Academic literature on the topic 'Communist parties – France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.
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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.
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Damiani, Marco, and Marino De Luca. "From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left from 1989 to 2014." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 4 (2016): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.001.
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This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.
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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.
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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.
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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.
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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.
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Scionti, Andrea. "“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand”: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (2020): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00927.
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This article examines the nature and significance of the activities carried out in France and Italy by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an international organization that was secretly funded by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to support anti-Communist intellectuals, including those on the left end of the political spectrum. These two West European countries, with their large and politically influential Communist parties, were central to the CCF's work in Europe. The organization's task was complicated by domestic concerns and traditions that forced local intellectuals to stress their autonomy from the CCF International Secretariat and its U.S. patrons. The article uses the cultural Cold War and the competing interpretations of anti-Communism and cultural freedom within the CCF as a lens to explore the limits of U.S. influence and persuasion among the intellectual classes of Europe. By repeatedly asserting their independence and agency, the French and Italian members of the CCF helped redefine the character and limits of U.S. cultural diplomacy.
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Guseletov, Boris. "European Left Party – a New Ghost of Communism to Europe." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520201623.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers’ parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, they should finally disappear from the political arena of Europe, giving up the left flank to the socialists and social Democrats. However, European Communists and left-wing radicals demonstrated incredible political vitality and in the tenth years of the twentieth century in a number of EU countries (Greece, France, the Czech Republic) managed to bypass their opponents on the left flank. In 2004 a pan-European party of the European left was created, which is characterized by a commitment to unorthodox Communist and environmental values and a moderately eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. In the last European elections in 2019, this party lost some ground, but nevertheless managed to maintain its small faction in the European Parliament. So today it is difficult to speak about prospects of the European left, although the strength of parties in Germany, Greece, Spain, France and other countries, as well as the weakening of the party of European socialists, gives us reasonable confidence in the fact that the radical left will be able to maintain its presence on the political stage of Europe in the next 10-15 years. The author of the article tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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SCHMIDT, ELIZABETH. "COLD WAR IN GUINEA: THE RASSEMBLEMENT DÉMOCRATIQUE AFRICAIN AND THE STRUGGLE OVER COMMUNISM, 1950–1958." Journal of African History 48, no. 1 (2007): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002551.
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When the Cold War broke out in Western Europe at the end of the Second World War, France was a key battleground. Its Cold War choices played out in the empire as well as in the métropole. After communist party ministers were ousted from the tripartite government in 1947, repression against communists and their associates intensified – both in the Republic and overseas. In French sub-Saharan Africa, the primary victims of this repression were members of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), an interterritorial alliance of political parties with affiliates in most of the 14 territories of French West and Equatorial Africa, and in the United Nations trusts of Togo and Cameroon. When, under duress, RDA parliamentarians severed their ties with the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) in 1950, grassroots activists in Guinea opposed the break. Their voices muted throughout most of the decade, Leftist militants regained preeminence in 1958, when trade unionists, students, the party's women's and youth wings, and other grassroots actors pushed the Guinean RDA to reject a constitution that would have relegated the country to junior partnership in the French Community, and to proclaim Guinea's independence instead. Guinea's vote for independence, and its break with the interterritorial RDA in this regard, were the culmination of a decade-long struggle between grassroots activists on the political Left and the party's territorial and interterritorial leadership for control of the political agenda.
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Kaninskaya, Galina. "NEW ECOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL PEOPLE’S UNION AS A LIFELINE FOR THE FRENCH LEFT." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (2022): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022157164.
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The article is devoted to the unification of the leading left parties of France: Socialist (SP), Communist (FCP), Europe Ecology – The Greens (EEG), France Unbowed (FU) – on the eve of the parliamentary elections on June 12 and 19, 2022, into a single alliance, called New Ecological and Social People’s Union (NESPU). It is analyzed to what extent the efforts made by the leaders of the leading left political forces corresponded to the aspirations of the left electorate. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical provisions of the program adopted by the NESPU, it was educed to what extent the strategy adopted by the Union corresponded to the individual programmes of the parties and what the coalition participants failed to agree on. The socio-cultural section of the NESPU electorate is considered separately. The results of the parliamentary elections for the NESPU are analyzed, the speeches of the deputies of the parties belonging to the Union in parliament on the most important issues of the financial policy of the government of E. Macron for 2023 are shown, and the fault lines between the participants of the NESPU are marked. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the newly created coalition of leftist political parties as a whole, despite the considerable differences in political courses, still manages to maintain unity, following the chosen strategy of free voting.
