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1
Rutland, Peter. "What Was Communism?" Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.
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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
3
Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
4
Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
5
Baehr, Peter. "Rebecca West on communism’s allure for the intellectuals: An appraisal." Thesis Eleven 168, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211053388.
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Feminist activist, novelist, literary critic, bio-ethnographer, legal autodidact, and political writer: Rebecca West (1892–1983) was a 20th-century phenomenon. She was also a lifelong critic of communism’s appeal to the intelligentsia. Communism, West claimed, was attractive to three groups of intellectuals outside the Soviet bloc: a minority of scientists who viewed politics as merely a sum of technical problems to solve; the emotionally devastated for whom communism was a means of mental reorientation; and a déclassé segment of the middle class who envisaged communism as a means of material and status advancement. I examine West’s three explanations for communism’s allure, and then proceed to evaluate her account. My assessment is both empirical, using sociological data on American and European communist parties, and methodological, examining the techniques of West’s style, a mix of novelistic empathy and unmasking political partisanship. This mixture I consider fatal because while the novel, like historical interpretation, allows a generous understanding of human agents, unmasking tends towards caricature and denunciation.
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Drinot, Paulo. "Creole Anti-Communism: Labor, the Peruvian Communist Party, and Apra, 1930–1934." Hispanic American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 703–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1727981.
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Abstract Recent research has reminded us of the centrality of anti-Communism to the politics of the Cold War in Latin America. This article focuses on a form of anti-Communism that I call creole anti-Communism, which predated the Cold War and was not imposed from abroad or indeed from above. In Peru, anti-Communism proved a key idiom through which the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) sought to gain control over organized labor and to challenge the Peruvian Communist Party’s claims to represent and lead workers. APRA’s anti-Communism grew out of Víctor Haya de la Torre’s polemics with José Carlos Mariátegui and with the Comintern. But it was also shaped by APRA’s evolving strategy in relation to organized labor in the early 1930s. I focus on the ways in which APRA came to view labor autonomy vis-à-vis the party and, more generally, workers’ rejection of Communist attempts to politically control the labor movement as key tactics in its broader struggle against the Peruvian Communist Party. In a context of growing repression of everything associated with Communism, APRA proved adept at channeling, and benefiting from, a form of labor anti-Communism, or anti-Communism from below, by adapting its own strategy toward labor.
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Fanani, Muhammad Farih, and Siti Maimunah. "GERAKAN KOMUNIS DALAM SAREKAT ISLAM DI SURAKARTA TAHUN 1918-1926 M." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20104.
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In the early 1920s, the Sarekat Islam as an organization Islam had the influence from the communists. Communism in Sarekat Islam (SI) has almost had an even impact from the CSI to Local SI. It is a clash between two different ideologies. Communist entry into SI can also be felt in Surakarta. In Surakarta communist movement activity was represented by H. Misbach. He played a major role in instilling communist ideology through the newspapers, Medan Moeslimin and Islam Bergerak. However, Misbach has a different view of communism. As a person who was born and raised in a religious environment, he tried to find a middle ground between the religion he believed in and his support for communism. Misbach developed the idea of Islamic communism. The idea sought to harmonize and find common ground between Islam and communism.
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Yew, Leong. "MANAGING PLURALITY: THE POLITICS OF THE PERIPHERY IN EARLY COLD WAR SINGAPORE." International Journal of Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (June 15, 2010): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591410000057.
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Mainstream histories of the Cold War have tended to reduce the events surrounding Southeast Asian decolonization and nationalism to the universal notions of ideological confrontation, bipolarity, and the global division between a capitalist and communist camp. This obscures how multiple entities – the former colonial powers, different classes and ethnic groups, and local elites of different ideological and political persuasion – come into contention as they negotiate for a place in postcolonial society. Thus this article examines the case of Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s and argues that these forms of contention provincialize experiences with nationalism, communalism, and communism and by so doing disconnect them from the dominant narratives of the Cold War. I examine various texts by British colonial officials, communist and non-communist political figures, and university students that show how British attempts at managing a decolonizing entity were offset by the local intelligentsia's ambivalence in coming to terms with nationalism and communism.
