Journal articles on the topic 'Communism and social studies'
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1
Brzechczyn, Krzysztof. "Polish Discussions on the Nature of Communism and Mechanisms of its Collapse." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 4 (September 8, 2008): 828–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408316535.
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The author, against the background of Communist Studies developed in Poland since World War I, reconstructs theoretical orientations that explained the communist system in that country. In this paper, the division of theoretical approaches into political, economic, and cultural ones is proposed. Each of them seeks factors responsible for nature, evolution, and final decline of the communist system in a different sphere of social life. An approach of the political type was Leszek Nowak's theory of communism as a system of emancipated political power; of the economic type—Jadwiga Staniszkis's theory of the communist system as incomplete capitalism; and of the cultural type— Michał Buchowski's conceptualization of communism as a system of new religion. In the final part, the author considers complementary character of reconstructed approaches and analyzes reasons why some of reconstructed theories did not generate schools of thought in Polish social sciences after 1989.
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Between Deprivation and Privilege: (Former) “Enemies of the People” in Communist and Postcommunist Romania." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i2.2.
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Communism everywhere it settled aimed to create a new society and the ‘new man’ in the shortest possible time. In order to put into practice such social engineering, it was necessary that those social categories refractory to change to be annihilated. There-fore, the former politicians, the landlords, the wealthy peasants (the kulak), the bour-geois, the intellectuals, the artists were methodically and constantly repressed. Laws, institutions and people were summoned to effect change through repressive methods. The beginning of the process of building the communist society created many ‘enemies of the people’, as the communists described them, victims of the class struggle, but also of their own ideals. Belief in the ‘Arrival of the Americans’, and in the short duration of Communism led them directly to prisons, hard labor and deportation camps. Many perished, but most escaped and returned to the society that was reconfiguring itself on new bases and with new values. The fall of communism brought their recognition as ‘victims’ of the totalitarian regim’s politics. In order to acknowledge their suffering the postcommunist Romanian state offers them compensations, granted them the label of ‘anti-communist fighter’, and eventually condemned Communism as ‘illegitimate and criminal’. My paper discusses all these issues while pointing out what was at stake in organized repression during communism as well as in recognizing the suffering of the repressed in the first postcommunist decades.
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Rigdon, Susan. "Communism or the Kingdom: 'Saving' China, 1924-1949." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 168–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12517973174365.
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AbstractThis paper identifies commonalities between Marxian economic principles and the socio-economic goals of Social Gospel missionaries in China in the quarter century between 1924 and 1949. It argues that the unbreachable divisions between missionaries, including those who advocated for a "Christian communism," and the communist party were rooted, on the Christian side, in a rejection of violence and coercive methods of policy implementation rather than in opposition to socialism. On the communist side opposition was not to specific tenets of Christianity but to foreign-funding and leadership and to the perception of American Christians as agents of an imperialist country.
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JAKU, Kejvin. "Reframing Democracy: Navigating Economic, Social and Media Obstacles in Albania’s Post-Communist Era." Polis 22, no. 2 (2023): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/nccx9506.
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Purpose: This study investigates the challenges that Albania faces in economic development, social changes, and media transparency in a democratic, post-communist society. The analysis draws on contemporary historical sources, human rights reports, academic studies, news articles, and official governmental and nongovernmental publications, correlating these findings with Albania’s journey toward democratization. Findings: The essay identifies the economic repercussions of communist governance, including prevalent unemployment and fragile market structures. It explores the social impact, linking them to issues like suppression, fear, and weakened trust in the contemporary government. Originality/Value: This article provides an analysis of the challenges in post-communist Albania, focusing on social and economic developments and media coverage. It suggests targeted strategies for the government to strengthen democratic institutions. Keywords: Albania, democracy, post-communism, development, media, freedom, transparency.
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Daud, Ilyas. "QURANIC EXEGESIS AS SOCIAL CRITICISM: The Case of Tafsîr al-Azhâr." ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 21, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v21i1.7828.
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<p><em>This paper examines one of Nusantara commentary books entitled Tafs</em><em>î</em><em>r al-Azhâr that is written by Hamka. By analyzing the contents of the commentary and tracing the historical roots of the birth of the work, this study shows that Hamka contextualises his interpretation as a criticism against the Sukarno regime. Among the critiques that he poses in his commentary suggest that Sukarno aligns to Communism and the political policies of his administration resonate to the interest of Communist while at the same time are detrimental to that of Muslims. From the historical perspective, there was, in fact, a conflict between Hamka and Sukarno concerning the issue of Communism. In other words, there is a close relationship between Sukarno’s affinity to Communism and Muslim’s conflict with Communists in Indonesia. In the development of tafs</em><em>î</em><em>r studies so far, tracing the interpretation material in the context of social criticism is considerably understatement. This is the reason why this study takes this approach. This study suggests that tafs</em><em>î</em><em>r (Quranic exegesis) is not just a task of understanding the divine message, but can also be a social critic.</em></p>
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Wood, James E., and Niels C. Nielsen. "Christianity after Communism: Social Political, and Cultural Struggle in Russia." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 34, no. 4 (December 1995): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387360.
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Ching, Eric. "In Search of the Party: The Communist Party, the Comintern, and the Peasant Rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador." Americas 55, no. 2 (October 1998): 204–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008053.
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ABSTRACTThe rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador is commonly described in the context of communism and the leadship role of the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS). Relying on previously unavailable archive materials from Russia and El Salvador, the present article demonstrates that the PCS played a limited role in the rebellion. Factional infighting and a strategy that collided with social realities in western El Salvador combined to inhibit PCS influence among western peasants. The evidence suggests that Indian communities were at the forefront of the rebellion, as an extention of their long history of political mobilization.
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Reilly, Thomas. "Wu Yaozong and the YMCA: From Social Reform to Social Revolution, 1927-1937." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 3-4 (2012): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-01904007.
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The Republican-era Chinese National YMCA is often depicted as a business-friendly, evangelically motivated, Kuomintang-supporting organization which advocated Western-style gradual reform. All of this is true – but not of Wu Yaozong, one of the most prominent YMCA national secretaries of the period. If Wu, who studied at Columbia University and Union Theological Seminary, is known at all in the West, it is for his later role in organizing and leading the government-sponsored Three-Self Protestant Church after 1949. But during the 1930s,Wu encouraged the YMCA’s constituency and Protestant churchmen to consider progressive views of social reform, and toward the end of the Nanjing decade, to take a new look at communism, especially the Communist vision of social revolution.
