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1
PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.
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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
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Bell, David S. "Post‐communism in western Europe." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 12, no. 2 (June 1996): 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279608415311.
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Knotter, Ad. "“Little Moscows” in Western Europe: The Ecology of Small-Place Communism." International Review of Social History 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 475–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000381.
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SummarySmall communist strongholds were commonly nicknamed “Little Moscow”, both in Britain and in Europe. Small-place communism has been widespread since the interwar period, often in distinctly hostile surroundings. In this article, based on research into a number of cases in western Europe, I try to identify common characteristics which might explain their receptiveness to communist policies and ideas. My aim is to present a taxonomy for further research. Most of the places that I researched were isolated, recently developed, and mono-industrial. They were populated by a wave of migrants who had formed mono-occupational, pioneer societies. Second-generation migrants turned to communism and built “occupational communities” based on trade unions and other associational activities. Often they continued militant traditions of earlier socialism, anarchism, or syndicalism; others had a tradition of irreligiousness or religious indifference.
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Holzer, Jerzy. "Triumf i kryzys komunizmu – 1968." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.03.
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The events of 1968 were, in Europe, the last act of fascination with Communism while, simultaneously, its Soviet model was rejected and other varieties were popular. With the exception of Czechoslovakia, these events were also a generational movement, most of all a student one. The Communist social stipulations were combined with political demands aimed at implementing direct democracy. What was missing in the West, however, was the comprehension of the problems occurring in the Soviet block and a knowledge of the situation in the non-European Communist countries. In the East, on the other hand, what was lacking was a more active interest in Western frustrations. The movements of 1968 suffered a defeat everywhere, though the reasons for this were different.In Western Europe, they were wholly unsupported by organisational structures, while the awareness of the realities of all Communist regimes, which did gradually sink in, evoked disappointment. In the Eastern part of Europe, the crushing of revisionism, which attempted to combine Communism with democracy, pointed the way towards perspectives other than reformed Communism. Despite the defeat, the events of 1968 became an important watershed in the life of Europe, to a large degree transforming society’s awareness and customs in the West, and the political awareness of the generation entering adulthood in the East.
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Rutland, Peter. "What Was Communism?" Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.
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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.
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Lazar, Marc. "Communism in Western Europe in the 1980s." Journal of Communist Studies 4, no. 3 (September 1988): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278808414921.
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Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.
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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.
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Zombory, Máté. "The birth of the memory of Communism: memorial museums in Europe." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1028–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1339680.
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This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimatedifferentia specificaof the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.
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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
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Macleod, Alex. "Review: Western Europe: Communism and Political Change in Spain." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no. 1 (March 1985): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000121.
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Wydra, Harald. "Democracy in Eastern Europe as a Civilising Process." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03515.x.
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In this chapter, Harald Wydra argues that the rise of democracy in Eastern Europe has been a long-term social process interwoven with the collapse of communism whose origins are long before 1989. He challenges the vision of East and West as two isolated blocs that prevailed in the 1950s and the assumption of gradual convergence that became widespread in the 1970s and 1980s. His main focus is upon the East where, he believes, dissident movements created a ‘second reality’, undermining the myths propounded by the official communist establishment. He argues that there was an increase in self-restraint on the part of the communist state accompanied by the growth of civil society and non-violent political opposition. The East experienced a feeling of ‘unrequited love’ in its relationship to the West. Dissidents took their standards and aspirations from Western experience but found themselves largely ignored by the West. Since 1989, democratisation has increased the influence of western models and standards but it has also led to a breakdown of self-restraint and an upsurge of violence.
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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.
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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.
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Szelenyi, Ivan, and Péter Mihályi. "China, Eastern Europe and Russia compared." Acta Oeconomica 70, S (October 16, 2020): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2020.00027.
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AbstractAfter the collapse of the Berlin Wall it was conceivable that China would follow the path towards the cessation of communism, as it happened in the successor states of the USSR, Yugoslavia and the East European satellite states of the Soviet Union. But the Communist Party of China (CPC) managed to retain control and avoided the Russian and East European collapse, a full-fledged transition to capitalism and liberal democracy. For a while, China was on its way to market capitalism with the possible outcome to turn eventually into a liberal democracy. This was a rocky road, with backs-and-forth. But the shift to liberal democracy did not happen. The massacre at Tiananmen Square in 1989, approved by Deng Xiaoping, was a more alarming setback than the contemporary Western observers were willing to realize. This paper presents an interpretation of the changes under present Chinese leader, Xi Jinping in a post-communist comparative perspective.
