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1
H.R.H. "Divided Nations and the Politics of Borders." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408452.
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The ghost of Trianon continues to haunt Central Europe. The consequences of the unmaking of the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary still confront diplomats, even more so now in the aftermath of communism and the demise of Soviet hegemony. The plight of Hungarian minorities in Hungary's neighboring states is a constant concern to diplomats as satisfactory accommodation of ethnic minorities fails throughout post-communist Eastern Europe. Specifically, a fear of destabilization on account of a crisis related to the several Hungarian minorities scattered in half a dozen adjacent states is never far from the surface.
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Godawa, Grzegorz, and Erzsébet Rákó. "Social Pedagogy Training in Poland and Hungary." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 12, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.12209.
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In the present study we compare the formation and development of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy. The main aspects of the comparison are the principal stages in the history of social pedagogy, the development of training, and the current situation in Hungary and Poland.The history of social pedagogy can be divided into three stages, following key events in the history of Central and Eastern Europe, as these historical events had an impact on the appearance and development of social pedagogy. The first stage is the early period, in the era before 1945, the second is the period after 1945, when the number of orphaned children increased significantly after the second World War and communism determined the socio-economic development of both Poland and Hungary. The third period started after 1989 when, after the collapse of communism, the development of both countries was placed on new socio-economic foundations, and new social problems appeared in the subsystems of society, which were partly addressed by social pedagogical solutions. In what follows, we give a brief overview of the 20th century history of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy, the initial period of its formation.
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Deli, Peter. "Esprit and the Soviet Invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001028.
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There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.
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Batkay, William M., and Gyorgy Peteri. "Effects of World War I: War Communism in Hungary." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867323.
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Buclin, Hadrien. "Swiss Intellectuals and the Cold War: Anti-Communist Policies in a Neutral Country." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 137–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00767.
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Political and cultural life in Switzerland in the 1950s was characterized by a particularly fervent anti-Communism. This position was sustained by Swiss authorities as they promoted “spiritual national defense,” a policy that consisted—in the struggle against Soviet influence—of subsidies for patriotic works of art or essays and the covert prosecution of citizens (in particular, intellectuals and artists) suspected of having Communist sympathies. This article examines the rise of Swiss anti-Communism, including the reestablishment of political censure at the beginning of the Cold War, which led to a series of legal procedures against Communist intellectuals and on several occasions to prison sentences. The article assesses the impact of major international events on official policy measures implemented in Switzerland, including the Korean War, the rise of McCarthyism, and the Soviet intervention in Hungary. It also examines the attenuation of “spiritual national defense” in the 1960s with the rise of East-West détente.
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Sajó, András. "Legal Consequences of Past Collective Wrongdoing after Communism." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (February 1, 2005): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013729.
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In these notes, I reflect on the possibilities of confronting the darkest chapters of East-Central European history, namely, genocide. This problem is closely related to the moral refoundation of society, law and politics. My concerns are primarily related to the role of law in the process, both descriptively, by trying to explain very contradictory developments in Hungary, and normatively, by arguing for a shame dictated legal policy.
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Lénárt, András. "La imagen de Hungría en el cine franquista." Acta Hispanica 19 (January 1, 2014): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2014.19.101-111.
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The complex relationship between film and history represents a thoughtprovoking interdisciplinary research field. The formation of a suitable film policy constituted a substantial assignment in all European dictatorships of the 20th century. Among them, the cinema of Francisco Franco's regime was one of the most interesting examples. The Spanish general considered that communism was the most dangerous and a genuinely diabolical enemy of the Christian civilization. In compliance with this obsession, the regime's film industry produced quite a few movies that backed the dictator's deep-rooted anticommunism. Hungary, a Central European country under communist rule, also belonged to this paradigm: Hungarian topics, events and individuals appeared every now and then in those films that discussed the drawbacks and horrors of being part of the Soviet block. In this paper I analyze three Spanish propaganda movies from the 1950's where Hungary and Hungarians played a central role.
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Hanebrink, Paul. "Islam, Anti-Communism, and Christian Civilization: The Ottoman Menace in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 40 (April 2009): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000101.
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On 4 October 1948, József Cardinal Mindszenty preached a sermon for the rosary feast in front of 35,000 Catholic faithful. He began by reminding his congregation of the origins of the feast day that they were celebrating: the victory of Europe's Christian states over the Ottoman Turkish fleet at the naval battle of Lepanto in 1571. This great victory in the struggle of universal Christendom against the infidel enemy recalled to Mindszenty a second, more particularly Hungarian parallel: the victory of Habsburg forces over the Ottoman Turkish enemy at the battle of Temesvár in 1716. “Hungarian history recalls too such a rosary victory—the Hungarian Christians won it over the Turks in 1716 at Temesvár.” Both military victories represented moments when Europeans had repelled a force seen at the time, and ever after, as hostile to Christian civilization.