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Koranyi, James. "Opposing Memories: Contest and Conspiracy over 1970s Romania." East Central Europe 50, no. 1 (April 24, 2023): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-50010003.
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Abstract The history of Romanian dissidence during the Cold War often seems rather barren. Yet, as this article demonstrates, the legacy of Romanian opposition to Cold War communism is vexed with conflicts over ownership in a fragmented circle of late Cold War era oppositional voices and actors. A daring attempt to cross the Danube by a young Romanian German student in 1970 and an earthquake in the year 1977 provide the historical backdrop to these post-communist internecine battles over opposition and conformity. The prominence of the German-speaking community in these conflicts is not accidental but is itself a commentary on the structural problems related to dissidence in Romania. This article’s focus on specific individuals – Anton Sterbling, Paul Goma, Carl Gibson, Herta Müller – reveals differing interpretations of dissidence and opposition, a diverse social fabric of Romanian dissidence, and a long tail of psychological battles over the memory and the ownership of opposition to Romanian communism after 1989.
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Nash, Andrew. "Zen Communist: Breyten Breytenbach’s view from underground." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 2 (November 9, 2017): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i2.3412.
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In an interview after his release from prison, Breyten Breytenbach describes himself, at the time he became involved in underground politics, as a Zen Communist. He returns occasionally to this interaction of Marxist ideas of social revolution and Buddhist ideas of non-attachment, but never attempts to explain the resulting synthesis systematically. Indeed, for Breytenbach, being a Zen Communist is to resist systematic positions, to accept contradiction as a constant source of surprise and invention disruptive of all systematic thought. This paper examines how this interaction of Marxist and Buddhist ideas and practices has informed Breytenbach’s politics in three contexts: his initial exploration of a radical philosophy of history in his poetry (“Bruin reisbrief”, “Brown travel letter”); his role in the underground politics of Okhela in the 1970s; his reflections on politics and social change in his prison and prison-related writings. Key words: Zen communism, anti-apartheid movement, liberation, dialectic.
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LaFont, Suzanne. "One step forward, two steps back: women in the post-communist states." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(01)00006-x.
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The role and status of women in the post-communist countries has been and continues to be varied and full of contradictions. This article discusses the historical, social, economic, and political dynamics affecting the lives of women during the transition from communism to democracy. It argues that democracy, rather than diminishing gender discrimination, has widened the gender gap through declines in women's political representation and increases in women's unemployment and underemployment. Recently, however, the proliferation of women's organizations and the growth of women's studies programs suggests a more optimistic outlook for the future.
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Rončáková, Terézia. "Fortes in Fide—The Role of Faith in the Heroic Struggle against Communism." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 8, 2021): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100837.
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Repression and persecution by the totalitarian communist regimes have significantly affected the fates of Christian churches and believers in the countries of the “Eastern Bloc”. Many members of the clergy and laypersons were incarcerated, tortured and persecuted, several bishops suffered exemplary punishment in the propaganda-driven show trials and a few of them were later beatified or canonized across the world (by the Catholic Church). Focusing on the literature originating in Slovakia, this meta-report aimed to summarize the key authors’ essential works and to examine the question as to whether—and to what extent—faith was a contributing factor in the collapse of the communist regime. What was the role of the churches and believers in the struggle against communism? How and to what extent believers were involved in the resistance movements and the political and economic transformation of their countries that were set in motion by the collapse of those regimes? Based on an analysis of hundreds of books and articles on the subject, essential ideas were extracted, categorized and presented. The works of the persecuted authors were the subject of a detailed qualitative content analysis. Thus, four overarching dimensions (philosophical, intimate, personal and social/political) and fourteen categories related to the experience of faith were identified.
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Luyt, Brendan. "The early years of Philippine Studies, 1953 to 1966." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2019): 202–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000237.
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The academic journal has been a key element of the scholarly world for some time and as a key component of this world it deserves historical examination. But this has not often been forthcoming, especially for regions of the world outside the Anglo-American core. In this article I examine the content of the early years of Philippine Studies. Founded in 1953, it has survived and prospered up to the present day as a vehicle for scholarly studies of the Philippines. The content of the early years of Philippine Studies (1953–66) reflected a desire on the part of its editors and many of its authors and supporters to create a Philippine society based on the teachings of the Catholic Church, one that would be strong enough to create a middle path between communism and liberalism. Articles published during this period advocated social reform based on the teachings of the Catholic Church; these articles also aired warnings about the communist threat to the Philippines and the world. But alongside these materials were literary and historical studies that also, but in a more indirect fashion, supported the project of Catholic-inspired social reform.
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Swatos, William H., and Niels C. Nielsen. "Christianity after Communism: Social, Political, and Cultural Struggle in Russia." Sociology of Religion 57, no. 1 (1996): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712016.
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Maslovskaya, E. V., and M. V. Maslovskiy. "The soviet version of modernity and its historical legacy: New theoretical approaches." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-1-7-17.
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The article considers some approaches to the analysis of post-communist transformations in Russia and Central and Eastern Europe. In the studies of social-political changes in post-communist societies, there is a new turn towards the analysis of long-term historical processes and the cultural context of contemporary social transformations. The authors emphasize that the ‘new historicism’ in the studies of post-communist transformations follows the sociological theory of multiple modernities, although its importance is not always recognized by researchers. Its original version developed by Shmuel Eisenstadt in the 1990s was not free from certain limitations due to the concept of ‘cultural program’ that presupposes a high degree of path dependence; however, these limitations were overcome in the works of Johann Arnason and Peter Wagner. The studies of post-communist transformations are often based on the early versions of modernization theory which presupposed a smooth transition to the market economy and liberal democracy. However, this approach encountered difficulties under the reversal of economic and political liberalization. The multiple modernities theory overcomes the limitations of this approach, it is relevant for the analysis of transformation processes in contemporary Russia and other post-communist states. In the recent studies of the historical legacies of communism, they are not considered as a ‘cultural program’ determining the trajectory of social development. The article describes some contemporary conservative ideologies in Russia as an example of the Soviet historical legacy’s influence, and argues that various ‘ideological ecosystems’ present their own interpretations of modernity.