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Linke, Gabriele M. "“Belonging” in Post-Communist Europe: Strategies of Representations in Kapka Kassabova's Street without a Name." European Journal of Life Writing 2 (March 28, 2013): T25—T41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.2.46.
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In her book Street without a Name, Kapka Kassabova, a Bulgarian author living in Scotland, combines a memoir of her childhood in communist Bulgaria with a travelogue about later return visits to her – now post-communist – native country. In this study, the discontinuous, fragmented and heterogeneous narrative of her autobiographical text is interpreted as an attempt to find an appropriate mode of sharing intimate knowledge of life in communism with a wider reading public in (primarily) Western English-speaking countries. It is demonstrated that Kassabova, writing from the perspective of an expatriate, emphasizes both the uniqueness of life in communist Bulgaria and the commonality of many experiences and values as well as their compatibility with those held by many people in Western countries. By employing a hybrid textual form, she succeeds in rendering her experiences as a child and teenager in communist Bulgaria and as a transnational migrant into the structures, metaphors and themes of a transnational “liquid modernity”, thus appealing to a broad multinational readership.
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Ancans, Sandris. "Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period." Rural Sustainability Research 43, no. 338 (August 1, 2020): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plua-2020-0008.
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AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.
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Remington, Robin A. "Contradictions on the Road to Democracy and the Market in East Central Europe." American Review of Politics 13 (April 1, 1992): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.3-25.
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This analysis focuses on the dilemmas facing policymakers attempting the transition from one-party hegemonic systems to multiparty democracies in post-communist Europe. It investigates the hypothesis that the political conditions for building democracy and the economic conditions required for establishing market economies in these societies are at cross purposes. The author examines the role of the international political economy in the process of democratization in terms of a framework of three primary variables: identity, legitimacy, and security. In applying these variables to post-communist East Central Europe, five significant arenas emerge in which political and economic imperatives come into conflict. The analysis concludes with policy implications for Western decision-makers whose own future security needs and economic well-being are tied to successful transition from communism to viable democracy in East Central Europe and the former Soviet Union.
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KOPSTEIN, JEFFREY. "1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-communist Future." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005050.
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AbstractPolitical scientists have documented significant variation in political and economic outcomes of the 1989–91 revolutions. Countries bordering on western Europe have become relatively democratic and economically successful, with both democracy and wealth dropping off as one moves east and south. Explanations for this variation and the replication of an older pattern on the Eurasian landmass have moved farther and farther into the past. Yet in moving to the longue durée, more proximate events such as the revolutions of 1989, the demise of communism and even the communist experience itself recede into the background and are themselves accounted for by antecedent conditions. The article discusses how two more proximate factors helped to change older patterns in central and eastern Europe: the impact of communist modernisation and the prospect of European integration.
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Krygier, Martin. "Marxism and the Rule of Law: Reflections After the Collapse of Communism." Law & Social Inquiry 15, no. 04 (1990): 633–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1990.tb00596.x.
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This article concerns the relationship between the thought of Karl Marx and the fate of law, and the rule of law, in the communist states of the Soviet Union and east and central Europe. It takes the rule of law to be primarily an attempt to institutionalize restraint on power through law, and it takes it to be realized to a far greater extent in Western liberal democracies than in once-communist states. It argues that Marx's thought offered no support for such institutionalization of restraint, but, on the contrary, considerable support to the repressive, ideological and purely instrumental uses of law and the rejection and destruction of the rule of law, which were characteristic of communism.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Leustean, Lucian N. "Ethno-Symbolic Nationalism, Orthodoxy and the Installation of Communism in Romania: 23 August 1944 to 30 December 1947." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353915.