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Várallyay, Julius. "Roger Gough, A Good Comrade: János Kádár, Communism and Hungary." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.167.
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Hanebrink, Paul. "European Protestants Between Anti-Communism and Anti-Totalitarianism: The Other Interwar Kulturkampf?" Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 622–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417704894.
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In the late 1930s, Protestants across Europe debated how best to resist the threat of encroaching secularism and radical secular politics. Some insisted that communism remained the greatest threat to Europe’s Christian civilization, while others used new theories of totalitarianism to imagine Nazism and communism as different but equal menaces. This article explores debates about Protestantism, secularism, and communism in three locations – Hungary, Germany, and Great Britain. It concludes that Protestants perceived Europe’s culture war against secularism in very different ways, according to their geopolitical location. The points of conflict between Europe’s Protestants foreshadowed the dramatic shifts in the coordinates of Protestant Europe’s culture wars after 1945.
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Blaive, Muriel. "“Hidden Transcripts” and Microhistory as a Comparative Tool: Two Case Studies in Communist Czechoslovakia." East Central Europe 40, no. 1-2 (2013): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04001007.
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This article applies James Scott’s anthropological analysis of domination practices to the field of Czechoslovak communist studies. In the first part, the article retraces the epistemology, as well as the use and abuse, of the term “totalita(rianism)” in the Czech public sphere in relation to the communist past. In the second part, it contrasts the “totalita” theory to the results of two oral, microhistorical studies that investigated life under communism: the first one was undertaken in the Czech town of České Velenice at the border to Austria, the second in the Slovak town of Komárno at the border of Hungary. Through their answers, the interviewees expose the current history politics practiced in Prague as a political discourse that has little in common with everyday practices of communist rule. Far from presenting themselves as unilateral heroes or victims, the interviewees leave no doubt to the fact that the “border between good and bad” passed within each and every individual—or as Václav Havel put it, people did not support or oppose the system, they became the system.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Communist regimes, legitimacy and the transition to democracy in Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394490.
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The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and their subsequent collapse in 1989. But, I argue, it was the withdrawal of ideological support by elites that ultimately brought communism to an end. The differences in revolutionary scenarios and transitions to democracy in the four cases indicate the importance of a shift in both rulers and masses towards interest in dialogue and compromise. Hungary and Poland represent the clearest scenarios in which communist parties acted as agents of regime change in a rational-legal direction. The Bulgarian case stands as an intermediary case between these two and Romania. Finally, Romania represents an extreme case of violent revolution and the overthrow of a traditionalist and sultanistic regime and illustrates the difficulties following a complete collapse of political authority.
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Vincze, Attila. "Shaping Presidential Powers in Hungary: Convention, Tradition and Informal Constitutional Amendments." Review of Central and East European Law 46, no. 3-4 (December 8, 2021): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10057.
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Abstract There was no tradition of a republican president in Hungary before the fall of communism, and the transitory constitution of 1989 was unclear about the exact role the President should play in the constitutional system of Hungary. Some provisions even resembled those of presidential or semi-presidential systems; some ambiguities were clarified during the first two decades after the transition. Conventions, however, were established to some extent and sometimes very quickly. This period gave rise to guidelines as to how the powers of the President should be exercised. Some other powers were concretized and interpreted foremost by the Constitutional Court. These conventions and judicial interpretations formed the character of the Presidency to the extent of informal constitutional change. Some of these elements have even been incorporated into and formalized by the new Fundamental Law of Hungary. The present contribution will point out how the originally broad competencies of the President have been narrowed in the practice, and what role the Constitutional Court and political actors played in this process.
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Wilkin, Peter. "The Rise of ‘Illiberal’ Democracy: The Orbánization of Hungarian Political Culture." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.716.
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This article examines the rise of the political right and far-right in Hungarian political culture. It highlights the contribution that world-systems analysis can bring to an historical sociological understanding of the concept of political culture, with a particular focus on contemporary Hungary. Many commentators are asking: how it can be that 30 years of democratic transition has led to the dominance in Hungary of a politics of intolerance, illiberalism and ethno-Nationalism, as manifested in both the current government, Fidesz, and the neo-fascist party, Jobbik. This paper argues that the correct way to frame the question is to ask: why, given the legacy of authoritarian social and political movements that have shaped Hungary’s modern history, should a stable, liberal, political culture emerge after communism? Instead what the paper shows is that the goals of classical liberalism and a liberal political culture have long been destroyed by three factors: capitalism; the nation-state; and the persistence of traditional and sometimes irrational forms of social hierarchy, prejudice and authority. Hungary’s current Orbánisation reflects an on-going tension between liberal and illiberal tendencies, the latter being part of the foundations of the modern world-system. Rather than viewing Hungary as a dangerous exception to be quarantined by the European Union, it should be recognised that the political right in Hungary is linked to broader trends across the world-system that foster intolerance and other anti-enlightenment and socially divisive tendencies. Political cultures polarised by decades of neoliberal reforms and in which there is no meaningful socialist alternative have reduced Hungary’s elite political debates to the choice of either neoliberalism or ethnonationalism, neither of which is likely to generate socially progressive solutions to its current problems.