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Just, Daniel. "Art and everydayness: Popular culture and daily life in the communist Czechoslovakia." European Journal of Cultural Studies 15, no. 6 (November 30, 2012): 703–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549412450637.
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This article analyzes the interaction between art and practices of everyday life in communist Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s. Discussing various forms of adaptations to the politically repressive system – from photography and film to social activities such as ‘cottage homemaking’ and ‘cabining’ – the author describes ways in which popular culture under communism resisted the state-induced drive to modernize which, as a political tool, was designed to pacify the masses. The article suggests that by breaching the gap between the quotidian and the extraordinary, which as a systemic division has defined daily life in modernity, popular culture was instrumental in reinvigorating everydayness.
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Poulos, Margarite. "Beyond the Ballot box: Rethinking Greek Communism Between the Wars." European History Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 2022): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211066800.
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The assimilation of more than one million Anatolian Greek refugees into the social, economic and political life of Greece following its defeat in the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922) accounts for much of the conflict that defined the period of the Second Hellenic Republic (1924–1935). The impact of the refugees on the traditional balance of mass politics at the electoral level, is well documented; their contribution to the electoral gains of the Greek Communist Party (KKE) in the 1930s gave legitimacy to the communist threat and ultimately served as a pretext for the suppression of competitive politics and the end of republican governance. The nature and extent of refugee identification with communism is not well understood in the historiography, however, and remains largely based on the male refugee vote, even though the adult male refugee population accounted for a minority of the refugee population. The census of 1928 reported an ‘abnormally high’ number of widows and girls, especially among the refugees of Asia Minor, as all the males of military age (18–50) had been retained by the Turks as hostages during the evacuation of Smyrna in 1922, and many of them had perished before their release. This paper begins an overdue examination of generational radicalization outside the ballot box, among the ranks of refugee youth, and young women in particular, the group regarded by contemporaries as most vulnerable to the excesses of liberal cosmopolitanism in the new ‘motherland’.
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Bucur, Maria. "Women and state socialism: failed promises and radical changes revisited." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 5 (September 2016): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1169263.
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Imagine all history written as if all people, even women, mattered. Until a couple of decades ago, that was at most an aspiration for those of us working on East European history. Since then, however, and especially with the fall of Communism, feminist scholars have made significant inroads toward achieving this goal. This review essay reflects on the contributions made by five such studies that focus on different aspects of women's lives under state socialism in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Poland, and Romania. In one way or another, each author asks similar questions about the relationship between the Communist ideological emphasis on gender equality as a core moral value, on the one hand, and the policies and actions of these regimes with regard to women, on the other hand. Moreover, all studies focus on how women themselves participated in articulating, reacting to, and in some cases successfully challenging these policies. In short, they present us with excellent examples of how pertinent gender analysis is for understanding the most essential aspects of the history of Communism in Eastern Europe: how this authoritarian regime transformed individual identity and social relations.
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Bossak-Herbst, Barbara, and Małgorzata Głowacka-Grajper. "‘An oasis of freedom’ in communist Poland: The horse racetrack in Warsaw in the memory of its regular visitors." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (July 26, 2018): 1200–1218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018790100.
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In this article the memory narrations of regular visitors to the Służewiec Racetrack in Warsaw are analysed. This, the only one long-term operating horse racetrack in communist Poland, was an enclave within public space, called by racegoers, who are predominantly elderly men, an ‘oasis of freedom’ – distant from the everyday reality and the rules of the official socialist ideology. The intricacies of the memory of regular racegoers are considered in reference to a broader discussion on the phenomenon of ‘post-communist nostalgia’. The nostalgic narrations are not only connected with communism but also with the imaginations of inter-war period’s horseracing. The authors show that contemporary interpretations of the horseracing world in communist Poland in terms of a ‘paradise lost’ expresses not positive assessing of the past but rather the criticism of post-communist times, when Polish horseracing has impoverished. Although the betting pools are now low, the ritualized gambling, practiced within the space of the Warsaw racetrack, seems to restore among the regular racegoers a sense of being in contact with that past better world.
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Tion, Lucian. "The Socialist Leader in Film: Sergiu Nicolaescu’s Hot Days in Romania and Post-Maoist China." Comparative Literature Studies 59, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.59.3.0468.
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ABSTRACT This article comparatively explores the reception of Sergiu Nicolaescu’s film Zile fierbinți (Hot Days, 1975) in socialist and postsocialist Romania and China. Received as a propagandistic film in one postsocialist context, the film is understood as a gesture toward social change in another. While the film began to be considered a paragon of propagandistic indoctrination in Romania after the fall of communism, in China Nicolaescu’s work was and continues to be interpreted as a celebration of the individual under socialism and, at the time of its screening, resonated with the restructuring of the communist system during the Deng Xiaoping reform era. Drawing on 1970s Romanian film criticism, the author shows that the postsocialist-era reading of the film’s protagonist as an authoritarian symbol of Romania’s political dictatorship misses that socialist realism and the film de actualitate genres played an important role in negotiating a working-class response to the one-party state, while also gesturing toward certain reforms of Romanian state socialism. The author also reinterprets the figure of the film’s protagonist, the socialist leader, as an invitation for more active political engagement and as a symbol of the potential restructuring of the Romanian economy along the more progressive lines of Yugoslavia’s “worker self-management” and Hungary’s “Gulash Communism.”
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SERNELJ, Téa. "Modern Confucian Objection against Communism in China." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.99-113.
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The article investigates the political views of one of the most prominent representatives of the so-called second generation of Modern Confucianism, Xu Fuguan. It reveals his unique position within this intellectual movement. Even though all other adherents of Modern Confucianism were focused upon metaphysics and ontology rather than political theory, Xu believed that these lines of thought could not contribute enough to solving the various urgent social and political problems of modern China. In this regard, the present article focuses upon a critical analysis of Xu’s critique of the Chinese Communist Party. The author presents and evaluates his critique mainly with regard to his search for a resolution of the problematic and chaotic political and social situation of China during the first half of the 20th century. In conclusion, the author provides a critical evaluation of Xu’s social democratic thought and particularly of his attitude towards the Chinese Communist Party.
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Apor, Péter. "The Joy of Everyday Life: Microhistory and the History of Everyday Life in the Socialist Dictatorships." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102009.