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The presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe and the reshaping of Europe's internal borders sped up the separation between the Eastern and Western blocs in the first years after the end of the Second World War. In countries where communism had been declared illegal or lacked the support of the electorate before 1944, the accession of communist leaders to governmental structures had been advanced by the politics of the Soviet Union, based on systematised political intimidation, institutionalised violence, and blackmail. The communist authorities then legitimised their political positions in relation to the historical past of their countries and according to the development of their societies after the Second World War.
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Janmaat, Jan Germen. "Civic Culture in Western and Eastern Europe." European Journal of Sociology 47, no. 3 (December 2006): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975606000129.
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This paper examines the nature of civic culture and the strength of civic attitudes in postcommunist and western countries. In particular, it seeks to explore the internal consistency and durability of civic culture using World Values Survey and European Values Study data. It discusses three perspectives on the strength and durability of civic attitudes in East and West, (the historical roots, the legacy of communism, and the postcommunist transition perspectives) and explores to what extent the pattern of civic attitudes in the two regions matches the predicted outcomes of these perspectives. The paper finds that the attitudes associated with civic culture do not form a coherent syndrome, neither at the individual nor at the societal level. It further finds only marginal support for the historical perspective, which accords a great degree of persistence to civic culture. It therefore concludes that civic culture is not the monolithic and durable phenomenon that some cultural theorists claim it is.
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Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (November 2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.
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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.
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Şerban, Mihaela. "Stemming the tide of illiberalism? Legal mobilization and adversarial legalism in Central and Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 3 (June 30, 2018): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.06.001.
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This paper explores the rise of rights-based regulation through litigation as a distinctive feature of legal culture in Central and Eastern Europe post-1989. This type of adversarial legalism was born at the intersection of post-communist, European integration, and neoliberal discourses, and is characterized by legal mobilization at national and supranational levels, selective adaptation of adversarial mechanisms, and the growth of rights consciousness. The paper distinguishes Eastern European developments from both American and Western European types of adversarial legalism, assesses the first quarter century of post-communism and represents a first step towards constructing a genealogy of the region’s legal culture post-1989.
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Redžić, Ena, and Judas Everett. "Cleavages in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe: A Review." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0011.
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AbstractThis review of the historical studies of cleavages and seeks to bridge the gap between the historical study of cleavages and frozen cleavage theory and the post-communist states of Europe which have transitioned to democracy. The study identifies the literature on frozen cleavages and new divides which have arisen transition, as well as the primary actors in their political representation and issue positioning. The key literature in the development of studies on cleavages was provided by Lipset and Rok-kan, but their work focused mostly on Western democracies and did not include any of the countries which were behind the iron curtain at the time. However, the transition of the post-communist nations of Europe are now several decades old. Since the demise of communist regimes in Europe, much literature has been produced on the newly democratic regimes developing there. This article provides a broad overview of general trends in cleavage literature and more specific developments for Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The main findings were that there are frozen cleavages present in the post-communist countries of Europe, but that much of the developments since the fall of communism seem to be unpredictable and change-able — a fact reflected by the instability and constant change in the party systems.
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Slabáková, Radmila Švaříčková. "Between Old Traditions and New Approaches: Locating Oral History and Memory Studies in East Central Europe." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0011.
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Abstract The article explores how oral history and memory studies have been used in East Central Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain. It focuses particularly on the question of whether Eastern European scholars only reproduce what was invented in the West, or whether they advance their original concepts and ideas. Both disciplines have been involved in reassessing the history of communism and the communist version of history itself and both contributed to revealing memoires obscured by the communist regime, even if the role of oral history may be considered as pivotal in this process. Although oral history had been practiced in the region at least since the 1970s, it was introduced as a new discipline according to the Western criteria after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Memory studies and their most successful concept, the “lieux de mémoire”, were implemented into to the region later and the promoters of the concept were predominantly Western scholars. Drawing on the uses of the term “historical consciousness” in Czech and Polish research, the article argues that various strategies associated with the “return to Europe” can be found in the region when promoting native traditions and equalizing them with the Western ones.
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Horváth, Paul, and János Sallai. "The “evaporation” of Romanian citizens towards Western Europe, with the secret help of Hungary, between 1985 and 1989." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.09.