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Hrabovec, Emilia. "The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
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Orban, Clara. "Borders and Identity in A halálba táncoltatott leány ['The Maiden Danced to Death'] and A nagy füzet ['The Notebook']." Hungarian Cultural Studies 13 (July 30, 2020): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2020.382.
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This article explores borders, border crossings and the geography of separation in two recent Hungarian films. In The Maiden Danced to Death (2011) and The Notebook (2013), two films produced within a few years of one another and just before the recent re-erection of a border between Hungary and its neighbors, escape provides the vehicle for the brothers’ separation. Of particular interest is the frequent portrayal of brothers separated during communism, often with one brother staying and one leaving. In these films, regimes and ideology tear brothers apart; whether viewed on screen or only alluded to, the crossing of a border becomes a physical symbol of this separation and loss. The fraternal pairs’ personal lives interact with history, especially the repressive state as manifested in Hungary’s border. Geocriticism, border and trauma studies perspectives will help understand the anguish of this separation. In these films, political realities fray the bonds between brothers and lead to their separation through the border, or to its trace, as identities are subjected to traumatic reconfigurations.
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Granville, J. "ROGER GOUGH. A Good Comrade: Janos Kadar, Communism and Hungary. London: I.B. Tauris. 2006. Pp. xii, 323. $45.00." American Historical Review 112, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 1280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.4.1280.
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Thorstensen, Erik. "The Places of Memory in a Square of Monuments: Conceptions of Past, Freedom and History at Szabadság Tér." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 94–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.71.
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In this paper I try to approach contemporary Hungarian political culture through an analysis of the history of changing monuments at Szabadság Tér in Budapest. The paper has as its point of origin a protest/irredentist monument facing the present Soviet liberation monument. In order to understand this irredentist monument, I look into the meaning of the earlier irredentist monuments under Horthy and try to see what monuments were torn down under Communism and which ones remained. I further argue that changes in the other monuments also affect the meaning of the others. From this background I enter into a brief interpretation of changes in memory culture in relation to changes in political culture. The conclusions point toward the fact that Hungary is actively pursuing a cleansing of its past in public spaces, and that this process is reflected in an increased acceptance of political authoritarianism.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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Metykova, Monika. "Bridge Guard." East Central Europe 41, no. 2-3 (December 3, 2014): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04103005.
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This article concentrates on an artist-in-residence project that is linked to the Mária Valéria Bridge on the border between Slovakia and Hungary. The article traces the history of the bridge and of the ethnically mixed populations living on the opposite sides of the Danube River that the bridge connects in order to suggest the complexity of the cross-border relationships in this particular corner of Europe. In more recent decades relationships between Hungarians and Slovaks have been influenced by national populist politics exercised on both sides of the Danube after the fall of communism in the late 1980s. The consequence of such politics is a narrow understanding of “national” interests and “national” culture that prevents a more open, more cosmopolitan approach to the relationship among the ethnic groups living in the area. The long-awaited and often delayed rebuilding of the Mária Valéria Bridge is symbolic of the shortcomings of the “national container” approach. A more cosmopolitan outlook is opened up by a transnational artistic project that is—perhaps not surprisingly—largely ignored by cultural and political elites in Slovakia and in Hungary. Bridge Guard was launched in 2004 and continues to attract artists from around the world whose art works are intended to “build virtual bridges to protect the real bridge.”
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Lányi, Gábor. "“Ecclesiastical Authority Terror”. The Downgrading of the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to Mission Parish in 1956." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no. 2 (September 20, 2020): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.03.