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In the last two decades, historians have faced difficult methodological challenges in exploring former party archives in East Central Europe and in reconstructing the political history of communist regimes. A remarkable answer to this challenge has been provided by a new generation of historians who turned their attention to the social history of socialist dictatorships in East Central Europe, and took a peculiar interest in the “small,” the “mundane” and the “insignificant” of everyday life under communism. Their laborious research has focused not on high politics, but on local communities. Their works deconstructed the life-styles, living conditions, fashion and dressing, leisure, tourism and consumption, sexual habits and childcare of ordinary people. The current study provides a historiographic overview of the major thematic and methodological orientations of the history of the everyday life in socialist dictatorships. It focuses on two distinct but overlapping directions of research: the analysis of the daily habitual organization of communist societies; and the communist authorities’ attempt at a micro-politics of everyday life. The study argues that, while the new social history of the socialist dictatorships has greatly added to our understanding of significant aspects of the social and political structure of these countries, it has also constructed a representation of everyday life as essentially impertinent to power. In doing so, it ignored the capacity of habitual social and cultural behavior in producing techniques of control and discipline.
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Tikhonov, Vladimir. "Sin Ŏnjun (1904–1938) and Lu Xun's Image in Korea: Colonial Korea's Nationalist Transnationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 1 (February 2019): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818002577.
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Throughout the Japanese colonial period, Korea's reading public paid close attention to Chinese revolutions against Japanese and Western empires. Korean nationalists viewed China's revolutionary struggles as important for liberating Korea from Japan, a stance that reveals a transnational basis of Korean nationalism in the colonial era. One such nationalist was Sin Ŏnjun (1904–38),Tong'a Ilbo’s Shanghai-based correspondent, who played a critical role in conveying the momentous events in contemporary China to colonized Koreans. Drawing on Sin's example, this article shows how Sino-Korean transnationalism constituted Korea's left-wing, progressive nationalism in the 1930s. Although Sin Ŏnjun was a nationalist rather than a communist, he highlighted the communist struggles in China in his dispatches. He saw communism as the only viable way of solving China's internal and external problems, although he, at the same time, disapproved of Chinese communists’ “terrorist methods.” This article argues that this position also reflected his stance in favor of a broad communist-nationalist alliance in the Korean independence movement. He saw Korea's liberation agenda as closely related to the revolutionary events in China, thus accomplishing a synthesis between Korean nationalistic and social aspirations and an East Asia–wide transnational paradigm of a universal emancipatory struggle.
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Djohar, Hasnul Insani. "Ideology, Humanity, and Freedom in Ha Jin’s Waiting." Insaniyat: Journal of Islam and Humanities 5, no. 1 (November 28, 2020): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/insaniyat.v5i1.17304.
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This paper examines how Ha Jin’s Waiting challenges the Maoist communist regime by depicting the protagonist, Lin, as struggling to fight for his rights to live freely. The Maoist regime successfully establishes “normalizing power” in a society to lead the protagonist to believe that the goal of his life is mainly for working hard for the military institution and the regime, instead of establishing his freedom. As a result, Lin loses his senses of humans, such as love and empathy, and lives with selfishness and ignorance as to the way the Maoist discourse teaches him through Mao’s red book. By engaging with cultural studies, this paper investigates how Jin’s Waiting challenges Maoist ideology by both celebrating and critiquing the idea of capitalism, which likely perpetuates communism. Thus, this paper discovers how Ha Jin’s novel challenges communist ideologies and totalitarian rules by illuminating social disorder and loses of sense of humanity. Indeed, individuals live under oppression and they are like a prisoner who is suffering from being judged and punished by totalitarian regimes and dominant society. Hence, the significance of this research is to help to reduce any forms of oppression experienced by many ethnic-Americans who have suffered from the totalitarian rulers that have ruled society, especially in the era of communism, colonialism, and global capital transnationalism.
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Gabdulhakov, Rashid. "Citizen-Led Justice in Post-Communist Russia: From Comrades’ Courts to Dotcomrade Vigilantism." Surveillance & Society 16, no. 3 (October 12, 2018): 314–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v16i3.6952.
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This paper aims to provide a theoretical conceptualization of digital vigilantism in its manifestation in the Russian Federation where cases do not emerge spontaneously, but are institutionalized, highly organized, and systematic. Given the significant historical context of collective justice under Communism, the current manifestation of digital vigilantism in Russia raises questions about whether it is an example of re-packaged history backed with collective memory or a natural outspread of conventional practices to social networks. This paper reviews historical practices of citizen-led justice in the Soviet state and compares these practices with digital vigilantism that takes place in contemporary post-Communist Russia. The paper argues that despite new affordances that digital media and social networks brought about in the sphere of citizen-led justice, the role of the state in manifesting this justice in the Russian Federation remains significant. At the same time, with technological advances, certain key features of these practices, such as participants, their motives, capacity, targets, and audience engagement have undergone a significant evolution.
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Scribner, Campbell F. "“Make Your Voice Heard”: Communism in the High School Curriculum, 1958–1968." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00403.x.
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The launch of Sputnik in 1957 sparked a crisis in American education. Suddenly threatened by superior Soviet technology, progressive educators' concern for children's preferences, health, and adjustment in school yielded to public demands for more basic learning and academic skills. Congress soon passed the National Defense Education Act, providing millions of dollars for math, science, and foreign language instruction. By the early 1960s, educators and academics began to reexamine other aspects of the curriculum as well. Their efforts prompted two changes in the social studies: one was a shift from worksheets and memorization to the investigative approach of the “new social studies,” the other a requirement that schools teach about the specter of international Communism. Much has been written about the first of these reforms, surprisingly little about the second. Yet, insofar as the new social studies grew out of Cold War imperatives, instruction about Communism provides an interesting perspective on its tenure in American schools. In fact, a closer examination of the relationship between the two might force us to reconsider current assumptions about the nature of curriculum reform during the period.
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Kurniawan, Iwan Jaconiah. "Intercultural Interaction: Indonesia and Soviet Society in the Sphere of Art Paintings in the Second Half of the XXth Century." Contemporary problems of social work 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2412-5466-2020-6-2-65-71.