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"The “evaporation” of Romanian citizens towards Western Europe, with the secret help of Hungary, between 1985-1989. The Document edited and published here it was a secret one. It comes out from the communist archives of Hungary and deal with the problem of the emigrants that enter from East in Hungary in the last years of the communist regime. It is an illustrative piece in which secretly and silently the communist authorities of Hungary understand to lease the persons who wants to travel in west to exit from Hungary without any control. It was not only an expression of the tensions between Romania and Hungary in those years, but also a rehearsal for what was happened with the East German citizens who passed over Hungary to the West in 1989. The authenticity of the act is proved also by the oral and written testimony of one of the travellers which pass over Hungary in Austria in 1985. Keywords: End of Communism, border regime, Romanian-Hungarian tensions, emigration from East to West in late 80s. "
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Filiciak, Mirosław, and Piotr Toczyski. "The History of Sharing Video Content in Poland: Analog copies of the 1980s as a Factor of Digital Peer Re-production in the 2000s." Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 9 (December 22, 2018): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8148.
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We depict practices of Polish audiences in communist Poland and the transition of these practices after the fall of communism. In Eastern Europe, digital distribution of video content has been built on semi-peripheral culture of VHS tapes copying and sharing. Although the unique Polish 20th century historical trajectory contains the experience of being excluded from Western popular culture, the first decade of 21st century brought unlimited digital access to audiovisual content. Peer re-production, a non-creative mode of participation increased. Our article provides new historical data illustrating this specificity both in terms of historical experience and globalizing technological progress.
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Buton, Philippe. "The crisis of communism and trade unionism in Western Europe since 1968." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 4 (December 1990): 18–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415052.
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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.
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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.
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AMBROSĂ, Ana-Maria. "Political-Legal Debates on Romania’s Administrative-Territorial Reform and Regionalisation." Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula: Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (December 10, 2021): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/62.
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In search of solutions for durable peace in Europe, the latter part of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of several western-based theories that redefined the relations of national states and the way they related to their territorial subdivisions: functionalism, federalism, neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, multi-level governance, etc. In this context, several administrative reforms were carried out in order to stimulate decentralisation and regionalisation. After the fall of communism, the states in Eastern and Central Europe aligned with European Union “fashion” and practices. Taking the same road, Romania has shyly proceeded towards local autonomy, keeping the territorial divisions of its communist past. As far as regionalisation is concerned, it formally adopted the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). However, it did not transform the region into a true governance layer.
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Gray, John. "From Post-Communism to Civil Society: The Reemergence of History and the Decline of the Western Model." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505250000412x.
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For virtually all the major schools of Western opinion, the collapse of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, between 1989 and 1991, represents a triumph of Western values, ideas, and institutions. If, for triumphal conservatives, the events of late 1989 encompassed an endorsement of “democratic capitalism” that augured “the end of history,” for liberal and social democrats they could be understood as the repudiation by the peoples of the former Soviet bloc of Marxism-Leninism in all its varieties, and the reemergence of a humanist socialism that was free of Bolshevik deformation. The structure of political and economic institutions appropriate to the transition from post-Communism in the Soviet bloc to genuine civil society was, accordingly, modeled on Western exemplars—the example of Anglo-American democratic capitalism, of Swedish social democracy, or of the German social market economy— or on various modish Western academic conceptions, long abandoned in the Soviet and post-Soviet worlds, such as market socialism. No prominent school of thought in the West doubted that the dissolution of Communist power was part of a process of Westernization in which contemporary Western ideas and institutions could and would successfully be exported to the former Communist societies. None questioned the idea that, somewhere in the repertoire of Western theory and practice, there was a model for conducting the transition from the bankrupt institutions of socialist central planning, incorporated into the structure of a totalitarian state, to market institutions and a liberal democratic state. Least of all did anyone question the desirability, or the possibility, of reconstituting economic and political institutions on Western models, in most parts of the former Soviet bloc.
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Roger, Antoine. "Post-communism Elections as a Theoretical Challenge." Tocqueville Review 22, no. 1 (January 2001): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.22.1.173.