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"On 24 May 1956, Délpest Reformed Diocese – by the consent of the Danubi-an Reformed Church District– downgraded the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to the status of mission parish. The 700 members strong, almost 400 hundred years old parish’s chief elder was also relieved of his duties whilst the consistory was dis-solved. The downgrading of the long-standing parish, the dissolution of the elected consistory, and the deprivation of its right to elect its minister gave rise to protests both inside and outside the parish. An array of scandals, disciplinary issues, and dif-ficult as well as intricate lawsuits followed. The matter also generated waves in the entire Reformed Church since the presidium of the diocese overlooked the ecclesias-tic rules and regulations, ordering the downgrade without the consent of the dioce-san assembly –also assisted by the presidium of the church district–, accepting the new situation and appointing the mission minister. The case of Szigetszentmiklós is a great example to understand the global pic-ture of the actions taken against the disloyal ministers and consistories by the ecclesi-astic governance intertwined with the one-party state. Keywords: Hungarian Reformed Church during communism, church–state relations during communism, 20th-century history of the Reformed Church in Hungary, cold war, Albert Bereczky, Szigetszentmiklós."
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Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.
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The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutually supportive relationships that would flower after Communism ended. Nationalist discords were due to Eastern Europe's previous historical post-1914 nightmares, but the new post-1989 states would have amicable relations with their neighbors. Ostensibly, nationalism, once freed from Soviet repression, would bring an end to Soviet rule and usher in a new ‘springtime of nations.'
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Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Reinterpreting a 'Founding Father': Kossuth Images and Their Contexts, 1848-2009." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 90–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x489299.
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AbstractThe present article reconstructs the ways the public and historiographical image of Lajos Kossuth, the central figure of the 1848–49 revolutionary tradition in Hungary, was negotiated during the last 150 years. Similar to the images of other founding fathers and national heroes in other cultures—such as Garibaldi, Piłsudski, Atatürk, Mazzini, Herzl, Masaryk, Bismarck, or Al. I. Cuza—the competing representations of Lajos Kossuth formed a central part of the political and scientific discourses throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to the most common images of the cultic “father of the nation” and “national Messiah,” one can encounter such different schemes of collective self-projection as the “overly emotive opposition politician,” the “successful gentry,” the nobleman “defending his class privileges,” or the “inconsistent revolutionary.” Arguably, these images to a large extent fit four political languages determining Hungarian public discourse in the given period, such as “conservative realism,” ethno-protectionism, Marxist socialism, and communism. While these political languages were very different from each other, they were strikingly similar in the sense that they were built on strong enemy images. Consequently, analyzing their historical projections we can learn about the traumatic ways their adherents related to political modernity, manifested in visions of a fundamental enemy endangering the future of the community.
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Mamojka, Mojmír, and Jacek Dworzecki. "Development of Commercial Law in the Slovak Republic - Outline of problems." Internal Security 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/20805268.1231517.
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The article concerns the issue of trade law in the context of its evolution and the current realities of its being in force in Republic of Slovakia. In the paper the authors present an historical view of the creation of legal regulations about trade from ancient times to present days. In the first part of the paper the political system and its components are discussed. The reader will be able to acquaint themselves with the functioning of the apparatus of executive power (the government and ministries), legislative power (the parliament consisting of 150 members) and judiciary (independent courts and prosecutors) in the Republic of Slovakia. Moreover, this part of the article provides information about practical aspects of the creation of selected components of the constitutional legal order (e.g. parliamentary elections). In the second part, the paper covers the evolution of trade law over the centuries, approaches to regulations in Mesopotamia, based on, inter alia, the Code of Hammurabi, and also in ancient Egypt and Greece. Tracing the development of trade law over the centuries, the authors also present the evolution of legal regulations in this field in the XIX century, with particular reference to France, Germany and Austria-Hungary (especially the territory which today forms the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic). In the last part of the article, the forming of regulations of trade law in Czechoslovakia from 1918 and during subsequent periods which created the history of that country, to the overthrow communism and the peaceful division of the state in 1993 into two separate, independent state organisms – the Czech Republic and Slovakia - is approached.
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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.
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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.
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Cseresnyesi, Laszlo. "Miklos Kontra(ed.). Nyelv es tarsadalom a rendszervaltaskori Magyarorszagon[Language and Society in Hungary at the Fall of Communism]. Budapest: Osiris Kiado. 2003. 371 pp. Pb (9633894190) HUF 3480." Journal of Sociolinguistics 9, no. 2 (May 2005): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-6441.2005.00293m.x.
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Vetoshkina, E. D. "Holocaust Denial: Social Conditionality and Comparative Analysis of Criminal Law Prohibition." Lex Russica, no. 11 (November 15, 2020): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.168.11.129-138.