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Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.
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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition governments established with Stalin's consent throughout Europe in 1945. Tito favoured a communist offensive, while Stalin, aware of the international position of the Soviet Union, favoured a more cautious approach. When Stalin summoned the first meeting of the Cominform in September 1947 and made Tito its de Facto leader, Tito mistakenly assumed he was to head a new international committed to a revolutionary offensive not only in Eastern Europe but in Greece and even Italy and France.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Bosphore-Pérou, Rolande. "Militants et militantisme communiste à la Martinique, 1920-1970 : identification, formes et implication." Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AGUY0800.
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A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteurs<br>Through various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors
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Panagiotopoulos, Georges Panayotis. "La morale communiste : étude sur le rapport éthique dans les partis communistes d'Europe : URSS, France, Grèce." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100007.
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Challier, Raphaël. "« Simples militants » : sociologie comparée de l’engagement politique (FN, JC, UMP) en milieu populaire dans la France contemporaine." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080075.
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La thèse étudie l'engagement de militants subalternes d'un point de vue politique (militants « de terrain ») et social (membres des classes populaires). Ces « simples militants », comme ils se désignent eux-mêmes, constituent des observateurs privilégiés des fractures entre les leaders politiques et les citoyens ordinaires. La thèse a consisté en l'ethnographie comparée des activités de militants (Front national, Jeunes communistes et Union pour un mouvement populaire) dans trois villes de banlieue parisienne et de Lorraine. L’observation de la vie militante ordinaire - réunions, distributions, collages, campagnes d’élections municipales – a été complétée par des entretiens et des comptages localisés. La thèse se divise en deux parties. La première se compose de trois chapitres d’analyse localisée du politique qui décrit le contexte socio-politique des engagements des enquêtés et les différences sociales au sein des collectifs observés. La seconde partie se découpe en deux chapitres comparatifs qui interrogent les tensions opposant la « tête » et la « base » des organisations étudiées en prêtant une attention particulière à restituer les dimensions de domination et d’autonomie qui caractérisent l'expérience des militants subalternes. En mettant en lien la construction des hiérarchies politiques avec les rapports de classe en milieu militant, la thèse invite à différencier l’étude des militantismes selon les milieux sociaux et à questionner le fonctionnement classiste des partis. Symétriquement, elle interroge les recompositions des classes populaires sous l'angle de leur rapport au politique, qui reflète des séparations culturelles persistantes avec les classes aisées<br>The thesis examines the engagement of subordinate activists from both a political ("grassroots") and social (working class) perspective. These "ordinary activists", as they call themselves, are privileged observers of the divisions between political leaders and ordinary citizens. The thesis consisted in the comparative ethnography of the activities of activists (Front national, Jeunes communistes and Union pour un mouvement populaire) in three suburban cities in Paris and Lorraine. The observation of ordinary militant life - meetings, distributions, collages, municipal election campaigns - was supplemented by interviews and localized counts. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first consists of three chapters of localized political analysis that describes the socio-political context of respondents' commitments and the social differences within the observed collectives. The second part is divided into two comparative chapters that question the tensions between the "head" and the "base" of the organizations studied, paying particular attention to restoring the dimensions of domination and autonomy that characterize the experience of subordinate militants. By linking the construction of political hierarchies with class relations in militant environments, the thesis invites us to differentiate the study of militantism according to social backgrounds and to question the classist functioning of parties. Symmetrically, it questions the recompositions of the working classes in terms of their relationship to politics, which reflects persistent cultural separations with the wealthier classes
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Steiner, Jean-Michel. "Le PCF dans la vie stéphanoise (1944-1958) : communisme et anticommunisme dans une grande ville ouvrière sous la Quatrième République." Saint-Etienne, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005STET2089.