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The specialists of electoral behavior find a new and stimulating field in post-communist democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. They could be tempted to use the models which were built for interpreting the vote in western countries but they must be cautious as a simple transposition is not possible. Several adaptations have been tried during the last decade. Because specialists have not bothered setting up a general framework, the results have been disappointing. It is time to cast a retrospective look on them so as to set down some landmarks.
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Perković, Ana Ješe. "The European Union and the Democratization Process of the Western Balkans." Southeastern Europe 38, no. 1 (April 10, 2014): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03801005.
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This paper considers democratization process in the Western Balkans and the influence of the European Union on this process. After the fall of communism European Union has been deeply involved in the transformation of the post-communist societies in the Eastern Europe. The lack of democratic tradition, complexity of democratic process, weak institutions and weak civil society have been among the main obstacles for quick transition. Yet many authors have argued that the EU membership has been one of the most important foreign policy goals of the post-socialist governments and a foreign policy tool of European Union. The EU has been using a leverage of prospect of EU membership and EU conditionality for implementing certain policies, hence trying to encourage the democratization process. This paper compares a democratization process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with one in the Western Balkans, and looks at EU conditionality and its impact on the democratization process of the Western Balkan states. We argue that the prospect of EU membership has influenced democratization in the Western Balkans to some extent, but the implementation of reforms has been superficial in some policy areas due to ostensible compliance with EU rules of the political elites.
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Oltay, Edith. "Concepts of Citizenship in Eastern and Western Europe." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 11, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2017-0003.
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AbstractThe classical meaning of citizenship evokes a nation-state with a well-defined territory for its nationals, where national identity and sovereignty play a key role. Global developments are challenging the traditional nation-state and open a new stage in the history of citizenship. Transnational citizenship involving dual and multiple citizenships has become more and more accepted in Europe. Numerous scholars envisaged a post-national development where the nation-state no longer plays a key role. While scholarly research tended to focus on developments in Western Europe, a dynamic development also took place in Eastern Europe following the collapse of communism. Dual citizenship was introduced in most Eastern European countries, but its purpose was to strengthen the nation by giving the ethnic kin abroad citizenship and non-resident voting rights. In Western Europe, the right of migrants to citizenship has been expanded throughout the years in the hope that this would result in their better integration into society. Eastern Europe and Western Europe operate with different concepts of citizenship because of their diverging historical traditions and current concerns. The concept of nation and who belong to the national community play a key role in the type of citizenship that they advocate.
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Coman, Emanuel. "Dimensions of political conflict in West and East." Party Politics 23, no. 3 (July 9, 2015): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593454.
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This paper brings theoretical and empirical contributions to the scholarship on dimensions of politics in Europe. On the theoretical side it emphasizes the differences between Western and Eastern countries; we argue that while in Western Europe the main dimension of political conflict is the economic left-right, in Eastern Europe the main dimension is more likely to encompass cultural issues associated primarily with what in the Western literature is known as the secondary, social left-right. We trace the origin of the difference to the 1990s when parties in Eastern Europe chose to emphasize cultural issues to appeal to an electorate unfamiliar with capitalist economics and dissatisfied with the economic left associated with Communism and the economic right associated with painful reforms. To test this assertion we apply the Optimal Classification vote scaling method to an original dataset of over 24,000 votes from 22 European parliaments; the statistical tests support the hypothesis.
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Meśtrovic, Stjepan G. "A Cultural Analysis of the Fall of Communism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/26.
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The dramatic fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union is analyzed from such cultural theories and perspectives as Oswald Spengler, Pitirim Sorokin, Arnold Toynbee, Thorstein Veblen, and Alexis de Tocqueville. This approach is contrasted with the modem and postmodern approaches found in such works as Talcott Parsons, Francis Fukuyama, and Jean Baudrillard. The essay concludes that the dominant, boosterish view extant today, that Western democratic and free-market institutions can be transplanted onto Slavic culture, is unrealistic, and is itself a product of what Sorokin and Spengler called the "late" or autumnal phase of civilization.
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Meśtrovic, Stjepan G. "A Cultural Analysis of the Fall of Communism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/26.