9
Mevius, Martin. "Reappraising Communism and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985637.
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There are two popular myths concerning the relationship between communism and nationalism. The first is that nationalism and communism are wholly antagonistic and mutually exclusive. The second is the assertion that in communist Eastern Europe nationalism was oppressed before 1989, to emerge triumphant after the Berlin Wall came down. Reality was different. Certainly from 1945 onwards, communist parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions and guardians of national interests. The communist states of Central and Eastern Europe constructed “socialist patriotism,” a form of loyalty to their own state of workers and peasants. Up to 1989, communists in Eastern Europe sang the national anthem, and waved the national flag next to the red banner. The use of national images was not the exception, but the rule. From Cuba to Korea, all communist parties attempted to gain national legitimacy. This was not incidental or a deviation from Marxist orthodoxy, but ingrained in the theory and practice of the communist movement since its inception.
10
Mates, Lewis. "'We want real live wires, not gas pipes': Communism in the inter-war Durham coalfield." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 51–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165607.
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Durham was the second largest and best unionised interwar British coalfield. With some leading pre-war Durham miner militants sympathetic to communist inspired movements after 1920, there seemed to be considerable potential for the CPGB's growth. The 'communist moment' seemed to arrive in 1926. The Durham miners' leaders' inactivity during the general strike and after, contrasted with communists' apparent dynamism, made for excellent propaganda. Hundreds duly flocked to the CPGB throughout the coalfield in those heady months of late 1926. Yet the factors that aided communism's growth while the dispute raged had the opposite impact after the miners' defeat. A successful counter-attack by local Labour and miners' leaders, coal owner victimisation and the defeatism and demoralisation it engendered, as well as the general depressed state of the industry that brought short time and unemployment, saw Durham communism retreat rapidly in 1927. The district CPGB's own shortcomings also played a part. Both before 1926 and after 1934, communist influence was most readily exerted through Labour Party miner activists who had never been CPGB members. Their political careers suggest why communism did not gain a stronger independent foothold in the Durham coalfield.
11
King, Charles. "Remembering Romanian Communism." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060381.
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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand Romania's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Romanians learn, at last, how to own it.
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Al Tuwayjiri, Mohammad A. "The Encircled Kingdom: The Saudi Anti-Communist Stance, 1958–67." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 1 (June 2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.40.
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AbstractThis article evaluates Saudi Arabia's anti-Communist stance between 1958 and 1967, in the midst of the Cold War. It presents an alternative interpretation of how anti-Communism was framed as a struggle against Arab Nationalism and Zionism in the Middle East. Furthermore, it highlights the different perspectives on anti-Communist agitation provided in primary sources and Saudi historiography and offers fresh insight into the Saudis’ anti-Communist stance. The analysis shows that Saudi attitudes in the Cold War were dominated by a fear of the Soviet Communists that subsequently extended to all other secular ideologies. The article concludes that the Saudi strategy of anti-Communism was a crucial building block to curb the spread of Communism in the twentieth century.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Perception of Communism in Сontemporary Indonesian Politics of Memory: Between “The Return” and “The Oblivion”." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021597-4.
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The author analyzes historical politics as a form of imagination of communism in the collective memory of Indonesia. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the perception of the communism by modern Indonesian participants in the policy of memory of the history of the Communist Party of Indonesia and its marginalization after the events of 1965. The paper analyzes the main forms of imagination and the invention of images of the history of communism in the modern Indonesian memorial culture of memory. The article shows that the memorial practices of Indonesian intellectuals do not provide for an independent perception of communist images in the history of Indonesia. It is assumed that the problems of the history of the Communist Party are assimilated into the contexts of the history of Indonesian nationalism and political Islam. The results of the study suggest that the modern culture of memory has not been able to form new narratives describing the history of communism because this issue has become a victim of politically motivated amnesia, and the ruling elites are not interested in returning to the communist heritage of national historical experience to the mnemonic spaces of collective memory.
