Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communism – Europe, Western

Academic literature on the topic 'Communism – Europe, Western'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.

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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
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Bell, David S. "Post‐communism in western Europe." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 12, no. 2 (June 1996): 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279608415311.

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Knotter, Ad. "“Little Moscows” in Western Europe: The Ecology of Small-Place Communism." International Review of Social History 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 475–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000381.

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SummarySmall communist strongholds were commonly nicknamed “Little Moscow”, both in Britain and in Europe. Small-place communism has been widespread since the interwar period, often in distinctly hostile surroundings. In this article, based on research into a number of cases in western Europe, I try to identify common characteristics which might explain their receptiveness to communist policies and ideas. My aim is to present a taxonomy for further research. Most of the places that I researched were isolated, recently developed, and mono-industrial. They were populated by a wave of migrants who had formed mono-occupational, pioneer societies. Second-generation migrants turned to communism and built “occupational communities” based on trade unions and other associational activities. Often they continued militant traditions of earlier socialism, anarchism, or syndicalism; others had a tradition of irreligiousness or religious indifference.
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Holzer, Jerzy. "Triumf i kryzys komunizmu – 1968." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.03.

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The events of 1968 were, in Europe, the last act of fascination with Communism while, simultaneously, its Soviet model was rejected and other varieties were popular. With the exception of Czechoslovakia, these events were also a generational movement, most of all a student one. The Communist social stipulations were combined with political demands aimed at implementing direct democracy. What was missing in the West, however, was the comprehension of the problems occurring in the Soviet block and a knowledge of the situation in the non-European Communist countries. In the East, on the other hand, what was lacking was a more active interest in Western frustrations. The movements of 1968 suffered a defeat everywhere, though the reasons for this were different.In Western Europe, they were wholly unsupported by organisational structures, while the awareness of the realities of all Communist regimes, which did gradually sink in, evoked disappointment. In the Eastern part of Europe, the crushing of revisionism, which attempted to combine Communism with democracy, pointed the way towards perspectives other than reformed Communism. Despite the defeat, the events of 1968 became an important watershed in the life of Europe, to a large degree transforming society’s awareness and customs in the West, and the political awareness of the generation entering adulthood in the East.
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Rutland, Peter. "What Was Communism?" Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.

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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.
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Lazar, Marc. "Communism in Western Europe in the 1980s." Journal of Communist Studies 4, no. 3 (September 1988): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278808414921.

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Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.

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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.
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Zombory, Máté. "The birth of the memory of Communism: memorial museums in Europe." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1028–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1339680.

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This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimatedifferentia specificaof the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.

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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.

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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.

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JehlicÌŒka, Petr. "A comparative investigation into the dynamics of environmental politics in Western and Eastern Europe 1988-1993 with special reference to the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325025.

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Horne, Cynthia Michalski. "Are NMEs our enemies? : non-market economies and western trade policies /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10703.

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Dwan, Renata. "An uncommon Community : France and the European Defence Community, 1950-1954." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321550.

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Keith, Daniel James. "Party organisation and party adaptation : Western European communist and successor parties." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6897/.

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This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework's usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office.
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Liu, Bolong. "Western Europe-China : a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the European Community, Great Britain and Belgium towards China (1970-1986) /." [Leuven] : Katholieke universitet Leuven, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37165798f.

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Howlett, D. "An analysis of a regional nuclear safeguards organisation : The European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) and the development of nuclear safeguards in Western Europe." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235227.

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Celik, Rozelin, Josefine Persson, and Adam Tkáč. "Who Cares? : A Comparison of Consumer Perceptions of CSR Between Western and Eastern Europe." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75705.