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A la libération, malgré des atouts (2 quotidiens, contrôle de la CGT et de nombreuses organisations) , un appareil reconstruit habilement, une influence nouvelle sanctionnée par sa progression électorale, le PCF ne réussit pas à transformer en bastion le bassin industriel stéphanois, zone de forte concentration ouvrière. L'analyse des scrutins, recoupée avec une enquête sociologique à l'échelle des sections, montrent la variété des comportements électoraux ouvriers, la plus ou moins grande perméabilité aux idées communistes, les résistances à son hégémonie. De l'étude d'une presse diverse (MLN, MRP) et des dossiers de police ressortent généalogies et cheminements d'un anticommunisme d'abord retenu que le glissement dans la Guerre Froide et la violence des conflits sociaux (1947-1948) libèrent. Alors qu'un anticommunisme multiple (front syndical anti-CGT, AOP gaulliste, mouvement coopératif et laïque) mine son hégémonie dans le monde ouvrier, la Fédération communiste affronte l'érosion des adhésions et une grave crise interne (1952) mettant en cause la direction issue de la Résistance autour de M. Patinaud. Mais la crise industrielle qui frappe précocement la vieille région industrielle stéphanoise, cristallise des oppositions de classes traditionnelles. Le patronat ayant trouvé avec A. Pinay un héraut populaire, affichant son conservatisme foncier dans une virulente opposition aux conquêtes sociales de le Libération, mêle antisyndicalisme et anticommunisme. Autour de Théo Vial, la nouvelle direction fédérale réussit à préserver l'influence électorale du Parti et tente de reecréer un "front ouvrier" par l'alliance avec la tendance "Reconstruction", majoritaire dans la CFTC locale. Mais, en 1958, le contexte national (Algérie) et international (Hongrie) ont ruiné une bonne partie de ses efforts<br>At Liberation, the FCP can't consolidate it's position into a stronghold in the industrial bassin of St Etienne, a zone of high concentration of workers, despite winning cards (2 dailies, control of the CGT and numerous organizations) , a cleverly rebuilt apparatus, a new influence sanctioned by it's electoral progression. The analysis of the votes, cross-checked with a sociological investigation at the section level shows the variety of worker's voting behaviour, the more or less permeability to communist ideas and the resistance to it's hegemony. A study of various publications (MLN, MRP) and police records show the genealogy and progress of an anticommunism, at first held back but then freed up by the coming of the Cold War and the violence of the social conflicts (1947-1948). While multiple anticommunism factors (anti-CGT trade union front, Gaullist AOP, a cooperative and secular movement) undermine it's hegemony in the working class, the Communist Federation faces the erosion of membership and a serious internal crisis (1952) implicating the leadership (issued from the Resistance) surrounding M. Patinaud. But, the industrial crisis which comes prematurely to the old industrial region of St Etienne, crystallizes the traditional class conflicts. The employers, having found in A. Pinay a popular herald displaying his fundamental conservatism in a virulent opposition to the social gains of the Liberation, mix antisyndicalism with anticommunism. The new federal leadership surrounding Theo Vial succeeds in preserving the electoral influence of the Party and attempts torebuild a worker's front by an alliance with the "Rebuild" trend representing the majority in the local CFTC. But, in 1958, the national (Algeria) and international (Hungary) context have in good part ruined it's efforts
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Boursier, Jean-Yves. "Le Parti communiste français et la question nationale." Paris 8, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA080392.
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La question nationale designe le rapport au pays, le rapport a un cadre politique et historique, a des formes de conscience internes a la societe civile francaise et pas uniquement la question de la formation et de l'existence des nations. La sequence historique choisie est celle ou se deploie pleinement le thorezisme, presente comme voie francaise du marxisme-leninisme de la troisieme internationale, organisee par le pcf. Dans cette sequence, le pcf montre qu'il possede une singularite : il concentre la politique, il est la politique. De ce fait, il ne peut eclater et sa politique est de preserver "le parti". Le pcf a une quasi-impossibilite a mener une politique independante et s'accroche a d'autres forces pour renforcer "le parti" mais ces autres forces doivent lui reconnaitre le monopole de la representation ouvriere. Le pcf est la reponse organisationnelle a la question politique du bilan de la premiere guerre mondiale, de la sfio et du systeme politique de la troisieme republique fondee sur l'ecrasement de la commune de paris et sur la demission nationale par l'abandon de l'alsace-lorraine<br>The national question is meant to be understood as the relationship to the country as well as a link with a political an historical setting, together with theaspects of conscience awareness of the french civilian society : this does not exclude the problem of the creation and existence of nations. The historic period chosen is the one during which the ideas of thorez are fully unfolded : these ideas are thus presented so as tobe understood as the french way of the marxist leninism doctrine belonging to the komintern which was organized by the pcf. During this period, the same pcf shows how it is at the core and does represent the core of politics at the same time. Hence it cannot split and it aims at preserving the "party". The pcf is almost unable to follow an independant political line and is obliged to cling to other forces to make it stronger; these other forces have to acknowledge the worker's representation monopoly. The pcf is the answer to the political questionning of the first world war result, of the sfio and of the political system of the french third republic grounded upon the crushing of the commune and upon the national disinterest
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Wolikow, Serge. "Le Parti communiste français et l'Internationale communiste (1925-1933)." Paris 8, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA080523.