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Yakovlev, Andrei V. "Semantics and pragmatics of the noun communism and of the adjective communist and challenges in understanding prof. Efremov’s science fiction novels about remote future." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 1 (2021): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.1.7.
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The paper deals with the polysemy of the word communism, focusing on its canonical meaning – "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" classless society, depicted in Prof. Efremov’s SF novels and which assumed official definition in 1961. This meaning is now being ousted by the one traditional for the West and referring to what Prof. Efremov called pseudosocialism. The change in the semantics of the word "communism" in the Russian language leads to communicative failures in the perception of texts in which the word "communism" is used in the canonical meaning. Along with the undoubted polysemy of the noun "communism" (and the adjective "communist") – communism as a social movement versus communism as a social system versus communism as a worldview, it is necessary to state the lexical ambiguity of these words in relation to the social system.
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Borcila, Andaluna. "Accessing the trauma of communism." European Journal of Cultural Studies 12, no. 2 (May 2009): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549409102425.
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This article centres on representations of Romanian women in the on-site reports filmed by American news crews in the days and weeks following the Romanian revolution. Around these representations, the article traces Romania's journey into televisibility on American television news, from an initially inaccessible site of falling communism to an overexposed site of post-communist trauma. Reports from abortion clinics were the first encounters with the territory of Romania that American television offered firsthand to its viewers, and these representations of Romanian women were the first representations of post-communist identities on American television. The article suggests that these representations of post-communist subjects, who appear as overexposed sites on which American television traces the effects of communism and the predicaments of the post-communist condition, display symptomatic features which have remained pervasive.
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Yushan Wang. "Young Marx's argument on communism in Paris manuscript." International Journal of Science and Research Archive 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2023): 249–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/ijsra.2023.10.2.0911.
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In Paris Manuscript, Marx gradually broke away from his previous criticism and vigilance towards communism through further research on political economy and deep exploration of Feuerbach's philosophy. At that time, Marx proposed that communism is a scientific theory opposite to political economics, regarded actual communist action as a positive transcendence of human self-estrangement. Furthermore, communist theory was endowed with deep attribute of new materialism.
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Kuźmicz, Karol. "PRAWO W UTOPII KOMUNISTYCZNEJ. ZARYS PROBLEMATYKI." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.11.
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LAW IN THE COMMUNIST UTOPIA. AN OUTLINE OF TOPIC Summary The Communist Utopia is strictly connected with the philosophical concepts of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the 19th century. It is based on historical and dialectical materialism, which were later developed by younger philosophers who created Communist ideology. The scientific character of Communism was stressed and they claimed that it is possible to reach Communism, which will be the highest achievement of social development of progressive mankind. According to XI thesis about Ludwig Feuerbach “the philosophers have interpreted the world in many ways, but the clue problem is to change the world”. In order to change the world law was supposed to be used, because the philosophers claimed that it is easier to create a new man and new world than to adapt the system to people. The transition to Communism, with its first phase called „real socialism”, was connected with the fight of classes, which was supposed to be sharper and sharper. In this fight the law had to be both sword and shield on the way to Communism. The law was used as a tool in this fight against „relics of capitalism” such as: counter-revolution, imperialism, non-socialist attitude towards ownership and labor, nationalistic prejudices, religion and many other relics of capitalism. The Communist ideology presumed that reaching the power would be achieved by the revolution. In political and legal practice the ideology was totalitarian. The Communist system has elaborated its own theory of state and law, according to which the law was regarded as a tool for rulers, who wanted to achieve their own goals (often Utopian). The revolutionary movement tried to preserve the changes by binding law. As a result of it the law was instrumentally treated by the regime, which itself was above the law. The Communism, which as a presumption was not Utopian, has occurred to be anti-Utopian (so called negative Utopia). According to Leszek Kołakowski, the Communism was a “total lie” from the beginning. The highest point of the Communist Utopia was a presumption that at the end of the revolution the state and law will not be necessary any more. The non-class society will reach Communist paradise on the earth.