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Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a topic that has been widely researched and is still a progressing and important subject to study. Many researchers have focused on the importance and risks of CSR but have been unsuccessful in conducting research that brings forth managerial implications regarding the challenges and complexity that comes from contextual differences. Furthermore, little attention has been assigned to consumer awareness, perception of CSR as well as analysing differences in related markets such as developed Western European countries (WECs) and emerging Post-Communist countries (PCCs) of Eastern Europe. This research is essential as theoretical ground and for managers to be able to successfully adapt and implement their CSR strategies to various markets, something that is beneficial for gaining a long-term competitive advantage. This study wishes to fill the existing research gap by gaining an insight into the differences in perceptions of CSR between consumers from WECs and PCCs. The outcomeof this study contributes to the existing frame of research regarding consumers’ perceptionson CSR and the importance of adapting a firm's CSR strategies to differentiating perceptions when operating in various international markets. The research was executed by using a qualitative method, carrying out three focus groups with participants originating from the two different regions respectively, and later mixed in a third group. The outcome from these focus groups was analysed using relatedtheoretical frameworks such as Carroll’s pyramid for corporate social responsibility (1991)and Dhanapal, Vashu, and Subramaniam (2015), who explores influencers affecting consumer perception. The findings conclude that CSR is gaining awareness among consumers across both regions, who agree that companies should be engaged in CSR, whereas members from PCCs desires a higher commitment than is currently done. Consumers are willing to pay a higher price when they know that the companies implement philanthropic projects. However, for WECs, this depends on the price of the product, and for PCCs, on whether the activities are locally implemented or not. Finally, this study concluded that companies can gain a competitive advantage by concentrating on social CSR in the PCC region and environmental CSR in the WEC region since the findings indicate that these are the most prioritised issues in each region. Furthermore, managers should adapt their CSR strategies based on these findings in order to relate to the consumer, create legitimacy, and gain trust.
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Chadwick, Lionel Kevin. "Incentives influencing general practitioners in selected Western European health systems : a 1985 comparative study." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364370.

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Risso, Linda. "From the European Defence Community to the Western European Union : a comparative study of France and Italy, 1950-1955." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614895.

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Books on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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1934-, Waller Michael, Fennema M. 1946-, and European Consortium for Political Research., eds. Communist parties in Western Europe: Decline or adaptation? Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1988.

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Scott, Bell David, ed. Western European Communists and the collapse of communism. Oxford [England]: Berg, 1993.

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Narkiewicz, Olga A. The end of the Bolshevik dream: Western European Communist parties in late twentieth century. London: Routledge, 1990.

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Narkiewicz, Olga A. The end of the Bolshevik dream: Western European communist parties in the late twentieth century. London: Routledge, 1990.

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Butler, Anthony. Transformative politics: The future of socialism in Western Europe. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Butler, Anthony. Transformative politics: The future of socialism in Western Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1995.

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Tadeusz, Buksiński, ed. Democracy in western and post-communist countries: Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009.

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Tadeusz, Buksiński, ed. Democracy in western and post-communist countries: Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009.

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Tadeusz, Buksiński, ed. Democracy in western and post-communist countries: Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009.

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Jerzy, Hausner, and Mosur Grzegorz, eds. Transformation processes in Eastern Europe: Western perspectives and the Polish experience. Warsaw: Institute of Political Science, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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Buton, Philippe. "The Crisis of Communism and Trade Unionism in Western Europe since 1968." In Comrades and Brothers, 18–42. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003350712-4.

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Grossmann, Johannes. "The Comité international de défense de la civilisation chrétienne and the Transnationalization of Anti-Communist Propaganda in Western Europe after the Second World War." In Transnational Anti-Communism and the Cold War, 251–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137388803_17.

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Petersen, Klaus, Michele Mioni, and Herbert Obinger. "The Cold War and the Welfare State in Western Europe." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 47–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_5.

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AbstractThe Cold War and the growth of the welfare state constitute two major frameworks for understanding politics and society in post-war Western Europe. This chapter discusses how the Cold War shaped the development of welfare states in selected Western European countries in the first decades after 1945. It is argued that two mechanisms were important. First, social policies were used for securing mass loyalty and as an anti-communist strategy in Western Europe. Second, the Cold War strongly impacted political coalition-building in Western countries.
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DeLuca, Donald R. "Theater Nuclear Forces: Public Opinion in Western Europe." In Purpose and Policy in the Global Community, 159–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10058-0_9.

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Herbert, David. "Religion and Social Integration ‘Crises’ in North Western Europe: Some Conclusions." In Creating Community Cohesion, 225–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312723_6.

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Barany, Zoltan D. "Civil-Military Relations in Communist Systems: Western Models Revisited." In Soldiers and Politics in Eastern Europe, 1945–90, 6–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22864-5_2.