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Le travail entrepris, centre sur le PCF, se déploie sue les deux plans, national et international, politique et syndical, puisque l'étude de l'Internationale communiste va de pair avec celle du syndicalisme rouge. La chronologie événementielle courte est combinée avec l'obervation des évolutions sur le moyen terme. Les années vingt éclairent la situation du PCF dans les années trente. En 1933-34, le mouvement communiste retrouve des pratiques et des réflexions déjà constituées en 1926-27, puis éclipsées. La stratégie et l'activité communistes, insérées dans la société française mais partie prenante de l'Internationale communiste, sont au centre de la thèse. L'importance, méconnue, de la période 1926-27 est mise en valeur. L'élaboration et les conséquences de l'orientation classe contre classe sont étudiées dans leurs dimensions idéologiques et pratiques. Sont également examinés les modes d'organisation et de fonctionnement du PCF et de l'IC durant cette période. Une part importante est réservée aux analyses et aux théorisations économiques et politiques communistes. Enfin les activités des directions du PCF et de la CGTU sont étudiées, avec leurs imbrications, jusqu'en 1934<br>The study wich deals with french communist party, is developped on two different levels, national and international, unionistic and political. Short and middle times are mixed up. The twenties light up the situation of the FCP during the thirties. In 1934 the communist movement meets again reflexions and activities already set up in 1926 but vanished afterwards. The main point of the thesis consists in studying communist strategy and activity both among french society and Comintern. Communist organization as well as ideological productions concerning political and economical analysis and theory are considered
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Roubaud-Quashie, Guillaume. "Les jeunes communistes en France (1944 - fin des années 1970) : les mutations d'une expérience politique en milieux juvéniles et populaires." Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA01H048.
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Dans une perspective d’histoire sociale du politique, la thèse interroge une rencontre rare : celle entre de substantielles fractions de la jeunesse des milieux populaires, d’une part, et, de l’autre, des structures politiques, en l’espèce les organisations communistes juvéniles françaises, de la Libération jusqu’aux années 1970. En amont, elle explore les matrices et les voies de politisation de ces jeunes que l’âge, l’ancrage social et, pour les filles, le sexe, n’ont pas maintenu à l’écart de l’engagement politique organisé. En aval, elle met au jour deux modèles distincts avec leurs configurations propres et leur écho respectif, en précisant les conditions de mutation du premier – lié au mouvement de jeunesse, avec une forte présence ouvrière – vers le second – dominé par une jeunesse scolarisée, porteuse d’autres horizons et pratiques<br>As an essay of social history of politics, this work deals about a rare encounter: that one between significant fractions of working class youth, on the one hand, and, on the other, political structures, French juvenile communist organizations, from the Liberation to the 1970s. Upstream, it explores the matrices and ways of politicization of these young. Downstream, it uncovers two distinct models with their own configurations and their respective echoes. It specifies the conditions of mutation of the first one – linked to the youth movement, with a major working class presence – towards the second one – dominated by educated youth with its own horizons and practices
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Klenjánszky, Sarolta. "Les relations politiques et culturelles du régime communiste hongrois avec la gauche française dans la Guerre froide (1945-1981)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0020.