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Smith, Evan. "Policing Communism Across the ‘White Man's World’: Anti-Communist Co-operation between Australia, South Africa and Britain in the Early Cold War." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (September 2017): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0274.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper explores how this co-ordination of anti-communist efforts was implemented in Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War era, which involved the breaking of strikes using the armed forces, the close monitoring of ‘persons of interest’ and the (attempted) banning of the Communist Party. It also seeks to demonstrate that the history of anti-communism, similar to communism, has an international dimension that is only starting to be investigated by historians.
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Slačálek, Ondřej. "How to typologize Czech anti‑communism: A reflection on three decades of memory conflicts." Securitas Imperii: Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 39, no. 2 (2021): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/edag9029.
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The paper is based on an analysis of Czech anti‑communism. It starts with a brief definition of anti‑communism. Then it presents six possible typologies of anti‑communism based on various questions: type of political mission, political background, actual political function, proposed cure, and spatial scope. There then follows a presentation of various phenomena that are framed in an anti‑communist way: the Communist Party, Social Democrats, liberals, the young generation, but also the contemporary West with its “progressivist” tendencies. In the two final sections the paper focuses on comparison in the Central European context. It shows that in the Czech context the transfer of German experience was (in)adequate for different reasons than in the Polish and Hungarian cases, namely because of the dynamics connected with the different trajectories of post‑communist political subjects.
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IANDOLO, ALESSANDRO. "Unforgettable 1956? The PCI and the Crisis of Communism in Italy." Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000046.
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AbstractThe Italian left has always perceived 1956 as an extraordinary year, because of the succession of international events that supposedly shocked many Italian militants and convinced them to abandon communism and the Italian Communist Party. On the contrary, this article claims that the real reasons for the crisis of communism in Italy had little to do with international events and must be found instead in the momentous economic and social changes that Italy was experiencing at the time. Unforgettable 1956 was therefore only a moment in a longer-term process that was destined to change communism in Italy. The article is based on previously unused documents now available at the Italian Communist Party Archive.
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PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.
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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
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Sima, Claudia. "Communist heritage representation gaps and disputes." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-03-2017-0015.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and explore how different stakeholders represent communist and revolution heritage for tourism, with a case-study on Bucharest, the capital city of Romania. The research attempts to identify gaps and tensions between representation makers on communist heritage tourism. Design/methodology/approach The research employs a range of qualitative methods in order to explore communist heritage tourism representation from different perspectives: content analysis of secondary data in the form of government, industry and media destination promotional material; interviews with a range of representation producers (government, industry and media); focus groups with potential tourists; and content analysis of user generated content under the form of blogs by actual visitors to Bucharest. Findings Findings reveal that there are gaps between the “official” or government representations of communism and revolution heritage and “unofficial” or industry, media and tourists’ representations. The research confirms and builds on Light’s (2000a, b) views that communist heritage is perceived as “problematic” by government officials and that attempts have been made to reinterpret it in a different light. The process of representation is made difficult by recent trends such as the increase in popularity of communism heritage tourism in countries such as Germany or Hungary. The potential of communist and revolution heritage to generate tourism is increasingly being acknowledged. However, reconciliation with “an unwanted” past is made difficult because of the legacy of communism and the difficulties of transition, EU-integration, economic crisis or countless political and social crisis and challenges. The “official” and “unofficial” representations successfully coexist and form part of the communism and revolution heritage product. Research limitations/implications The research attempts to look at the representation of communism heritage from different angles, however, it does not exhaust the number of views and perspectives that exist on the topic. The research only records the British and Romanian perspectives on the topic. The topic is still in its infancy and more research is needed on communism heritage tourism and representation. Originality/value The research identifies and explores gaps, agreements and disagreements over the representation of communist and revolution heritage in Bucharest, Romania.