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Neave, Guy. "The Long Quest for Legitimacy: An Extended Gaze from Europe’s Western Parts." In Private Higher Education in Post-Communist Europe, 27–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230604391_2.

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Petrovic, Milenko. "The Changed EU Approach — New Challenges for the Western Balkan States after 2005?" In The Democratic Transition of Post-Communist Europe, 131–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137315359_6.

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Kaminska, Monika Ewa. "Variations on Bismarck: Translations of Social Health Insurance in Post-Communist Healthcare Reforms in Central and Eastern Europe—The Role of Vertical and Horizontal Interdependencies." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 449–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_35.

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AbstractIn the 1990s, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries (except for Latvia) moved away from tax-based financing of healthcare in favour of social health insurance (SHI). This paradigmatic change was domestically driven; the World Bank’s recommendations to retain tax-based healthcare financing were ignored. Yet, in defining the institutional set-up of the emerging SHI systems, CEE countries did rely on the expertise of international organisations as well as experts from Western Europe (mainly Germany and France). The external advisors tailored their recommendations to the diverse national contexts, which facilitated policy learning. Consequently, rather than strictly following the Bismarckian blueprint, CEE healthcare systems have developed into hybrids, combining Bismarckian, Beveridgean and private healthcare elements, thus diverging from Western European points of reference as well as among each other.
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Herbert, David. "Troubled Multiculturalisms and Disrupted Secularities: Religion and Social Integration ‘Crises’ in North Western Europe in Comparative Perspective." In Creating Community Cohesion, 1–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312723_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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Tedik, M. Fatih. "GÜLEN MOVEMENT AS AN INTEGRATION MECHANISM FOR THE EUROPE’S TURKISH AND MUSLIM COMMUNITY: POTENTIALS AND CONSTRAINTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/vftv7165.

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This paper discusses the potential of the Gülen movement to serve as a mechanism for, in the medium term, the integration of the Turkish community in Europe and, in the long term, the Muslim community as a whole, taking into consideration the obstacles to this process, given the composition of different communities. Although many of Gülen’s ideas are far from conventional theologically, the real novelty of his work is that it motivates people who are at least sympathetic to his ideas to put them into practice: the ideas do not remain theory and aspiration but become a charter or action-plan implemented by members of the movement. The movement’s influence on Muslim commu- nity is examined from both a theoretical perspective (i.e. the position of Gülen’s ideas within Islamic understanding of dar al-Islam and dar al-harb) and a practical perspective (i.e. the activities of the movement in western Europe that have actual and potential effectiveness in bringing about integration). In order to assess the movement’s capabilities, the current situation of Muslims in Europe and their problems in general and the Turkish experience in particular is presented. The move- ment’s potential for enabling integration is then analysed from four complementary perspec- tives: (1) does the movement propose an alternative view to stimulate the integration process of the Muslim community; (2) has the movement actually operated as a mechanism for inte- gration in western Europe so that its capability is demonstrable; (3) is the European context suitable for the movement to operate effectively; and (4) what does the Gülen movement offer to European member-states by way of a means to sustain a healthy integration process – Turkish community in the medium-run, and the whole Muslim community in the long-run.
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Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "TURKISH MUSLIMS AND ISLAMIC TURKEY: PERSPECTIVES FOR A NEW EUROPEAN ISLAMIC IDENTITY?" In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qdnp5362.

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The paper discusses the potential of Fethullah Gülen’s thinking on the revival of core socio- ethical tenets of Islam to influence an emerging European Islamic identity. The long absence of any substantial Muslim population from the religious landscape of western Europe in the modern period began to end with the post-War immigration of Muslims from South Asia to the UK and other parts of Europe. But Muslims from other parts of the Islamic world have also established communities in Europe with their own, different expressions of Islam. The presence of Muslims represents a religio-cultural counterpoint to the projected ‘post-Chris- tian society of Europe’, since they are now permanently settled within that society. The encounter of ‘Turkish Islam’ (Anatolian & other) and the majority ‘South Asian Islam’ (with its diverse strands, Barelvi, Deobandi and others) in western Europe hints at the build- ing of a new ‘European Islamic’ identity. Arguably, this twenty-first century ‘European Islam’ might be a synthesis of the ‘Turkish’ and the ‘South Asian’ expressions of Islam. Any dishar- mony, on the other hand, might kindle yet another rivalry in the heart of Europe. This paper considers whether Gülen’s thought on community education based on the fundamentals of Islam could help build a positive and fresh expression of Islam that may reform the prevailing image of it as a cultural tradition that resorts to violence in order to redress grievances.
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"Bilder, Ansichten und Einschätzungen von Stadt im lateinischen Westen Europas." In Visions of Community. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/0x00388726.