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Les communistes hongrois adoptèrent la vision soviétique, selon laquelle la France fut le maillon faible dans le camp occidental, et réservèrent une place importante au PCF et, à partir de 1953, aux partis politiques français autres dans leur politique extérieure. Considérant aussi le rôle moteur joué dans l’ouverture du Pacte de Varsovie envers la social-démocratie par la nomenclature libérale, qui avait pris les rênes du pays après 1956, les relations du régime hongrois avec la gauche française méritent bien un examen. La thèse remet la relation, qui constituait l’angle mort de la production historienne, dans les contextes changeants de la politique hongroise et française et des relations internationales. Elle étudie les relations culturelles à la lumière du volontarisme culturel du régime hongrois et de l’influence du PCF sur les intellectuels. La deuxième ambition est de nature épistémologique : la thèse ouvre l’interrogation sur la possibilité d’analyser les relations entre un parti-État et les partis politiques, qui sont de rang inférieur, dans le contexte international de la Guerre froide. En complément ou concurrence, ces relations étaient importantes pour le pouvoir ne serait-ce que comme un outil de légitimation et un moyen d’accroître ses marges de manœuvre au plan international. Le rapprochement franco-hongrois généra des tensions dans les relations avec le PCF, atténuées par les convergences de vues et la faculté du parti hongrois à associer les communistes à l’ouverture tout en utilisant la rivalité entre le PCF et le PS. La thèse se fonde sur une recherche dans les archives hongroises et françaises, la revue de journaux et de périodiques et des entretiens<br>Hungarian communists adopted the Soviet vision that France was the weak link in the Western camp, this led them to reserve an important place to the FCP and, from 1953 on, to other French political parties in their foreign policy. Considering also the leading role played in the opening process of the Warsaw Pact towards social democracy by the liberal nomenclature, which had taken over the country after 1956, relations between the Hungarian communist regime and the French Left deserve consideration. The thesis presents this relationship, which was the blind spot of the historian production, in the changing contexts of Hungarian and French politics and of international relations. The dissertation focuses on cultural relations in the light of cultural voluntarism of the Hungarian regime and of the influence of the Communist Party on intellectuals. The second aim is epistemological: the thesis opens the question about the possibility to analyze the relationship between a party state and political parties, which are of lower rank, in the international context of the Cold War. These relationships were important for power as a way to legitimize its political orientation and to increase its room for manoeuvre on international level. Especially, the Franco-Hungarian reconciliation generated tensions in relations with the PCF. These were mitigated however by the convergence of views of the French and Hungarian party directions and the ability of the latter to involve Communists in the opening process while using rivalry between the FCP and the SP. The thesis is based on research in the Hungarian and French archives, the review of newspapers and magazines and interviews
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Armillei, Valentino. "La négociation extra-syndicale des accords collectifs d’entreprise : essai sur l’expression de la volonté de la partie salariale." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020040.
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Appelé pour une large part à se construire sur l’accord collectif d’entreprise, le droit du travail ne peut pas faire l’économie du débat tenant à l’identification de la partie salariale à ce type d’accord. Si l’accord collectif s’est forgé sur le modèle d’une négociation conduite avec les syndicats, leur carence ou leur absence, conjuguées à la nécessité ou à la volonté d’utiliser les nouvelles opportunités offertes par l’accord, imposent la reconnaissance d’autres acteurs. La notion d’accord collectif d’entreprise en ressort profondément troublée, notamment lorsque la collectivité des salariés intervient par voie référendaire pour créer ou valider l’accord collectif. Mais parce que le référendum ne répond pas au modèle de l’accord collectif négocié, une nouvelle summa divisio émerge entre accords collectifs négociés et accords collectifs d’adhésion, dont le régime diffère parfois sensiblement. Insuffisant pour retisser les liens entre les syndicats et les salariés, le référendum se développe en même temps que s’accroît l’intervention d’autres représentants, directement élus par la collectivité des salariés, donc bénéficiant d’une forte légitimité, à tel point que les accords issus de négociations conduites avec eux sont de même nature que ceux conclus avec les syndicats…<br>Largely shaped upon collective bargaining agreement, labour law cannot afford to bypass the debate relating to the identification of the employees party to these agreements. If the collective bargaining agreement was built upon a model of negotiation with the unions, the lack or absence of the latter, combined with the necessity or desire to use the new opportunities offered by the agreement, dictates the acknowledgement of other protagonists. The notion of collective bargaining agreement comes out deeply altered. Employees intervene by way of referendum to create or validate the agreement. But because the referendum does not follow the model of the negotiated collective agreement, a new summa divisio emerges between negotiated agreements and adherence agreements, the regime of which sometimes differs lightly from the former. Insufficient to forge bonds between unions and employees, the referendum develops at the same time as the intervention of other representatives, directly elected by the employees, thus benefitting from a strong legitimacy, to the extent that the agreements resulting from negotiations conducted with them are of the same nature as those concluded with unions
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Gouard, David. "La "banlieue rouge" face au renouvellement des générations : une sociologie politique des cités Maurice Thorez et Youri Gagarine à Ivry-sur-Seine." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011MON10037.