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Anna, Andŕe Albuquerque Sant', and Leonardo Weller. "The Threat of Communism during the Cold War: A Constraint to Income Inequality?" Comparative Politics 52, no. 3 (April 1, 2020): 359–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041519x15615651139989.
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Did the threat of communism influence income distribution in developed capitalist economies during the Cold War? This article addresses this question by testing whether income inequality in OECD countries was related to events linked to the spread of communism—revolutions and Soviet interventions—around the world. We argue that the threat of the spread of communism acted as an incentive for the elites and governments to keep economic inequality low. This article provides an empirical contribution to the recent literature on inequality, which highlights the role of domestic institutions but ignores the role of the Cold War in redistributing income. We find a robust relationship between income inequality and the distance to communist events. The results, reinforced by cases studied, suggest that the spread of communism fostered income redistribution deals between domestic elites and workers. Finally, we show that these effects were reinforced by strong unions and the presence of strong communist parties.
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Fuchs-Schündeln, Nicola, and Matthias Schündeln. "The Long-Term Effects of Communism in Eastern Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 172–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.172.
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We analyze the long-term effects of communism on both policies and preferences in Eastern Europe in four areas in which the communist and capitalist doctrines fundamentally differ: government intervention in markets, political freedom, and inequality in incomes and across genders. Macroeconomic indicators related to these areas show convergence of the East to the West. However, residents in the East express less support for democracy and a stronger desire for redistribution, in line with the communist doctrine. Their preferences for the market economy are on average similar to the ones in the West, and their support of female labor force participation is even lower. To establish an effect of communism on preferences, we recur to cohort differences. In all four areas, older cohorts in the East who have lived under communism for a longer time show preferences more in line with communism than younger cohorts, compared to the same cohort gradient in the West.
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Panov, Trajche, and Dane Taleski. "The Shades of Communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.22.
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The bases of the political divisions in Macedonia are hard to explain solely through the traditional theoretical approach based on social structures and values. We include the perceptions of the communist past together with the social structures and values; and use survey data to run a multinomial logistic regression with undecided voters as the base category. Results show that perceptions of communism have the strongest influence on political divisions. Diverging perceptions of communism combine with attitudes toward religious values and shape a cultural left-right dimension. On the other hand, there is an absence of a left-right distinction in economic policies. The finding could be a useful explanation for political divisions in other post-communist countries, where there is an absence of distinction in economic policies.
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Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.
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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in almost totally separate communities.
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Gusiejnow, Abdulsalam. "Etyka: nowe perspektywy." Etyka 25 (December 1, 1990): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14394/etyka.344.
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At the time of great changes the tasks of ethics must also be greatly changed, says the author. He proposes a reinterpretation of the communist ethics by emphasizing its humanist and human character. He underscores the value of life in ethics. He warns that in case when communism clashes with morality the effects can be ominous for morality but even more disastrous for communism. Communism presupposes moral trust among people, he says, and becomes implausible when that trusts has been wasted.
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BRUNNBAUER, ULF. "Remembering Communism During and After Communism (review article)." Contemporary European History 21, no. 3 (June 13, 2012): 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000318.
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In the past decade there has been a real explosion of studies on collective memory in eastern Europe. Two large themes have attracted the attention of scholars: the ongoing re-evaluations of the past after the end of communism and the memory of state socialism. These two topics were evidently related to each other in two ways: first, the communist period became an object of collective memory and many events linked to communist rule were re-evaluated once taboos and politically imposed interpretations fell by the wayside. Second, many political and public figures identified communist rule in eastern Europe as the reason why the nation's ‘genuine’ memory had been distorted. Now, they claimed, history could and had to be rewritten in order to bring previously suppressed memories to the foreground.
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Stamatović, Aleksandar, and Budimir Aleksić. "Court proceedings of the communist regime in Montenegro against the Orthodox clergy in 1954." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 5-1 (May 1, 2022): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi22.