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Jaasma, Philemonne. "Western Design approaches to intercultural community projects." In European Academy of Design Conference Proceedings 2015. Sheffield Hallam University, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7190/ead/2015/38.

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Herlo, Dorin. "ELEARNING IN INTERCULTURAL LEARNING." In eLSE 2015. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-15-160.

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The process of promoting intercultural learning was accelerated in the 1990s, by the European Council, and coincided with the acknowledgment of its relevance not only in the countries of Western Europe that were the most important targets for migration, but also in other parts of Europe, such as the southern countries or the countries of Central and Eastern Europe where issues of cultural diversity have become very important after the fall of the communist regimes in this area. In nowadays the educators face with intercultural challenges in many learning situations, for which they have not been prepared sufficiently in their own training, because intercultural issues are only on the teacher curriculum agenda since a couple of years. For this reason, it need to form and develop the intercultural competence - one of the eight key competence needed for every young and every educator of our days - by initial and continuous training. If the general objective of intercultural learning activities is to equip young people and adults with necessary competences for living in a intercultural society, its specific objectives refer to: a) knowledge about culture in general and its impact on individual and group behaviour, about one's own culture(s) and about the cultures of others; b) skills related to life in a intercultural society (become aware of one's own cultural determinations, of prejudices and stereotypes and identifying them to the others, ability to take different viewpoints, communicative and relational skills, etc); c) attitudes, such as respect for cultural diversity and for the other's cultural identity, reject discrimination and intolerance; d) stimulating action for promoting intercultural society, for combating discrimination and intolerance. This article aims to analyse some aspects of applied strategies, including e-learning activities, in intercultural learning, used in initial training courses with the students from bachelor and master level, which led to accomplish those specific objectives.
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Sofyalıoğlu, Çiğdem, and Burak Kartal. "A Comparison and some Suggestions for Turkey’s and Eurasian Economic Community Countries’ Logistic Performance Index Scores." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00766.

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Turkey is a bridge between Asia and Europe and this fact provides an opportunity for Turkey, whose exports mostly go to Europe, to diversify its export markets. In this geography, cooperation and integration are needed to sustain and to flourish economic activities. In that sense, Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEc) is one of the most important economic integrations in the world considering the initiatives of becoming a Customs Union. EurAsEc includes five member and three observer countries while some other Eurasian countries are expected to join this community in the years to come due to its potential advantages. The members of are positive towards a cooperation with Turkey which has a strategic role in many important transport corridors within the Western Europe-Asia transit transport framework. Anyway, the development of international trade depends on logistic performance, logistic infrastructure and effectiveness of logistic sectors of the countries in this region. Therefore, Turkey and EurAsEc countries need to cooperate in overcoming logistics problems to develop international trade. Bearing that in mind, we compared logistic performance indexes of Turkey and EurAsEc countries in our study and we discussed what can be done to improve logistic activities in the region within the framework of mutual cooperation. The findings indicate that a better logistics infrastructure should be available throughout the EurAsEC countries and it is essential to adopt transit pass by EurAsEc countries and to improve the information technology infrastructure to accelerate customs transition.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.

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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Dolghi, Adrian. "Children in educational institutions of the Moldovan SSR in the academic year 1944–1945." In Simpozionul Național de Studii Culturale, Ediția a 2-a. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975352147.21.