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Durant plusieurs décennies, au sein de ce qui s'est appelé la « banlieue rouge », Ivry-sur-Seine faisait figure de « bastion » modèle pour le Parti Communiste Français. Le communisme municipal ivryen avait fait de ses cités ouvrières des espaces laboratoires au service d'un creuset d'affiliation sociopolitique particulièrement efficace. Jusqu'au tournant des années 1980, aux cités Maurice Thorez et Youri Gagarine, les résultats électoraux enregistrés par les différents représentants communistes en ont attesté. Avec la remise en cause du modèle de politisation fondé sur l'écosystème industriel, le renouvellement des générations pose avec acuité la question des conditions de reproduction d'une affiliation sociopolitique favorable aux représentants communistes. Une approche ethnographique sur la longue durée a permis de renseigner cette question. Depuis le milieu des années 1980, la trajectoire sociopolitique contrastée des deux quartiers atteste des ruptures infra-communales touchant ce type de territoire de la banlieue parisienne. Dans le quartier Youri Gagarine, la majorité des anciennes familles ouvrières a été remplacée par les nouveaux milieux populaires essentiellement composés de populations issues de l'immigration. Entretenant une historicité tout à fait différente à l'égard de l'étiquette « communiste(s)», les nouvelles générations participent, parfois activement, d'une contestation de l'ancienne autorité politique locale. À l'inverse, dans le quartier Maurice Thorez, situé au cœur du centre-ville, les descendants des familles ivryennes les plus proches de l'appareil partisan et/ou municipal ont maintenu résidence. Dans ce quartier, autour d'une endocratie politique locale, se maintiennent des liens communautaires fonctionnant de manière relativement indépendante de l'ancien encadrement partisan. Pour de nombreuses familles ivryennes appartenant à la classe moyenne, le maintien d'une certaine autorité communiste facilite leur accompagnement social, politique et électoral des métamorphoses contemporaines du communisme municipal<br>For decades, Ivry-sur-Seine was seen as a model Communist stronghold within the Paris ‘Red Belt'. The particular brand of communism practiced by Ivry's municipal government had turned its working-class housing estates into laboratories directed towards the production of a singularly efficient political affiliation system. Until the watershed of the 1980s, electoral results for the various communist representatives in the Maurice Thorez and Yuri Gagarin housing estates seemed to corroborate this. The decline of the politicization model born of industrialization as well as the generation gap have radically undermined the conditions in which a socio-political affiliation system favourable to communist representatives can survive, however. The choice of a long-term ethnographic approach can give us insight into this phenomenon. Since the middle of the 1980s, the contrasting socio-political evolution of the Thorez and Gagarin allotments has testified to the intra-municipal disruption that affects this type of suburban Parisian territory. In the Yuri Gagarin area, the majority of older working-class families have been replaced with a new working-class population essentially stemming from immigration. Often unaware of the rich history of communism in their municipality, these new generations are sometimes actively involved in the challenging of the older local political authority. Downtown, on the contrary, the descendants of the families that were closest to the local party machine have maintained residency in the Maurice Thorez area. Community links have survived around a local political “endocracy” that works relatively independently from the older partisan frame. For many middle-class families living in Ivry, the maintenance of a certain communist authority makes it easier to accept the social, political, and electoral transformations of contemporary municipal communism
Books on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Jean-Guillaume, Lanuque, and Ubbiali Georges, eds. Trotskysmes en France. Bord de l'eau, 2009.
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Jean-Guillaume, Lanuque, and Ubbiali Georges, eds. Trotskysmes en France. Bord de l'eau, 2009.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666.
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Fields, A. Belden. Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and practice in France and the United States. Praeger, 1988.
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Di Maggio, Marco. The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63257-1.
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Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and practice in France and the United States. Praeger, 1986.