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From the second half of the 20th century the revisionist movement has spread among scientists, public and political figures. Publicists and scientists are known for criticizing the testimonies of concentration camp prisoners and their executioners, as well as denying the possibility of mass extermination of prisoners in terms of the technical capabilities of gas chambers.Attempts to reinterpret historical events often border on extremism and pose a threat to national security, leading to a significant deterioration in international relations. At the international level, a number of acts have been adopted indicating that the Holocaust is a fact established by the verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and calling on states to reject any denial of the Holocaust. International organizations that oppose attempts to rewrite history include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, and UNESCO.At the national level, responsibility for denying and justifying the Holocaust has been established in a number of states. The first group includes states that are responsible for denying and approving the Holocaust and other crimes committed by the Nazis (Germany, France, Austria, Israel). The second group includes states that equated Nazi crimes in their legislation with crimes of communism (Hungary, Czech Republic, Lithuania). The third group consists of states that prohibit the denial and justification of any genocide (Switzerland, Luxembourg). Some states (for example, the United States) refused to introduce such bans, citing freedom of speech and belief.In 2014, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation introduced article 354.1 "Rehabilitation of Nazism", which sets forth responsibility for denying the facts established by the Nuremberg Tribunal verdict. At the same time, the legislator should not selectively approach the protection of historical events. It would be fair to criminalize the denial of genocide and other international crimes recognized by the international community, regardless of any criteria relating to the perpetrators.
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Fülemile, Ágnes. "Social Change, Dress and Identity." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 65, no. 1 (November 11, 2020): 107–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2020.00007.
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The article, based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, studies the process of the disintegration of the traditional system of peasant costume in the 20th century in Hungary in the backdrop of its socio-historic context. There is a focused attention on the period during socialism from the late 1940s to the end of the Kádár era, also called Gulyás communism. In the examined period, the wearing and abandonment of folk costume in local peasant communities was primarily characteristic of women and an important part of women’s competence and decision-making. There was an age group that experienced the dichotomy of peasant heritage and the realities of socialist modernisation as a challenge in their own lifetime – which they considered a great watershed. The author interviewed both the last stewards of tradition who continued wearing costume for the rest of their lives and those who pioneered and implemented changes and abandoned peasant costume in favor of urban dress. The liminal period of change, the character and logic of the processes and motivations behind decision-making were still accessible in memory, and current dressing practices and the folklorism phenomena of the “afterlife” of costume could still be studied in real life. The study shows that costume was the focus point of women’s aspirations, attention, and life organization, and how the life paths of strong female personalities were articulated around clothing. It also reveals that there was a high level of self-awareness and strong emotional attachment in individual relationships to clothing in the rural context, similar to – or perhaps even exceeding – the fashion-conscious, individualized urban context. Examining the role of fashion, modernization, and individual decisions and attitudes in traditional clothing systems is an approach that bridges the mostly distinct study of folk costume and the problematics of dress and fashion history research.
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Kovacs, Andras. "Antisemitism in post‐communist Hungary." Patterns of Prejudice 27, no. 2 (October 1993): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970113.
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báánfalvi, carolyn. "Unicum: A Drink with a Past." Gastronomica 6, no. 4 (2006): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2006.6.4.78.
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Unicum is a national institution in Hungary, and has a long history that in some ways mirrors the history of modern Hungary itself. The story of Unicum is the story of the Zwack family, who has owned the company since the end of the 18th century (except for the 40 year period when it was nationalized by the Communists). Dr. Zwack, a physician for the Imperial Court of the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy, is credited with creating the drink to alleviate the royal family's digestion problems. But it didn't take long for the drink to take hold on the rest of the country. The Zwack family--headed by Peter Zwack--runs the company today--which also produces high-end palinka, wine, and other types of liquor. So, what is Unicum? It's a thick, black, goopy concoction, made from more than 40 herbs and spices. The exact composition is a carefully guarded family secret which was stored in a safe deposit box in New York during the Communist era. Part of the mixture is macerated for thirty days in water, while the other part is distilled. Then, in a process that has remained almost unchanged for more than 200 years, both are blended and aged in oak casks for six months.
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Szőke, Zoltán. "Delusion or Reality? Secret Hungarian Diplomacy during the Vietnam War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 119–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00050.
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This article builds on work published in the Journal of Cold War Studies in 2003 by James G. Hershberg, who presented newly released archival evidence from Budapest and Warsaw concerning the role that Hungary and Poland played as intermediaries between Washington and Hanoi during the 37-day pause in the U.S. bombing campaign against North Vietnam in December 1965 and January 1966. The evidence presented here, drawing on unpublished Hungarian (and partly unpublished U.S.) archival sources, refines some of Hershberg's conclusions and sheds new light on Budapest's mediatory attempt as well as Hungary's role in the Vietnam conflict. The article provides the first critical appraisal of Delusion and Reality, the 1978 book by János Radványi, Hungary's former chargé d'affaires in Washington. For 25 years, Radványi's book constituted the only available Soviet-bloc account of the secret Communist peace efforts during the Vietnam War.