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The article elucidates the situation of children in educational institutions in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic in the context of the reoccupation of Bessarabia and the restoration of the Soviet-type educational system. Following the analysis of the archive documents, we found that the general schooling of the children was carried out in precarious socio-economic conditions, in the absence of appropriate buildings, furniture and adequate teaching inventory. It also happened in situations of poverty, when a large part of the population did not have enough resources to dress and feed children properly. The unsatisfactory conditions in schools have led to poor results in studies, the spread of diseases and epidemics among children. The situation in the educational institutions of the Moldavian SSR in the academic year 1944–1945 clearly illustrates that schooling had a compulsory character being motivated by the interest of the Soviet authorities to install administrative, political and ideological control over the young generation. After the occupation of Bessarabia, given the continuation of military operations to the countries of Western Europe and the need of restoration following them, resources were insufficient and political and ideological objectives were achieved in circumstances of poverty. The 1944–1945 academic year was a turning point for the young generation in the Moldovan SSR. It began to be subjected to ideological training through ideological study programs and involvement in communist organizations for children and youth. Also, the “convert” of children to the communist ideology, to the detriment of national traditions and values, began.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Schneider-Skalska, Grażyna, and Paweł Tor. "Residential areas in the structure of the city: case studies from west europe and Krakow." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8079.

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Once they adopted the sedentary lifestyle, humans set to building settlements which were to protect groups of families and give them the sense of belonging to a material and social community. The settlement unit which could be called a housing complex goes back thousands of years BC. The scale of problems related to housing environment grew considerably with the emergence and development of cities, yet truly distinctive quantitative and qualitative changes occurred in the early 20th century. Implementation of the programmatic assumptions of the Athens Charter resulted in the emergence of spatial and functional structures based on hierarchic dependence of components. The initial projects reflected the pursuit of a human-scale environment and the structural division into neighbourhood units. Undoubtedly, the second part of the 20th century brought about a change in the trends of development in cities. Large housing estates were abandoned in favour of a much greater diversity of housing complex forms – the revived form of city street, urban block or the classic form of a residential complex with clearly delineated structure, services and – most frequently –some recreational areas. The 21st century draws from well-known patterns, complementing them with new elements and solutions imposed by the requirements of the principles of sustainable development. Due to the limited availability of land in highly urbanized central city parts, contemporary housing development occupies more peripheral areas, often at the border between urban and rural neighbourhoods. The development process involves numerous participants, often with opposing interests – public authorities, whose concern should be sustainable growth of the whole city, and developer firms and investors, whose motivation is to maximize profit. This situation has led in most Polish cities to the emergence of disconnected fenced-away residential ghettos with no spatial order. Meanwhile, housing development in Western Europe continues to be built as planned urban complexes drawing from the experience of the past and satisfying the needs of the contemporary city dwellers. The article presents several urban complexes with dominant housing development (Orestad in Copenhagen, Monte Laa and Nordbahnhof-Area in Vienna, Ijburg in Amsterdam and Riem in Munich) built relatively recently.It discusses their functional, spatial and social characteristics, which make them examples of good practice in contemporary urban planning. They demonstrate clearly that only comprehensive planning in a broader scale guarantees creation of high-quality urban spaces, where the welfare of resident communities is a priority.
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Reports on the topic "Communism – Europe, Western"

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Smit, Amelia, Kate Dunlop, Nehal Singh, Diona Damian, Kylie Vuong, and Anne Cust. Primary prevention of skin cancer in primary care settings. The Sax Institute, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.57022/qpsm1481.