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the paper studies the problem of defining an intercultural interaction. The authors analyzed scientific works to identify and classify the Indonesian social realism art painting. In the second half of the XXth century, Indonesian artists had a close relationship with the Soviet Society in the sphere of fine art. The true influence can be found in the social-realism art movement between 1950–1965s in Indonesia during the first President Soekarno era. But the social-realism art movement was no longer because of the horizontal political conflict on September 30, 1965 as well-known as revolution. During the President Soeharto regime (1965–1999), all social realism fine art was destroyed. Socialist and communist ideology was banned in Indonesia. That’s why they represented socialism and communism style not growing freely until now. However, some paintings can be saved abroad by Russian scientists and art collectors. Since 2016, more than 30 Indonesian social-realism paintings were conserved, served, and shown into a historical exhibition in the State Museum of Moscow Oriental Art. These paintings became important in Indonesian social realism art history
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Michalski, Tomasz. "Diversity in the standard of living among populations in European post-comunist countries." Environmental & Socio-economic Studies 3, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/environ-2015-0069.
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Abstract The aim of this study was to present the general situation of populations of European post-communist countries 25 years after the collapse of communism in Europe. The study consists of two parts. The first one briefly discusses the processes that led to a significant diversification in the social, economic and political situations of the populations of the studied countries. In the second part the diversity of this situation is shown (using: the Legatum Prosperity Index, the Social Progress Index, and the Human Development Index). It was found that the best situations exist in the countries which quickly and effectively implemented reforms, and whether they were independent states, or parts of larger states, under communism is of secondary importance. It is symptomatic that these are countries situated in the north-western part of the area under consideration, which corresponds to the current situation in the EU-15, where the countries located in the south (the so-called PIGS) have poor economic and partly social situations than those in the north. Furthermore, it was found that the situation with the population of Russia is worse than in many countries which were previously under the occupation of the USSR or were dependent on the authorities in Moscow.
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Djagalov, Rossen. "Racism, the Highest Stage of Anti-Communism." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 290–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.83.
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There are many and different types of racism in contemporary Russia: institutional racism, far-right racism, everyday (bytovoi) racism, and a fourth kind to which this essay will be devoted, the racism of the liberal intelligentsia. Russian liberal media's reaction to the BLM protests of 2020 has offered abundant material for the study of its social base, main tropes, and underlying logic. This article attempts to historicize it, locating its origins in the anti-Soviet pro-western dissidence of the stagnation era and illustrating its workings through some statements made by Joseph Brodsky and his milieu. Furthermore, the article identifies the intersection of two main ideas from which this racism emerges. In the first place, this is Cold-War rejection of real or perceived Soviet alliances with newly decolonized countries of Africa and Asia or with African Americans during the Civil Rights era. In the second place, this is dissident civilizational hierarchies that placed the west at the top and saw the east or the south as a backward space best avoided.
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Waston, Erham Budi Wiranto, Mudzakir Ali, Noor Achmad, Deddy Ramdhani, Muthoifin, and Andri Nirwana AN. "Islamophobia and Communism: Perpetual Prejudice in Contemporary Indonesia." Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 18, no. 2 (February 27, 2024): e04875. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v18n2-075.
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Purpose: This study aims to explain the relationship between Islamophobia and the issue of Communism in Indonesia today. Methods: This research is a type of Data collecting was carried out on the mass media and social media and a literature review to discover this; then, the analysis was carried out using a philosophical approach. Results and Conclusion: This study found that the government policies that were seen opposing Islamism aspirations were considered a form of Islamophobia. The tendency of Islamophobia is resulted from the government and the winning party's closeness to China, especially the Chinese Communist Party, which results in the chaos of the law and efforts to reduce the ideology of the Pancasila (Five Principles). This condition presents a classic contestation between Islamism and Communism in the socio-political realm of contemporary Indonesia. In the contestation, Islamophobia continued in the form of negative imagery of Islam, Arabic, and Islamic politics. The response of Islamic groups to this condition is the strengthening of Islamism under the pretext of defending the state ideology. Research implications: The Development of Islamophobia: This research can provide insight into how Islamophobia develops and is maintained in the Indonesian context, which can provide a better understanding of its root causes and potential consequences in society. Impact on Interreligious and Interthought Relations: The implications of this research may go beyond political issues and touch aspects of interreligious and interthought relations in Indonesia. This can strengthen or weaken social relations between different groups. Public Policy: This study can provide a basis for the development of better public policy in addressing issues related to Islamophobia and society's understanding of communism. Policies created based on this research can be aimed at promoting tolerance and social justice. Further Research: This research may spark interest in further research on the same or related topics. Follow-up studies could dig deeper into the specific aspects revealed in this research or broaden the scope to understand a broader phenomenon. Global Influence: The implications of this research are not only limited to Indonesia, but can also provide valuable insight into how the phenomenon of Islamophobia and the stigma against communism is developing at the global level. This can help in understanding the impact of globalization and interconnectivity in spreading ideologies and perceptions. Originality/value: Insights into Political Dynamics: Through its examination of the perpetuation of prejudice, the research offers valuable insights into the political dynamics of contemporary Indonesia. By uncovering how certain narratives and ideologies are utilized and perpetuated for political purposes, the study provides a critical perspective on power dynamics and manipulation within the Indonesian contex
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Zakharova, Larissa. "Everyday Life Under Communism: Practices and Objects." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 02 (June 2013): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000212.
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Why should we consider the everyday life of ordinary citizens in their countless struggles to obtain basic consumer goods if the priorities of their leaders lay elsewhere? For years, specialists of the Soviet Union and the people's democracies neglected the history of everyday life and, like the so-called “totalitarian” school, focused on political history, seeking to grasp how power was wielded over a society that was considered immobile and subject to the state's authority. Furthermore, studies on the eastern part of Europe were dominated by political scientists who were interested in the geopolitics of the Cold War. The way the field was structured meant that little attention was paid to sociological and anthropological perspectives that sought to understand social interaction.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Legacies of the Cold War in Malaysia: Anything but Communism." Journal of Contemporary Asia 50, no. 4 (January 20, 2020): 511–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2019.1709128.
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Gigauri, Iza. "The Landscape of Social Entrepreneurship Opportunities in Georgia." International Journal of Sustainable Entrepreneurship and Corporate Social Responsibility 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsecsr.304897.