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The dramatic fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union is analyzed from such cultural theories and perspectives as Oswald Spengler, Pitirim Sorokin, Arnold Toynbee, Thorstein Veblen, and Alexis de Tocqueville. This approach is contrasted with the modem and postmodern approaches found in such works as Talcott Parsons, Francis Fukuyama, and Jean Baudrillard. The essay concludes that the dominant, boosterish view extant today, that Western democratic and free-market institutions can be transplanted onto Slavic culture, is unrealistic, and is itself a product of what Sorokin and Spengler called the "late" or autumnal phase of civilization.
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Hassner, Pierre. "Europe between the United States and the Soviet Union." Government and Opposition 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb01106.x.
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‘EUROPE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET UNION’. This subject could have been formulated in different terms, such as: ‘Europe between East and West’ or: ‘The European states between the two empires’ or: ‘The two Europes and the two superpowers’. Europe is at the same time one geographically and culturally, divided into nations, and split into two camps. The United States and the Soviet Union are both two global and two European powers, two ordinary states and the leaders of two alliances, the standard bearers of two ideologies. If one were discussing Korea instead of Europe, one would hesitate between calling our study ‘Korea between East and West’ and ‘Korea between North and South’. Europe is that continent where political divisions seem cast in the stone of history and geography, where the opposition between East and West seems to have at the same time a geopolitical meaning (that of maritime versus continental coalition), an ideological one (liberal democracy or capitalism versus communism) and a cultural one (the Western Church versus the Eastern one, Rome versus Byzantium).
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Nowaczewski, Artur. "Obraz Bałkanów w twórczości Andrzeja Stasiuka i Małgorzaty Rejmer." Poradnik Językowy, no. 1/2022(790) (September 10, 2021): 300–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2022.1.16.
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The history of the term the Balkans and stigmatising images of the Balkan area, created by travellers and writers from Western Europe, have been described in works by Maria Todorova and Božidar Jezernik, which can already be considered classical. After 1989, the image of the countries of Southeast Europe in Poland was shaped under the infl uence of the Western discourse, but it also had distinguishing features. These included the positioning of the Balkans against of the myth of Central Europe and, to an extent, against the common experience of communism. The most interesting (and infl uential) narratives of Polish writers about the countries of this part of Europe are related to the literary works by Andrzej Stasiuk and Małgorzata Rejmer. They also fi t into the discussion about the boundaries of reportage that took place in Poland in the 21st century after the death of Ryszard Kapuściński.
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Snyder, Tim. "‘Coming to Terms with the Charm and Power of Soviet Communism’." Contemporary European History 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004082.
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The day of communism is done, in Europe at any rate. If Minerva's owl flies at dusk, we should now expect the appearance of works which, while conceived during the epoch of communism, have been given their sense and conclusions by the events of 1989–91. The three books considered here are the fruit not only of scholarly reflection but also of personal reconsiderations of the nature of Soviet communism. Each author recounts a story through which he has lived, with glances backwards to find the origins of an idea (in Walicki's case), an illusion (in Furet's) or a word (in Gleason's). The Marxist idea of freedom (Walicki), the appeal of the Soviet Union to Western intellectuals (Furet) and the definitions and uses of the term ‘totalitarianism’ (Gleason) are the avenues taken towards an understanding of the role of communism in this century, avenues which lead from the lives of the scholars in question. The degree of intellectual, and the kind of political, engagement with the idea of communism was different in each case, reflecting most notably the nationalities of these three historians.
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Etzioni-Halevy, Eva. "How Western Marxism is attempting to survive the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe." Society 28, no. 1 (November 1990): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695185.
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van der Poel, Stefan. "Memory crisis: The Shoah within a collective European memory." Journal of European Studies 49, no. 3-4 (August 12, 2019): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859180.
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This paper analyses the memory crisis resulting from conflicting perceptions of the Shoah in Western and Central Europe. To clarify this memory crisis, crucial aspects of these divergent perceptions will be discussed. From the Western perspective, there is a strong tendency to underline the universal meaning and importance of the Shoah, and to institutionalize this in UN and EU resolutions and declarations. From an Eastern perspective, this process of globalizing Shoah discourse is often considered to be a Western preoccupation and as just another mechanism to promulgate further Western cultural domination. In Central Europe the supposed singularity of the Shoah is not only often doubted, but the focus is shifted far more on to processing communism and identity-based policies. To clarify and illustrate how the Shoah is reflected on in historical debates and the public domain, recent Polish and Hungarian monuments, museums, literature and films are discussed.