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The aim of the article is to show the ideological function of anti-communism in Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and the repression of the communist regime against the church opposition. It also explains how communism with atheism was appeared in Montenegro and Yugoslavia after the Second World War. A representative example of this process is the trial of four priests of the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and Primorje and Metropolitan Arsenije Bradvarevic himself. The article explains why Montenegro was one of the last oases of communism in Europe.
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Stone, Marla, and Giuliana Chamedes. "Naming the Enemy: Anti-communism in Transnational Perspective." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 2018): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417735165.
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In this introduction to the special issue on transnational anti-communism, Marla Stone and Giuliana Chamedes present the contours of a comparative approach to the study of anti-communism, raising issues of its origins and impact, and calling for attention to anti-communism as a discrete ideology with a defined set of beliefs and practices. The special issue of six articles, edited by Stone and Chamedes, focuses on anti-communism in the interwar period in a range of locations, including India under British rule, colonial Madagascar, Italy, France, Britain and the United States of America. The essays emphasize comparative issues regarding the emergence and consolidation of anti-communist movements and practices in the 1920s and 1930s, and they argue for the transnational and international character of interwar anti-communism, and for its profound implications for both national and global politics.
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Rambe, Safrizal, Yuddy Chrisnandi, and Olexiy Haran. "COMMUNISM AND DE-COMMUNIZATION: STUDY OF THE RISE AND COLLAPSE OF COMMUNISM IN INDONESIA AND UKRAINE: A COMPARISON." CosmoGov 10, no. 1 (July 3, 2024): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/cosmogov.v10i1.51334.
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The rise and fall of communism have caught the attention of many observers, including Indonesia and Ukraine. It is interesting to observe that communism in both countries had received comprehensive support during its revival but ended in destruction in Indonesia and Ukraine, which used to be countries that had the ideology of communism and later denounced communist regimes and banned propaganda of its symbols. This study wants to compare the existence of communism in Indonesia and Ukraine by referring to aspects of ideology and people's acceptance, forms and ideologies adopted by the two countries, figures who propagated it, supporting organizations, and the collapse of communism in Indonesia and Ukraine. This study uses a qualitative method by prioritizing library research in data collection, which then analyses and explains the meaning of the data or interprets it as accurately as possible.
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Özman, Aylin, and Aslı Yazıcı Yakın. "The symbolic construction of communism in Turkish anti-communist propaganda during the Cold War." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.06ozm.
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The aim of this study is to analyse cultural and social referential importance of the stereotypes of communists/communism in the anti-communist propaganda texts circulated in Turkey during the Cold War. The article displays the symbolism underlying anti-communist discourse by re-reading the propaganda material as texts that introduce the reader to ultimate anti-communist fantasies. The analyzed texts were mainly produced by one of the leading participants of anti-communist struggle, namely the Association for Fighting Communism in Turkey (AFCT) (Türkiye Komünizmle Mücadele Derneği, TKMD, 1963–1977), and its members. The article shows that the analyzed anti-communist propaganda creates mystification as a strategy and builds a narration in which temporal, spatial, and personal references are obscure. The article also shows that anti-communist propaganda operates on traditional dichotomies nature/culture, emotion/reason, and body/mind and that the images of communists/communism are constructed by appealing to a variety of animal species connoting “danger”; the unsocial connoting of the “absence of rules” and animality; and the woman of desire recalling the “immoral” in the popular imagination. It is argued that the texts are all interdiscursive thus allowing for the sexist, Islamist and nationalist arguments to be used as supportive subtopics while defending the anti-communist cause. The analysis also establishes intertextual relationship with the Nazi anti-Jewish and anti-communist discourse.
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Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.
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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.
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Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.
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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Beaumont, Thomas, and Tim Rees. "Editors' Introduction: Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Colonialism In The Comintern Era." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (June 28, 2023): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280553.