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After the breakdown of Soviet Communism, Georgia like other soviet republics has been transforming from administrative command economies to market economies. This transformation has caused changes in economic, social, and political domains offering new market opportunities in entrepreneurship.Yet, social entrepreneurship is still an undeveloped area. The concept aims at solving social problems and facilitates the effective implementation of Sustainable Development Goals.Through innovation and business operations social entrepreneurs contribute to the economy while addressing social issues. The paper offers a comprehensive overview of the current state of social entrepreneurship in Georgia, examines social entrepreneurship practices, analyzes the activities of social enterprises, and discusses their missions. Overall, 63 social enterprises were studied. The presented article contributes to the broad investigation of social entrepreneurship in post-soviet Georgia and paves the way for further empirical studies of the challenges and opportunities from social entrepreneurs’ perspectives.
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Andriani, Beky Frisca. "PERANAN HAJI MISBACH DALAM PERGERAKAN ISLAM KOMUNISME DI SURAKARTA PADA TAHUN 1914-1926." KARMAWIBANGGA: Historical Studies Journal 2, no. 2 (January 4, 2021): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31316/fkip.v2i2.1093.
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This study aims to: (1) describe the biography of Haji Misbach; (2) describe Haji Misbach's thoughts about the Islamic communism movement; (3) to describe the role of Haji Misbach in the Islamic communism movement in Surakarta in 1914- 1926. The research method used in this research is a historical method written descriptively-analytically. By using historical, political, social and religious approaches. The first stage is heuristics. Second, verification. Third, interpretation. Fourth, historiography, with the nature of research, literature or literature studies. The results of this study indicate that: (1) Haji Misbach was born with the name Ahmad, in Kauman, Surakarta, in 1876. He grew up in a family of batik traders. He is better known as Haji Misbach; (2) Haji Misbach wanted to juxtapose the teachings of communism and Islam. In his thought, Haji Misbach called on Muslims to fight and jihad against the capitalists and Dutch colonialism. On the one hand, Communism is a means of struggle against capitalism; (3) The role of Haji Misbach in the Islamic communism movement occurred during 1914 to 1926. He fought a lot by joining in several organizations and was active in establishing, leading, and managing a newspaper which he used as a media to carry out propaganda fighting for people's freedom from shackles. Capitalism wrapped in colonialism.
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Sakwa, Richard. "Russian Studies: The Fractured Mirror." Politics 16, no. 3 (September 1996): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00037.x.
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Accused of having failed to predict the fall of communism, Russian studies after 1991 has struggled to redefine its identity and to adapt to the challenge of a more open field. Do the skills honed to understand an essentially closed system remain relevant for the study of a dynamically changing society committed to international political and economic integration? Do area studies have a future or should Soviet and post-Soviet analysis become part of comparative politics and transition studies? Is there something unique about Russian studies, and if so, what language can we use to describe this essential ‘difference’? Russian studies has now been ‘normalised’, integrated into the mainstream social science disciplines, but there remains the danger that this might be at the price of losing some sensitivity to factors that make Russia ‘Russia’.
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Heale, M. J. "Red Scare Politics: California's Campaign Against Un-American Activities, 1940–1970." Journal of American Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1986): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800016315.
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The explanations for the red scare of the Cold War years have often been concerned with the direction taken by anti-Communist pressures. These have sometimes been represented as welling up from below, perhaps in the form of grassroots anxieties and resentments directed at well-to-do liberals and intellectuals, or as Catholic and immigrant enmity towards the Soviet Union. Such populistic currents may be portrayed as disturbing the normal routines of American politics. More often in recent years anti-Communist sentiments have been presented as elite-inspired influences working their way down in the polity, such as the anti-Soviet rhetoric and policies of the Truman administration, or the partisan opportunism of Republican politicians. The American political process itself may then be held to account. There have been a few attempts to test these interpretations by studies at state level, although it is not self-evident that such studies will favour either of these explanations. Indeed, the more detailed the study the more it is likely to acknowledge the complexity of American anti-communism. The evidence of California suggests that the second great red scare arose out of the convergence of pressures both from aboveandfrom below, in a process involving at least three different political dimensions.
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LaPorte, Jody, and Danielle N. Lussier. "What Is the Leninist Legacy? Assessing Twenty Years of Scholarship." Slavic Review 70, no. 3 (2011): 637–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.3.0637.
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In this review essay, Jody LaPorte and Danielle N. Lussier examine the “legacies” paradigm dominating postcommunist scholarship in the social sciences. The legacies paradigm has produced a growing list of factors that qualify as historical antecedents to contemporary outcomes without establishing a set of shared standards to guide comparative analysis. Scholars have paid less attention to developing a conceptual definition of legacy, thereby limiting our ability to evaluate the importance of historical factors versus more proximate causes. This critique presents a thoughtful analysis of the communist legacy, develops a typology that can be used to categorize legacy variables for meaningful comparison, and brings the concept into discussion with the broader literature on historical institutions and path dependency. By suggesting tools to aid comparative study, LaPorte and Lussier’s goal is to stimulate both conceptual and empirical analysis in evaluating the effect of communism on contemporary outcomes.
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Akaliyski, Plamen, and Christian Welzel. "Clashing Values: Supranational Identities, Geopolitical Rivalry and Europe’s Growing Cultural Divide." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 51, no. 9 (September 15, 2020): 740–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022120956716.
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Soon after the collapse of Soviet-type communism in Central and Eastern Europe, a new geopolitical division began to reshape the continent. Our study demonstrates that this newly emerging geopolitical divide has been underpinned by a corresponding cultural divergence, of which “emancipative values” are the most powerful marker. Using the European Values Study/World Values Survey 1990 to 2014, we find that the former Iron Curtain no longer constitutes a cultural boundary because the ex-communist states that joined the European Union have been converging with the West’s strong emphasis on emancipative values. Instead, a new and steeply growing cultural gap has emerged between the European Union and its Eastern neighbors. The two competing geopolitical formations in the West and East—the European and Eurasian Unions, respectively—have diverged culturally in recent decades. The divergence goes back to contrasting supranational identities that originate in different religious traditions, which rulers have increasingly accentuated to strengthen their nations’ endorsement or dismissal of emancipative values. Through this sorting-out process, emancipative values became an increasingly significant marker of a Western-vs-Eastern cultural identity. Our study is the first to link this groundbreaking cultural transformation to civilizational identities and geopolitical rivalry.
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Tileagă, Cristian. "Communism and the Meaning of Social Memory: Towards a Critical-Interpretive Approach." Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science 46, no. 4 (June 22, 2012): 475–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12124-012-9207-x.
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Featherstone, Mark. "Žižek's Pandemic." Cultural Politics 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 124–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-8797613.