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Sumbai, Gasiano G. N. "BREXIT: Is Britain against the European Union or Globalisation? Some Lessons for East Africa." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 10, no. 1 (March 2, 2018): 54–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211013.
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The establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 was a response to the growing US economic, military and political influence on the ailing economies of Western Europe after WWII. Under the leadership of France, the founding members resisted Britain’s attempts to join the Community. Not until 1973 did they allow it to become a member of the Community. From the beginning, the EEC struggled to position itself as a capitalist bloc, ready to cooperate with the USA in defending vital capitalist interests against the perceived communist threats and the struggles against each other for economic interests all over the world. The USA, as leader of the capitalist bloc, closely checked the development of the EEC and later of the European Union (EU) as well in order to defend American interests in Western Europe. In the post-Cold War period, the USA enjoyed American unipolar hegemony and continued to challenge the EU, a powerful economic bloc which was a threat to the US economy. The EU had been looking at the US-British Special Relationship as a barrier to its progress. Britain used all the means at its disposal to protect and promote the British-American joint interests in Western Europe. However, these traditional capitalist economic blocs cooperated to defend capitalist interests against fascism and communism, but were in constant struggle among themselves. The demise of the Russian brand of communism resulted in the need to re-examine the US-EU relations as the EU wanted to stand on its own feet and did not want to be under the US shadow. This paper shows that Britain’s Exit (BREXIT) from the EU is Britain’s attempt to maintain its special relationship with the USA against the growing influence of the EU on the domestic policies of individual member states. It is shown in this paper that, as a regional bloc, the East African Community (EAC) can learn the manifestation of globalisation and its effects on regional integration. The constant struggle between supranationalism and nationalism and ways of harmonising various approaches to solving regional challenges are the important lessons that the EAC can learn from BREXIT.
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Carey, Henry F., and Rafal Raciborski. "Postcolonialism: A Valid Paradigm for the Former Sovietized States and Yugoslavia?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 2 (May 2004): 191–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403259918.
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This article argues that the structuralist effects on the large variation in the diverse human rights and democratization records of post-communist states can be best explained through the optic of postcolonialism. This approach would not override recent effects of strategic actors, though the type of postcolonialism in a post-communist state greatly constrains their actions. Among the postcolonial constraints are unsolved colonial-era problems, the type of colonial mentorship and institutions, the process of decolonization and the immediate regime path created in extricating from communism, the ongoing metropolitan-postcolonial elite relationships, and their links to mass politics. Five postcolonial regions emerge that reflect variable colonial and postcolonial experiences. The Soviet colonial experience had the most negative, direct, and ongoing effects on the former Soviet republics. Postcolonial effects on East Central Europe and the Balkans are less than the former USSR because of overlapping colonial heritages with Western empires and the shorter Soviet influence.
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Baylis, Thomas A. "Embattled executives: Prime ministerial weakness in East Central Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 1 (February 5, 2007): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.12.007.
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In a period in which ‘‘strong’’ and even ‘‘presidential’’ prime ministers have arguably become more the rule than the exception in the major states of Western Europe, most prime ministers in the new democracies of East Central Europe appear to have been relatively weak figures. This article investigates the reasons for that relative weakness in the ten East Central European countries, which together have had 87 prime ministers in the 16 years since the fall of Communism. It evaluates several possible explanations: party system weakness, the institutional structure, elite recruitment patterns, and policy constraints. It then seeks to explain several notable exceptions to the prime ministerial weakness rule.
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Nicolau, Felix. "Memories from the future: constative and performed identities in ideologized spaces." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2021): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v4i1.22420.
