeed refers to persons handing down judgments and often offers interesting stories, such as the story of a judge working under various political regimes Dr. Pavel Korbuly (1906–1970). On May 4, 1934, Korbuly was appointed a single judge in criminal matters, after 1948 he became an instrument of justice under the communist regime and was one of the most active judges of the State Court in Bratislava. Prior to the Vienna Arbitration, he was a judge in the Czechoslovak Republic, then in Hungary, and after 1948 he was one of the judges who tried and sentenced victims of the communist regime (more than 500 people) in Slovakia. By the same communist regime, however, Korbuly was later prosecuted due to his active support of the anti-communist uprising in Hungary in 1956. Unlike others, he was one of the judges who had realized their responsibility for convicting the innocent and committed public repentance. From this perspective, his life story is unique in Central Europe as well as worldwide.
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2

Đorđević, Miroslav. "LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.027dj.

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The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.
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