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Tartarowsky, Danielle. L'union sans unité: Le programme commun de la gauche, 1963-1978. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Courtois, Stéphane, and Dominique Andolfatto. "France – The Collapse of the House of Communism." In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.87.
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Knapp, Andrew. "The Communist Collapse." In Parties and the Party System in France. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503625_4.
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Andolfatto, Dominique. "Trade Unions and Communism in Spain, France, and Italy." In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.483.
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Di Maggio, Marco. "Western Communist Parties and the Crisis of International Communist Movement." In The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63257-1_1.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "FRENCH Communist Party: Socialism with French Colors." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-6.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "FRENCH Communist Party: The Heritage of Frontism." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-12.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "SPANISH Communist Party: The Search for National Reconciliation." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-13.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "ITALIAN Communist Party: Varieties of the Historic Bloc." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-11.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "ITALIAN Communist Party: From National Unity to Historic Compromise." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-5.
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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "SPANISH Communist Party: From Illegality to the Peaceful Road." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Keefe, Douglas J., and Joseph Kozak. "Tidal Energy in Nova Scotia, Canada: The Fundy Ocean Research Center for Energy (FORCE) Perspective." In ASME 2011 30th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2011-49246.
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Ocean energy developments are appearing around the world including Scotland, Ireland, Wales, England, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Korea, Norway, France Portugal, Spain, India, the United States, Canada and others. North America’s first tidal energy demonstration facility is in the Minas Passage of the Bay of Fundy, near Parrsboro, Nova Scotia, Canada. The Fundy Ocean Research Center for Energy (FORCE) is a non-profit institute that owns and operates the facility that offers developers, regulators, scientists and academics the opportunity to study the performance and interaction of instream tidal energy converters (usually referred to as TISECs but called “turbines” in this paper.) with one of the world’s most aggressive tidal regimes. FORCE provides a shared observation facility, submarine cables, grid connection, and environmental monitoring at its pre-approved test site. The site is well suited to testing, with water depths up to 45 meters at low tide, a sediment -free bedrock sea floor, straight flowing currents, and water speeds up to 5 meters per second (approximately 10 knots). FORCE will install 10.896km of double armored, 34.5kV submarine cable — one for each of its four berths. Electricity from the berths will be conditioned at FORCE’s own substation and delivered to the Provincial power grid by a 10 km overhead transmission line. There are four berth holders at present: Alstom Hydro Canada using Clean Current Power Systems Technology (Canada); Minas Basin Pulp and Power Co. Ltd. with technology partner Marine Current Turbines (UK); Nova Scotia Power Inc. with technology partner OpenHydro (Ireland) and Atlantis Resources Corporation, in partnership with Lockheed Martin and Irving Shipbuilding. In November 2009, NSPI with technology partner OpenHydro deployed the first commercial scale turbine at the FORCE site. The 1MW rated turbine was secured by a 400-tonne subsea gravity base fabricated in Nova Scotia. The intent of this paper is to provide an overview of FORCE to the international marine energy community during OMAE 2011 taking place in Rotterdam, Netherlands.
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Soare, Ioanlaurian, and Mariacristina Munteanubanateanu. "MULTILINGUALISM AND MINORITY LANGUAGE TEACHING. BETWEEN TRADITION AND REVITALIZATION." In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-130.
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Language variety (multilingualism) gains today more and more significance in our community. Children in their early school years have already access to different language sources. There is a friendly educational environment that allows further students fit into new practices whereas languages are able to help them (re)orienting their educational frame. In times past the rigid curriculum of the school system restricted language variety. The decision to exclude Low German (Niederdeutsch) in schools in the 19th century led to a partial extinction of the language and its dialects in Northern Germany nowadays, whereas miles away in South Europe the Basque language reshaped its ideological terrain and turned from a banned language in Franco's dictatorship (about 40 years ago) into a co-official regional language in nowadays Spain with an increasing number of speakers. This paper investigates firstly the status of a language as a minority/local/regional language in opposition to a dominant/national/official language, whereas denominations such as: minority or official languages need further explanations. In Ireland the Irish language has the status of an official language, on the other hand the number of people who declared they speak the language amounts to 6-7% in the whole population. This gives Irish both a minority and an official status, nevertheless: the name of a so called minority language can vary depending on region and tradition. Low German, also known as Nether German or Low Saxon (Niederdeutsch, Plattdeutsch, Nedersaksisch) is still competing for an official name. Whereas in Spain there is Euskera or el Vasco. Secondly, the paper analyses the role of two minority languages within the national educational system of Spain, France and Germany. The two languages are: the Basque language which is spoken in Northern Spain (more exactly in the Basque Country and northern Navarre) and France (in the French Basque Country), the second language is: Low German (spoken mainly in northern parts of Germany). Thirdly, the present paper concludes the fact that within a multilingual/bilingual/monolingual milieu of nowadays Europe a revitalization of a minority language can be achieved due to certain social mechanisms. There is the school system on one hand, then the tradition and identity values a certain group of people may perform and of course there are the authorities and the language policies they develop on the other hand. Accordingly, by means of a collaboration of these mechanisms a revitalization of the Basque language was possible in Spain, respectively because of a malfunction of these structures we notice a decline of Low German in Germany.