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Dutkiewicz, Piotr, and Yuriy M. Pochta. "Issues of Democratic Development and Construction of National Identity at the End of the Age of Imitations: Editorial Introduction." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-339-347.
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In the article, the guest editor Piotr Dutkiewicz and editor-in-chief Yuriy M. Pochta introduce the current issue of the journal, interpreting cross-cutting topics such as democratic development and the construction of national identity in the societies of the East and the West. They believe that the most appropriate heuristic explanation for these issues today is the idea that after the end of the Cold War the hopes for the final victory of the liberal democratic project on a global scale ended in disappointment. The end of history never took place, just like the victory of communism did not take place previously. All these years we have been witnessing an imitation of liberalism, the era of which is already over. There is currently a global revolt against the liberal imitation imperative. From this point of view, there is a great interest in articles devoted to Russian-Turkish relations, the place of the Central Asian states in the international rankings of democratic development, the evolution of the political development of the Lebanese Republic, the formation of democratic political regimes in such Eastern European EU member states as Poland and Hungary, the role of parties in the political life of Great Britain and Nigeria, as well as such theoretical and methodological problems of political science as the processes of forming future political leaders, methodology of the study of GR-management and approaches to the study of the political and psychological characteristics of the heads of Russian regions. In general, this issue of the journal pictures the current state of democratic development of Western and non-Western countries in the context of globalization, which is at the stage of transition from American monopolarity to multipolarity, from imitation of the Western liberal-democratic project to the search for its own development projects. The authors believe that from the point of view of Russia and its interests the materials of this issue allow for outlining the prospects for further research on ways to build the most effective relations with world and regional powers, the possibilities of protecting its sovereignty and its geopolitical interests, and the mechanisms for forming the Russian post-Soviet identity at the national and regional levels.
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Case, Holly. "Shape-Shifting Illiberalism in East-Central Europe." Current History 116, no. 788 (March 1, 2017): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.788.112.
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Deák, Viktória Hedvig. "Újrakezdés, reform, megújulás: a szerzetesrendek újraindulásának történeti-teológiai olvasata." Sapientiana: a Sapientia Szerzetesi Hittudományi Főiskola folyóirata 14, no. 2 (2021): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.52992/sap.2021.14.2.84.
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This paper aims to study the past thirty years of the history of religious orders in Hungary from the point of view of history and theology: from 1990 onwards the re-organization of religious life in Hungary had started, after 40 years of dispersion by the Communist state. The essay seeks to answer questions concerning the results of such restart of religious life: the restart was realized but did the reform happen too? Which models of religious life shaped the revival of consecrated life in Hungary? How the reform intended by Vatican II had an effect (or not) on it? What kind of theological questions should have been answered for a successful restart?
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MARK, JAMES. "DISCRIMINATION, OPPORTUNITY, AND MIDDLE-CLASS SUCCESS IN EARLY COMMUNIST HUNGARY." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004486.
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This article explores the middle-class response to life under the early Communist state in Hungary. It is based on an oral history of the Budapest bourgeoisie, and challenges some of the dominant indigenous representations of the central European middle class as persecuted victims who were forced into ‘internal exile’ by the Stalinist state. Despite being officially discriminated against as ‘former exploiters’, large numbers achieved educational and professional success. Their skills were increasingly needed in the rapid modernization of the 1950s, and the state provided them with semi-official opportunities to remake themselves into acceptable Communist citizens. Middle-class testimony revealed how individuals constructed politically appropriate public personas to ensure their own upward mobility; they hid aspects of their pasts, created ‘class conscious’ autobiographies, and learnt how to demonstrate sufficient political loyalty. The ways in which individuals dealt with integrating into a system which officially sought to exclude them and which many disliked ideologically is then examined. In order to ‘cope with success’, respondents in this project invented new stories about themselves to justify the compromises they had made to ensure their achievements. These narratives are analysed as evidence of specifically Communist middle-class identities.
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Prantner, Zoltán. "Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010003.
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Abstract In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in chronological order until the 1970s. The main objective of the article is to detail the role of that foreign policy, which had already tried to give preference to pragmatic, economic aspects, regardless of the political-ideological system of the given state.
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SCRANTON, PHILIP. "Managing Communist Enterprises: Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 3 (September 2018): 492–537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.13.
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Business history for three generations has focused almost exclusively on capitalist firms, their managers, and their relations with markets, states, and rivals. However, enterprises on all scales also operated within communist nations “building socialism” in the wake of World War II. This article represents a first-phase exploration of business practices in three Central European states as Stalinism gave way to cycles of reform and retrenchment in the 1960s. Focusing chiefly on industrial initiatives, the study asks: How did socialist enterprises work and change across the first postwar generation, given their distinctive principles and political/economic contexts, and implicitly, what contrasts with capitalist activities are worth considering.