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The articles assembled in this special issue of Twentieth Century Communism explore the related themes of Communist engagement with the politics of anti-colonialism and of anti-racism during the Comintern era. This special issue represents the first publication to emerge from the AHRC-funded 'Rethinking International Communism' research network. The articles were among those presented at the workshop, 'Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Imperialism', held at the University of Exeter in April 2022. 1 The authors approach the subject with research interests and interdisciplinary backgrounds that illustrate the contrasting, but complementary, perspectives in the expanding body of studies on the relationships between interwar international communism and struggles for liberation from colonialism, imperialism and racial oppression. They also represent the intersection of two mutually enriching approaches that have driven this new research and more nuanced interpretations: studies that are largely concerned with fitting communist involvement into the wider histories of interwar anti-colonialism and anti-racism; and studies focusing on the role of anti-colonialism and anti-racism as an important aspect of interwar international communism. Together they demonstrate the myriad ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism and anti-racism were often defining elements in the commitment of a great many communists to the international communist movement. 2 They also show how pivotal their involvement in liberation struggles often was in the wider development and success of those causes in the longer term.
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Nygaard, Bertel. "The Specter of Communism." Contributions to the History of Concepts 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2016.110101.
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The modern concept communism emerged in the French public sphere in 1840 and rapidly gained currency in other European countries as well. Though primarily used as a term of derision, its radicalization of already-established senses of accelerating change and worldly futurity secured its incorporation in complex unities of utopian hopes and dystopian fears all over the political spectrum of the time. The Danish public sphere of the 1840s reveals three basic modes of using communism, each linked in its peculiar way to new uses of the concept democracy: conservative equations of democratic political equality (particularly, universal male suffrage) and communist attacks on private property in favor of a community of goods; leftist democratic denials of such equations and the emergence of anticommunist democratic positions; and, between the two extremes, liberal distinctions between their own moderate conception of democracy and the false, “communist” democracy of the left .
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Between Deprivation and Privilege: (Former) “Enemies of the People” in Communist and Postcommunist Romania." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.2.
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Communism everywhere it settled aimed to create a new society and the ‘new man’ in the shortest possible time. In order to put into practice such social engineering, it was necessary that those social categories refractory to change to be annihilated. There-fore, the former politicians, the landlords, the wealthy peasants (the kulak), the bour-geois, the intellectuals, the artists were methodically and constantly repressed. Laws, institutions and people were summoned to effect change through repressive methods. The beginning of the process of building the communist society created many ‘enemies of the people’, as the communists described them, victims of the class struggle, but also of their own ideals. Belief in the ‘Arrival of the Americans’, and in the short duration of Communism led them directly to prisons, hard labor and deportation camps. Many perished, but most escaped and returned to the society that was reconfiguring itself on new bases and with new values. The fall of communism brought their recognition as ‘victims’ of the totalitarian regim’s politics. In order to acknowledge their suffering the postcommunist Romanian state offers them compensations, granted them the label of ‘anti-communist fighter’, and eventually condemned Communism as ‘illegitimate and criminal’. My paper discusses all these issues while pointing out what was at stake in organized repression during communism as well as in recognizing the suffering of the repressed in the first postcommunist decades.
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Săgeată, Radu, Nicoleta Damian, and Bianca Mitrică. "Communism and Anti-Communist Dissent in Romania as Reflected in Contemporary Textbooks." Societies 11, no. 4 (November 30, 2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc11040140.
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The structural changes brought about by the collapse of the communist system also included the reconfiguration of social memory, so that future generations have a more objective imagining of the impact of the communist period on the societies from Central and Eastern Europe. In this view, the depoliticization of recent history is a top priority. The present study aims to highlight the way in which the schoolbooks in Romania bring into the memory of the young generation a strictly secret episode in recent (pre-1990) history: anti-communist dissent. Two categories of methods were used: researching the data and information contained in history textbooks and other bibliographic sources on anti-communist dissent in Romania in the overall socio-political context of that era; and assessing—with the help of a set of surveys—the degree of assimilation by young people in Romania of the knowledge about communism conveyed through textbooks. Research points to the conclusion that the Romanian curriculum and textbooks provide an objective picture of the communist period in this country, but young people’s perception of communism in general and of Romanian communism in particular tends to be distorted by poor education, poverty and surrounding mentalities rooted in that period.