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Overview Skin cancer prevention is a component of the new Cancer Plan 2022–27, which guides the work of the Cancer Institute NSW. To lessen the impact of skin cancer on the community, the Cancer Institute NSW works closely with the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Advisory Committee, comprising governmental and non-governmental organisation representatives, to develop and implement the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy. Primary Health Networks and primary care providers are seen as important stakeholders in this work. To guide improvements in skin cancer prevention and inform the development of the next NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy, an up-to-date review of the evidence on the effectiveness and feasibility of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care is required. A research team led by the Daffodil Centre, a joint venture between the University of Sydney and Cancer Council NSW, was contracted to undertake an Evidence Check review to address the questions below. Evidence Check questions This Evidence Check aimed to address the following questions: Question 1: What skin cancer primary prevention activities can be effectively administered in primary care settings? As part of this, identify the key components of such messages, strategies, programs or initiatives that have been effectively implemented and their feasibility in the NSW/Australian context. Question 2: What are the main barriers and enablers for primary care providers in delivering skin cancer primary prevention activities within their setting? Summary of methods The research team conducted a detailed analysis of the published and grey literature, based on a comprehensive search. We developed the search strategy in consultation with a medical librarian at the University of Sydney and the Cancer Institute NSW team, and implemented it across the databases Embase, MEDLINE, PsycInfo, Scopus, Cochrane Central and CINAHL. Results were exported and uploaded to Covidence for screening and further selection. The search strategy was designed according to the SPIDER tool for Qualitative and Mixed-Methods Evidence Synthesis, which is a systematic strategy for searching qualitative and mixed-methods research studies. The SPIDER tool facilitates rigour in research by defining key elements of non-quantitative research questions. We included peer-reviewed and grey literature that included skin cancer primary prevention strategies/ interventions/ techniques/ programs within primary care settings, e.g. involving general practitioners and primary care nurses. The literature was limited to publications since 2014, and for studies or programs conducted in Australia, the UK, New Zealand, Canada, Ireland, Western Europe and Scandinavia. We also included relevant systematic reviews and evidence syntheses based on a range of international evidence where also relevant to the Australian context. To address Question 1, about the effectiveness of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings from the Evidence Check according to different skin cancer prevention activities. To address Question 2, about the barriers and enablers of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings according to the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). The CFIR is a framework for identifying important implementation considerations for novel interventions in healthcare settings and provides a practical guide for systematically assessing potential barriers and facilitators in preparation for implementing a new activity or program. We assessed study quality using the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) levels of evidence. Key findings We identified 25 peer-reviewed journal articles that met the eligibility criteria and we included these in the Evidence Check. Eight of the studies were conducted in Australia, six in the UK, and the others elsewhere (mainly other European countries). In addition, the grey literature search identified four relevant guidelines, 12 education/training resources, two Cancer Care pathways, two position statements, three reports and five other resources that we included in the Evidence Check. Question 1 (related to effectiveness) We categorised the studies into different types of skin cancer prevention activities: behavioural counselling (n=3); risk assessment and delivering risk-tailored information (n=10); new technologies for early detection and accompanying prevention advice (n=4); and education and training programs for general practitioners (GPs) and primary care nurses regarding skin cancer prevention (n=3). There was good evidence that behavioural counselling interventions can result in a small improvement in sun protection behaviours among adults with fair skin types (defined as ivory or pale skin, light hair and eye colour, freckles, or those who sunburn easily), which would include the majority of Australians. It was found that clinicians play an important role in counselling patients about sun-protective behaviours, and recommended tailoring messages to the age and demographics of target groups (e.g. high-risk groups) to have maximal influence on behaviours. Several web-based melanoma risk prediction tools are now available in Australia, mainly designed for health professionals to identify patients’ risk of a new or subsequent primary melanoma and guide discussions with patients about primary prevention and early detection. Intervention studies have demonstrated that use of these melanoma risk prediction tools is feasible and acceptable to participants in primary care settings, and there is some evidence, including from Australian studies, that using these risk prediction tools to tailor primary prevention and early detection messages can improve sun-related behaviours. Some studies examined novel technologies, such as apps, to support early detection through skin examinations, including a very limited focus on the provision of preventive advice. These novel technologies are still largely in the research domain rather than recommended for routine use but provide a potential future opportunity to incorporate more primary prevention tailored advice. There are a number of online short courses available for primary healthcare professionals specifically focusing on skin cancer prevention. Most education and training programs for GPs and primary care nurses in the field of skin cancer focus on treatment and early detection, though some programs have specifically incorporated primary prevention education and training. A notable example is the Dermoscopy for Victorian General Practice Program, in which 93% of participating GPs reported that they had increased preventive information provided to high-risk patients and during skin examinations. Question 2 (related to barriers and enablers) Key enablers of performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Easy access and availability of guidelines and point-of-care tools and resources • A fit with existing workflows and systems, so there is minimal disruption to flow of care • Easy-to-understand patient information • Using the waiting room for collection of risk assessment information on an electronic device such as an iPad/tablet where possible • Pairing with early detection activities • Sharing of successful programs across jurisdictions. Key barriers to performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Unclear requirements and lack of confidence (self-efficacy) about prevention counselling • Limited availability of GP services especially in regional and remote areas • Competing demands, low priority, lack of time • Lack of incentives.
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