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Abstract In the first part of this article on Žižek's recent book Pandemic! I show how he develops a political theology of the spirit through a discussion of social distancing. In this argument Žižek connects the idea of physical distance to the biblical story of the resurrection, in which Jesus says to Mary Magdalene “noli me tangere” (“touch me not”), in order to imagine the emergence of a community of spirit from the social, political, and economic ruin caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Contrasting this community of spirit to the Chinese Communist Party's Foucauldian response to the outbreak of the virus, Žižek suggests a turn away from Prometheanism and the logic of domination toward a new posthuman humanitarianism based on a recognition of human weakness, vulnerability, and fragility. In Žižek's view, this turn toward a new form of humility would emerge from the final disenchantment of the spirit of capitalism and a recognition of the difference between human work, which contributes to a meaningful world, and bestial labor that dehumanizes and means nothing. Thus, the article shows how Žižek thinks about the pandemic in terms of a crisis of late capitalism and the possibility of a new spirit of communism. While the presexual nonlife of the virus is comparable to the drive of capitalism in respect of its unthinking will to replication and reproduction, Žižek founds the basis of humanity in our (human) mortality and being toward death that open out onto a new horizon of releasement (Gelassenheit) beyond biotechnoeconomic nihilism. The conclusion of the article, therefore, shows how Žižek imagines that the pandemic presents humanity with an existential choice about the way we organize social life. This choice is between the biopolitical domination of Chinese authoritarianism that seeks to control every aspect of life, American disaster capitalism that accepts the brutality of the state of nature, and finally Žižek's utopian spirit of communism based on a recognition of human and planetary finitude.
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Kuniński, Miłowit. "Ideowe zmagania Stefana Kisielewskiego z polskim komunizmem." Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 8, `1 (June 1, 2018): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20841043.8.1.1.
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Stefan Kisielewski’s intellectual struggle with Polish communism: Stefan Kisielewski (1911–1991) a Polish novelist, composer, music critic, essayist, feature writer and a politician, was an exceptional personage in post‑World War II Poland. In his features, published in Tygodnik Powszechny since 1945, in a light, ironic and allusive way to prevent censorship, he described the Polish reality that his readers were acquainted with, in a way that revealed the real causes of the phenomena he observed. The truth was simple: the communist reality was the result of politico‑economic system that was imposed based on a Marxist theory of economy. Kisielewski’s criticism of communism was not just a matter of a keen observation and sensible conclusions; it was based on his studies of Marxism that he began before World War II. In turn, in Wilhelm Röpke’s Die Gesellschaftskrisis der Gegenwart (1942), he found an accurate characterisation of the socialist economy and an explanation for its non‑functioning. The second important reason for his criticism of communism was Kisielewski’s Catholicism, which operated as a counter‑balance to Marxism, combined with the idea of a liberal‑democratic regime. In his later years, Kisielewski criticised the social teachings of the Catholic Church, and suggested a new idea that they were based on “the theology of profit” (a prefiguration of the encyclical Centesimus Annus) as an ideological justification of the attitudes necessary for the functioning of the market economy in Poland. He even suggested the implementation of a dictatorship to avoid long parliamentary democratic procedures, and in this way to establish a quick and effective market economy on the ruins of socialism.
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Wood, Tony. "Another Country: Cuban Communism and Black Self-Determination, 1932–1936." Hispanic American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 643–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-10025434.
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Abstract Between 1932 and 1935, the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) argued that the majority-Black population of Oriente, the island's easternmost province, should be granted the right to national self-determination. While this policy has often been dismissed as a passing aberration, I argue that Black self-determination in fact left a lasting imprint both on the PCC and on the country's political landscape. I draw on research in Cuban and Russian archives to show that, far from being imposed on local Communists by the Comintern, the policy was most clearly formulated by Cubans, including leading members of African descent. I further show that it served as the focal point for the development of the PCC's antiracist stance, which by the end of the decade had made it a leading proponent of equality. Self-determination was integral to that transformation, which reshaped the party's composition and social basis for years to come.
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Voskresenski, Valentin. "Monumental Memorialization of Political Violence in Bulgaria (1944 – 1989): beyond Traumatization, Contestation and Dangerization of Memory." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.3.
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The article examines monumental memorialization of political violence in the period of communism in Bulgaria. The text reviews contemporary research presenting the topic of transitional justice, formation of victim’s identities and as part of post-communist cultural memory. A research is made of three theoretical approaches to understanding monumental memorialization – through traumatization, contestation or dangerization of memory and the social functions and meanings stemming from them. The analytical part represents a case study from Bulgaria, using ample empirical material – interviews, archive materials and other sources, part of a larger research by the author. Comparative analysis is used for description of national idiosyncrasies which is used as a basis to present their variants, temporal and spatial aspects. Social functions, political uses, interpretations, their use for reconstruction of national past and formation of national identity. A separate part of the text examines the initiators of these memorial signs – social actors, nongovernmental organizations and political parties, on which the degree of institutionalization and politization of this memory depends, as well as their use for far right radicalization. The text tracks the change of memorial landscapes and the major spatial trajectories (logics) of this post-communist topography of terror, as well as the symbolism embodied in it, combining political, traditional and religious meanings.
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Zrinščak, Siniša. "Religion and politics: challenges to the social scientific study of religion." Religion and society in Central and Eastern Europe 15, no. 1 (December 29, 2022): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20413/rascee.2022.15.1.5-19.
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Based on a literature review, this paper addresses how political science and sociology incorporate religion in their theories and research. A particular focus is placed on how both sciences theorise the relationship between religion and politics. The paper argues that political science and sociology struggle with incorporating religion into their main theories, which reflect different views on religion’s importance and its overall role in contemporary societies. Some key concepts, such as ‘politicisation’ and ‘religionisation’, are also discussed. A brief overview of the scholarship of religion in Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of communism is used as an example of how the radically changed social and political context was reflected in the scholarship. The paper’s final section summarises current debates on religion, populism and culture in political science and sociology. It shows how a new way of communicating political messages produces complex and contradictory references to religion. While this is captured in the literature by interpreting religion as a cultural identity marker, the argument is that this should not be dissociated from the role of secular actors in imposing cultural features on some religions or political features on others.
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Rose, Richard, and William Mishler. "Testing the Churchill Hypothesis: Popular Support for Democracy and its Alternatives." Journal of Public Policy 16, no. 1 (January 1996): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007856.