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Nento, Arief Rahmat. "Superhuman Marxism in Mark Millar’s Red Son." TRANS-KATA: Journal of Language, Literature, Culture and Education 1, no. 1 (November 29, 2020): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54923/transkata.v1i1.6.
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The object of this research is a Graphic Novel entitled “Superman: Red Son” by Mark Millar. The novel is a story about a Superman in a different universe who lived amongst the society of communist and was raised by communist Ideology, involving issues of social nomenclature. The basis of this research resides in Marxism Theory and Graphic Novel. This research aims to determine the message conveyed behind the book as either critique or support towards the ideas of Communism. This research applied qualitative descriptive method and Marxist Literary Criticism as its Literary Approach. The Research Result pointed out that the book significantly showcased how far the success of Communism could go, especially with a Superhuman leader by their side. Simultaneously, the results also indicated that this work also represents critique upon Communism failures, specifically over the downfall of a utopian state the Super-powered leader had worked so hard for. This research revealed how Marxism could ideologically endure and survive, despite being overpowered by relentless Americans. It also shows that despite having a Superhuman leader, several problems became the factor of Communism failure in both the book and in reality remains unaverted.
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Zombory, Máté. "The birth of the memory of Communism: memorial museums in Europe." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1028–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1339680.
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This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimatedifferentia specificaof the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.
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Hasselmann, Anne E. "Communist Museums in Transition to Museums of Communism." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 23, no. 1 (2022): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0014.
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Tamulis, Bron. "The Communist International and US Communism, 1919–1929." New Political Science 38, no. 2 (March 22, 2016): 294–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2016.1153201.
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Lodge, Tom. "Post-Communism and the South African Communist Party." Problems of Post-Communism 66, no. 4 (February 9, 2018): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2018.1425094.
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Daskalov, Roumen. "Communism in Retrospective: Memoirs of Bulgarian Communist Leaders." East European Politics & Societies 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 971–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088832502766275966.
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Daskalov, Roumen. "Communism in Retrospective: Memoirs of Bulgarian Communist Leaders." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 16, no. 3 (August 2002): 971–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088832540201600313.
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Klehr, Harvey, Tim Rees, and Andrew Thorpe. "International Communism and the Communist International 1919-1943." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652460.
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Cornell, Tom. "The Catholic Worker, Communism and the Communist Party." American Catholic Studies 125, no. 1 (2014): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2014.0014.
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Communism in Post-communist Romania: An Ambivalent Legacy." Balkanistic Forum 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2024): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v33i2.9.
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After Nicolae Ceaușescu’s execution on December 25, 1989, Romania faced an important issue to deal with: What was to be done with the 44 years of a quasi-totalitarian system, based on continuous political violence?! How should Romanians relate to it? What was to be remembered and what was to be forgotten? How it should be passed on to the next generations, those who were born before, around or after the fall of the regime? The answer to these questions has varied over the 35 years since the fall of the communist regime in Romania. Numerous factors contributed to the way in which Romanians related to their communist past, how it was represented in the public space, how it was and is passed on. The actors involved have also changed and the official public memory has known many avatars. In the subsequent pages, I propose an analysis of all these aspects, resulting from my research of the last 21 years on the memory of Communism.
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Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
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Pohrib, Codruta Alina. "Writing Childhoods, Righting Memory." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2016.080206.
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This article traces different appropriations of intergenerational memory in post-communist Romania in three non-formal educational texts: the pop-up book The Golden Age for Children; Ȋn faţa blocului (Outside the apartment building), a collection of outdoor games that defined the generations of the 1970s and 1980s; and Elev în Comunism (Students during the communist regime), which comprises first person narratives by teenagers imagining their lives as pupils under communism. I flesh out the stakes involved in correcting, repurposing, or capitalizing on nostalgic remembrances of the communist past, which are or may be passed on to children by their parents who grew up under communism, paying close attention to expectations from and pressures on the family as a privileged site of memory transmission.