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Weil, Abigail. "To Revive Delight: A Poet's Restaurant Reviews in Early 1990s Prague." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.75.
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In 1993, the Prague-based newspaper Lidové noviny (The People's News) ran a short-lived restaurant review column, Básník má hlad (The Poet Is Hungry). The author was Petr Král, a poet and essayist who had recently returned to Prague after two decades of exile in Paris. In this article, I contextualize Král's restaurant reviews within his oeuvre and in the history of Czech restaurant culture. The first half describes the evolution of restaurants in Czech culture and literature from the First Czechoslovak Republic through the communist period. The second half is devoted to close readings of Král's restaurant reviews. I find that they are consistent with the restorative nature of the Czech political and economic transition after communism. To Král, the restaurant represents a microcosm of society. Thus, in the spirit of restoration and revitalization, he elevates the genre of restaurant reviews, infusing them with political urgency and a sense of poetry.
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Racz, Barnabas. "The Far-Left in Postcommunist Hungary: The Workers' Party." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1302 (January 1, 1998): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.75.
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The emotional euphoria of the East European regime changes in 1989-1990 and the subsequent implosion of the Soviet system led to a widespread view in both West and East that communist parties would disappear and become a matter of only historical interest. Closer analysis of political processes raised doubts about this view. Whatever rational or irrational reactions emerged about the post-Soviet communist parties, they were forces deeply rooted in twentieth century history and were unlikely to disappear in a quantum leap of change. It is the hypothesis of this inquiry into the radical left, which had enjoyed considerable support in the aftermath of World War II, that it was capable of surviving the crisis and may remain a part of the political realities for some time to come.
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Szilvássy, Zoltán. "Székely Hadosztály és a Magyar Tanácsköztársaság történetének néhány összefüggése az erdélyi front összeomlásának tükrében." Hallgatói Műhelytanulmányok, no. 5 (March 11, 2022): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55508/hmt/2021/10864.
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Szilvássy, Zoltán: Some connections of the history of Sekler Division and the Hungarian Soviet Republic in the light of the collapse of the Transylvanian Front On April 16, 1919, after a successful attack of Romanian intervention forces the counter-revolutionary Hungarian Székely Division and the Red Army were bot unable to hold the Eastern front line. Unfortunately, and as a result of this event, all the great cities of the Hungarian Plain were fallen, including Debrecen. The red terror, carried out by communists, resulted counter-revolution in Debrecen (18 April, 1919) which was crushed by local communist forces within a short time with the help of Austrian internationalists led by Leo Rothziegel. The loss of the city was especially painful for the Hungarian Soviet Republic because Debrecen was the "capital of the Southeast", a major industrial and agricultural center and an important transport hub. The fate of Debrecen, like the rest of the cities of the Tisza region, was determined by the collapse of the Csucsa front line. In an open field, suffering from lack of munition, the Székely Division could not stop the advance of the Romanian intervention army, which reached the line of the River Tisza. The defense of the historic area of the Kingdom of Hungary was not included in the aims of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, which used Hungary as a springboard in the process of spreading the world revolution. The betrayal of the effort for the territorial integrity of the country caused a huge gap between the Székely Division and the communist forces which resulted the collapse of the Transylvanian Front line.
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Péteri, György. "Streetcars of desire: cars and automobilism in communist Hungary (1958–70)∗." Social History 34, no. 1 (February 2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071020802628020.
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Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1945." Ephemeris Hungarologica 2, no. 2 (2022): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2022.2.5.
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One of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms called the ‘Kossuth coat of arms’ raises a number of questions. Perhaps the most important is the complex problem of the relationship between this symbol and the republican form of government. This coat of arms was named after Lajos Kossuth, who was the Governor-President of Hungary after the dethronement of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine (14 April 1849). Despite of the use of crownless coats of arms by the Hungarian leadership after April 1849, the change of form of government was not proclaimed. After the Second World War, the ‘republican’ interpretation of the crownless coat of arms became widespread. Hungary officially became a republic on 1 February 1946, but there was no coat of arms regulation. Zoltán Tildy, who was President of the Republic of Hungary, started to use the so-called Kossuth coat of arms. Over time, this practice became customary. After the total establishment of communist power, a new constitution was adopted, which included a new coat of arms. This symbol, however, marked a break with the Hungarian traditions.
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Racz, Barnabas. "The socialist‐left opposition in post‐communist Hungary." Europe-Asia Studies 45, no. 4 (January 1993): 647–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139308412113.
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Vincze, Beatrix. "Professional teachers’ lives in Hungary during the communist regime (1949-1990)." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 8, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-9831.