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ABSTRACTWhereas many studies of democratization evaluate it in idealist terms, Winston Churchill offered a relativist criterion, democracy being a lesser evil compared to other types of regime. Since everyone in a post-Communist society has lived in at least two different regimes, the New Democracies Barometer survey of post-Communist countries can ask people to evaluate five alternative regimes: a return to Communist rule, the army taking over, monarchy, rule by a strong leader, and decision making by economic experts. Factor analysis shows endorsement of three alternatives—the return to Communism, army rule, and personal dictatorship—form an authoritarianism scale. It also shows support for authoritarian rule is confined to a minority. Five hypotheses are tested to see what accounts for this. The political legacy of the past is more important than current government performance, economic attitudes, social structure differences, and national culture and traditions. Endorsement of economic technocrats making decisions is not related to authoritarianism; it reflects some national differences. Given the importance of experiencing both democratic and undemocratic regimes, the Churchill hypothesis does not apply in a country that has not yet attempted to introduce democratic institutions.
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Vassilev, Kiril. "Bulgarian Culture after 1989." Southeastern Europe 44, no. 2 (July 20, 2020): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-04402008.
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This article deals with the changes in Bulgarian culture after the fall of the Communist regime in Bulgaria in 1989. The first sections sketch the state of the Bulgarian culture and society during the later years of the communism. They describe the change in official ideology, i.e. the return to nationalism. The controversial role of the Communist regime in the modernization process of society is analyzed, with its simultaneous modernization and counter-modernization heritage. Then we shift to the changes in society and culture that have taken place since the fall of the regime. Attention is focused on the new mass culture, the embodiment of the value crisis in which the post-Communist Bulgarian society is located. The radical transformations in the field of the so-called ‘high’ culture are examined, especially the financial difficulties and the overall change in the social status of arts and culture. The basic trauma of the Bulgarian culture embodied in the constantly returning feeling of being a cultural by-product of the West is brought out. The article concludes that Bulgarian post-Communist culture has failed to create a more complex and flexible image of the “Bulgarian” that can use the energies of globalization without feeling threatened by disintegration.
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Jahangirli, Jahangir, and Jahandar Jabarov. "The Historical Evolution of Russophilia in Europe: a Study of the Development and Transformation of Positive Attitudes Towards Russia." Eminak, no. 3(43) (November 10, 2023): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.3(43).661.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the historical trajectory, spread, and evolution of russophilia, a sociological phenomenon that exists in contemporary Europe. The article conducts a comprehensive analysis of the developmental process of russophilia in Europe, tracing its origins from the early stages of primitive sympathy towards the Russian state during the Middle Ages to its subsequent conscious ideological-cultural and political-economic manifestations in the 20th century. Furthermore, the article examines the contemporary projection of russophilia, which reached its pinnacle in the aforementioned region during the 20th century, while also exploring the factors contributing to the current decline of russophilia.
The article introduces a significant scientific contribution by being the pioneering study to comprehensively explore the historical evolution of russophilia in Europe. Previous research on russophilia has been limited in scope, with only a few articles addressing the topic in a fragmented manner. Prior to this article, there has been a lack of comprehensive studies examining the overall development of russophilia in Europe. Therefore, this article stands as the first comprehensive endeavor in this field of research, filling a notable gap in the existing literature.
Conclusions. The results of the study shed light on the origins and development of russophilia in Europe, examining both Western and Eastern regions. Key factors contributing to russophilia include the influence of communism, particularly the USSR, as well as cultural expansion. Effective propaganda campaigns and the establishment of economic and social connections play crucial roles in fostering admiration for another culture. Ethnic kinship alone is insufficient to foster deep affinity without widespread and systematic propaganda integrated into state policy. Nostalgia for communism, fuelled by shared experiences and the positive aspects of former communist systems, also contributes to russophilia. Countries such as East Germany, Poland, and Serbia etc., which underwent communist rule, exhibit heightened russophilia. The common fate shared by these nations, including the same political ideology, communist culture, and perceived defeat by the capitalist USA, further strengthens russophilia sentiments among communist nostalgics.
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Kowalska, ioletta Małgorzata. "IS POLICY OF MEMORY POSSIBLE AND HOW?" CREATIVITY STUDIES 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2008): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.15-21.
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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the concept and possibility of the democratic policy of collective memory in national and trans‐national, or European, contexts. The presupposition of the paper is that memory, while largely unintentional, is also intentional and even partially constructed and, as such, always subjected to influences, even manipulations, i.e. to different policies. Memory is no doubt a “political question” and every policy deals with it, trying to shape social memory according to some political and ideological objectives. In particular, communism implied a very strong policy of memory aiming at destroying many sorts and layers of memory in favour of another. After the fall of communism there have also been many attempts at reshaping collective memory. These recent attempts have been certainly much more democratic than the communist manipulations but far from being based on the democratic principle of equality of different perspectives and discussion. The attempt was rather, namely in Poland, to replace, once again, one kind of “official” memory by another. The really democratic policy of collective memory should imply, on the contrary, a free confrontation of different and sometimes opposing memories in the open public sphere where no “symbolic violence” has place and where all participants not only treat each other as equals but are also ready to modify the meaning of their particular memory and look for mutual comprehension, if not for agreement. The question is whether such democratic policy can ever be more than a moral postulation.
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Teșculă, Dan. "Nostalgia after the communist regime in Romania." Journal of Education Culture and Society 6, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20152.53.68.
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The present paper focuses on the nostalgia after the communist regime in Romania. This small study is a general overview of the progress I have made during the period between march and august on my PhD thesis regarding the nostalgia after the communist regime in Romania. The research methodology used is somewhat new in the field of conteporary history research. The quasi-experimental study was used in order to see if there are significant differences in the way the well-defined social categories perceive the feeling of nostalgia after communism. The period we spanned in this study is the so-called Ceaușescu epoch for wich we have had the most material to work with. From a historiographycal stand-point, the subject is very new, up until now the studies that have appeared during the past years, take the form of articles published in scientific reviews. More studies will eventually show up in the years to come. During this study we have identified small differences between the groups, that posess almost no relevance to our hypothesis. Theoretically educated people know how to present their memories which later have served as an explanation as to why they are not nostalgic. Surprisingly the working class has almost the same perception as the educated people (the intellectuals).