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Although communism was a Western creation its last consequences were implemented in southeastern Europe. In addition to the imposed aspects, there were local enthusiasms and excesses of zeal (euphemistically speaking), which attest to the existence of an identity matrix and a common mentality. Countries with an authoritarian tradition have absorbed this ideology of simultaneous denationalization and supra-nationalization to the deepest. And after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, the Southeast European space preserved mass nostalgia: Stalin, Tito and Ceausescu are still guardianship figures for many of various social categories. Imperialist stability and/or glory are two of the most important reasons for forgetting communist terror. The research tries to identify and analyze the sources of historical instability that has an impact on the post-communist present - the communist heritage still looming large-, as well as to demystify certain stigmas unconditionally applied to Southeast European civilizations: corruption, laziness, negative Balkanization, frivolity and lack of consistency. This is a selective overview which aims to decant common mentalities of synchrony in relation to diachrony.
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Whelan, Bernadette. "Ireland, the Marshall Plan, and U.S. Cold War Concerns." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2006): 68–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039706775212076.
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The implementation of the Marshall Plan in Europe from 1947 to 1951 has been increasingly well documented as archival materials have become available. Although U.S. motivations and the extent of the U.S. contribution to rehabilitating and uniting Europe, thwarting Communism, and consolidating democracy are still debated by historians, there is little disagreement about the impressive size and logistics of the program. However, not all of the assistance delivered was in the form of food, finance, and technical advice. Ideological and psychological weapons were also used. This article examines all of these aspects of the Marshall Plan and how the campaigns actually worked in a country that has often been left out of analyses of the postwar reconstruction Ireland. Because Ireland had been neutral during the war and wanted to remain neutral afterward, the question of participating in a U.S. sponsored program that did not include the Communist European states (because the Soviet Union vetoed their participation) raised sensitive questions within Ireland about the desirability of being so conspicuously aligned with a Western bloc.
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YANG, Joonseok. "Song Chin-woo’s Perception of the International Landscape and Thoughts on State Building." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.451.
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Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism but also expressed a willingness to cooperate with them in the interest of independence. He refused to follow China's religion and politics but emphasized friendly relations. He thought of Europe as a champion of universal human rights and ideas, but he was wary of its expansionary policies in Asia. Song Chin-woo insisted on establishing a Western democracy immediately after liberation based on longstanding international recognition, while emphasizing the injustice of establishing a communist government.
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Yoo, Ji-A. "Japan’s total war system and anti-communist policy against Korea." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 43 (December 31, 2022): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2022.43.5.
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This research examines Japan's total war system during the war from the aspect of anti-communist policy. Among them, Japan judged that the threat of the Communist Party was more serious in Korea than in Japan, and analyzed that it implemented an anti-communist policy in Korea that combined the judicial Peace Preservation Law and the cultural Korean Anti-Communist Association. The Soviet Revolution of 1917 had a great impact on the Western nations, and in 1920, it became a fashion in Europe and the United States to enact security legislation in order to prevent forces that would cooperate with the Soviet Union and promote domestic revolutionary movements. Japan enacted the Radical Social Movement Control Law in the early 1920s, and in 1925 it enacted the Peace Preservation Law. And Japan tried to deal with communism not only with the Soviet-Japanese Basic Treaty. This Peace Preservation Law was applied to suppress nationalist and socialist-affiliated independence movements in Korea. In Korea, not only communism, but also national and independence movements had to be suppressed and cracked down, so the Peace Preservation Law was applied to all cases.
Also, in the 1930s, Japan began to feel the effects of the Great Depression, and as a result, the labor movement and the peasant movement grew to an unprecedented scale. Then, in 1936, he submitted a bill to revise the Peace Preservation Law and passed the ‘Thought Criminal Probation Law’. In 1938, Japan began to advocate the need for a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law, mainly through on-site ideological examinations. This is because Japan recognized that maintaining security in the rear was the most important issue in the process of developing a total war system following the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. Such demands resulted in a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law in 1941. At that time, Japan had an overwhelming number of cases of applying the Peace Preservation Law in Korea compared to other colonies. This was due to the perception of the Japanese authorities that the geographical and social conditions of Korea were more influenced by communism than Japan. In addition to this, on August 15, 1938, the Korean Anti-Communist Association was established to thoroughly eradicate communist ideology, and carried out anti-communist education through various projects. In this way, Japan tried to prevent the spread of communism to Korea under the total war system during the war through the Peace Preservation Law and the Korean Anti-Communist Association.