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The study aims to introduce the memories of Hungarian high school teachers about their professional activities. The main aim is to investigate the experience of being a teacher during the communist era. Based on interviews with eleven retired secondary school teachers from a small town, the study attempts to depict personal life stories and identify altering pedagogical action models formed by history that are dependent on different social and political demands. With the help of the teachers’ memories, the study represents their educational paths and the way these educational professionals see the tasks, the roles, the prestige of their profession as well as the way they experienced their failures, victories, and their active and retired years.
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Siewierski, Tomasz. "Węgry i relacje polsko-węgierskie w historiografii PRL – wybrane aspekty." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.13.
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This article aims at a panoramic presentation of the history of historiography of Hungary and Polish-Hungarian relations, during the communist period. It presents the inter-war traditions of research on this subject and the most important achievements of historians working in after war period, on the history of Central Europe. Particular emphasis was placed on the disciplines of historiography closely related to the specificity of research in the PRL: the Hungarian contemporary history, the history of Polish-Hungarian relations, military history, especially the history of World War II, and the synthesis and handbook (W. Felczak, J. Reychman). The paper discusses also work of same forgotten historians (E. Kozłowski).
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Lubecki, Jacek. "Hungary from the Nazis to the Soviets. The Establishment of the Communist Regime in Hungary, 1944-1948." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 3 (2010): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x533108.
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Ripp, Zoltán. "Hungary's Part in the Soviet–Yugoslav Conflict, 1956–58." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004872.
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Hungary, after the 1956 revolution, played a special part in the dispute that broke out between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia and continued with varying intensity for several years. This eventful story was an important part of the process that decided the fate of the East-Central European region. The immediate cause of political contention between Belgrade and Moscow was their differences over the Hungarian question, especially the fate of Imre Nagy, who had been prime minister during the revolution. The intrinsic conflicts lay deeper, however. Although the Nagy affair remained an important factor in the disagreements throughout – from his kidnapping to the ‘war of the protest notes’ that followed his execution – it acted mainly as a catalyst. The Nagy affair was an insurmountable problem for all the players concerned. It provided ample fuel for the debates, and each side found that it could be used to put pressure on the other. Due to the system of relations between the three communist countries, the Hungarian side played the least active part. János Kádár, having come to power through the crushing of the uprising of October 1956, was left in no doubt that Hungary had to follow faithfully the Kremlin's foreign-policy line and accommodate itself to Soviet regional policy requirements. Nonetheless, the story remains interesting from Hungary's point of view as well, because it reveals more than the constraints on a small, exposed country. It also shows how Kádár, as he zigzagged between the conflicting demands of Tito and Khrushchev, trying to keep on good terms with both, was gathering experience that would be useful in his later foreign policy.
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Heumos, Peter. "Workers under Communist Rule: Research in the Former Socialist Countries of Eastern-Central and South-Eastern Europe and in the Federal Republic of Germany." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 83–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990630.
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SummaryAfter the collapse of the communist system in eastern Europe, the development of the historiographies in the Czech and Slovak republics, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Federal Republic of Germany has been characterized by a broad spectrum of differences. This article offers an overview of the ways in which these differences have worked out for the history of the working class in the eastern European countries under communist rule, understood here as the social history of workers. It shows that cultural and political traditions and the “embedding” of historical research in the respective societies prior to 1989, the extent to which historiography after 1989 was able to connect to pre-1989 social-historical or sociological investigations, and the specific national political situation after 1989 make up for much of the differences in the ways that the history of the working class is dealt with in the countries concerned.
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Kissfazekas, Kornelia. "METAMORPHOSIS OF PUBLIC SPACES IN HUNGARY OR THE QUESTION OF CONTEXT WITHIN THE PUBLIC SPACES OF THE COMMUNIST AND POST-COMMUNIST PERIOD." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2013): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2013.832391.
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The design of successful public spaces is not merely a simple stylistic problem, but also a reflection on the social circumstances of a certain era, an architectural answer to the demands of society (Shields 1986). By following the continuous change in public spaces, we can observe a particular slice of history. This study is an investigation of the changing roles of two very different types of public spaces common in Hungary: the new urban squares of the '50s and the centres built in the '70s for public institutions. The study accomplishes this primarily by analysing them within their different contexts. The conclusion of this study is that public squares built in the communist period can meet contemporary space use demands in different ways. However these square types’ problems have great differences in scale and nature, during their renewals the deep knowledge of their history is essential. This is the precondition to creation public spaces that are intimately linked to the venue (and its spirit and history), even if we use fashinable designing tools.
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Evans, Geoffrey, and Stephen Whitefield. "Social and ideological cleavage formation in post‐communist hungary." Europe-Asia Studies 47, no. 7 (November 1995): 1177–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139508412314.
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