Reports on the topic "Communist parties – France"
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Mahdavian, Farnaz. Germany Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.180.
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Germany is a parliamentary democracy (The Federal Government, 2021) with two politically independent levels of 1) Federal (Bund) and 2) State (Länder or Bundesländer), and has a highly differentiated decentralized system of Government and administration (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, 2021). The 16 states in Germany have their own government and legislations which means the federal authority has the responsibility of formulating policy, and the states are responsible for implementation (Franzke, 2020). The Federal Government supports the states in dealing with extraordinary danger and the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) supports the states' operations with technology, expertise and other services (Federal Ministry of Interior, Building and Community, 2020). Due to the decentralized system of government, the Federal Government does not have the power to impose pandemic emergency measures. In the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to slowdown the spread of coronavirus, on 16 March 2020 the federal and state governments attempted to harmonize joint guidelines, however one month later State governments started to act more independently (Franzke & Kuhlmann, 2021). In Germany, health insurance is compulsory and more than 11% of Germany’s GDP goes into healthcare spending (Federal Statistical Office, 2021). Health related policy at the federal level is the primary responsibility of the Federal Ministry of Health. This ministry supervises institutions dealing with higher level of public health including the Federal Institute for Drugs and Medical Devices (BfArM), the Paul-Ehrlich-Institute (PEI), the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) and the Federal Centre for Health Education (Federal Ministry of Health, 2020). The first German National Pandemic Plan (NPP), published in 2005, comprises two parts. Part one, updated in 2017, provides a framework for the pandemic plans of the states and the implementation plans of the municipalities, and part two, updated in 2016, is the scientific part of the National Pandemic Plan (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). The joint Federal-State working group on pandemic planning was established in 2005. A pandemic plan for German citizens abroad was published by the German Foreign Office on its website in 2005 (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). In 2007, the federal and state Governments, under the joint leadership of the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry of Health, simulated influenza pandemic exercise called LÜKEX 07, and trained cross-states and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007b). In 2017, within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with representatives from WHO and the World Bank to prepare for future pandemic events (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). By the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 27 February 2020, a joint crisis team of the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) and the Federal Ministry of Health (BMG) was established (Die Bundesregierung, 2020a). On 4 March 2020 RKI published a Supplement to the National Pandemic Plan for COVID-19 (Robert Koch Institut, 2020d), and on 28 March 2020, a law for the protection of the population in an epidemic situation of national scope (Infektionsschutzgesetz) came into force (Bundesgesundheitsministerium, 2020b). In the first early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Germany managed to slow down the speed of the outbreak but was less successful in dealing with the second phase. Coronavirus-related information and measures were communicated through various platforms including TV, radio, press conferences, federal and state government official homepages, social media and applications. In mid-March 2020, the federal and state governments implemented extensive measures nationwide for pandemic containment. Step by step, social distancing and shutdowns were enforced by all Federal States, involving closing schools, day-cares and kindergartens, pubs, restaurants, shops, prayer services, borders, and imposing a curfew. To support those affected financially by the pandemic, the German Government provided large economic packages (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2020). These measures have adopted to the COVID-19 situation and changed over the pandemic. On 22 April 2020, the clinical trial of the corona vaccine was approved by Paul Ehrlich Institute, and in late December 2020, the distribution of vaccination in Germany and all other EU countries