Journal articles on the topic 'Communism and architecture – Soviet Union'
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Kelleher, Michael. "Bulgaria's Communist-Era Landscape." Public Historian 31, no. 3 (2009): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.39.
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Abstract This essay discusses the various architectural and design elements that helped define the communist-era landscape of Bulgaria. The conclusions presented here are based on observations made by the author while living in Bulgaria and research into the literature on communist architecture and design in the East Bloc. Bulgaria was the member of the East Bloc that most closely followed the architectural and design model established by the Soviet Union and exported to its satellite states following the Second World War. This didactic model was intended to present a certain image of communism and its achievements. Despite physical changes that came with the end of communism in Bulgaria, the country has retained a significant communist-era landscape. Bulgaria, therefore, presents an opportunity to examine many of the architectural and design elements typical of the East Bloc, both how the communists intended them to be interpreted and how these buildings and monuments made the transition to the postcommunist era.
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Grajewski, Kacper. "Podróże Jarosława Iwaszkiewicza w kontekście etnokulturowym (dyskurs polsko-rosyjski). Na materiale „Dzienników” pisarza." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 53, no. 4 (December 23, 2021): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.650.
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Travels were an important part of Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz’s life. One of the destinations he chose was the Soviet Union. These trips were usually of an official character, and less often – private. The writer meticulously noted down his impressions in his private Dzienniki [Diaries], and sometimes shared them with the Polish reader in columns and newspaper articles. The author of Panny z Wilka [The Maids from Wilko] masterfully immortalised the realities prevailing in the Soviet Union. Iwaszkiewicz’s view of Russia, and St Petersburg in particular, is not the account of an ordinary tourist, because the writer perceived the world through the prism of literature, constantly confronting reality with literary images. This makes Dzienniki extremely interesting material for analysis. This article takes a journey across Russia, in the footsteps of Iwaszkiewicz, focuses on literary allusions, admiration of nature and architecture, and pays special attention to the absurdities of the communist state.
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Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. "Perception of Latin America’s church architecture in the time of II Vatican Council." Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 4 (February 16, 2017): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2015.4.0.5118.
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Events of World War II resulted in significant social changes from 1945. This is considered to be the main motive behind the attempts for transforming the Catholic sacral space, defining the Christ-centered Church. While in most parts of the Catholic world it was a result of a natural, internal process, these changes didn’t make an effect in the Eastern European countries occupied by the Soviet Union, because religion and religiousness became persecuted under the newly established world order. The political powers professing atheist ideology and communist concepts considered the Church as the main power opponent of their own system. Not only in ideological sense, but also because of the Holy See’s organizational structure that spans state borders. The article interprets the presence of the effects of liturgic reforms, in correspondence with the Eastern politics of the Holy See.
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Kh., Kramarchuk. "FACTORS OF IMAGINATIVE AND SEMANTIC INVERSION OF ARCHETYPAL STRUCTURES OF CONSCIOUSNESS HUMAN AND OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN THE METHOD AND STYLE OF SOCREALISM." Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 2, no. 2 (November 2020): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2020.02.115.
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Thіs article is an attempt to highlight the factors of formation in art of the method and style of total socialrealism as a method of substitution. The basic factors are the contradictions of the consciousness of the Russian ethnos, which are due to the inability of semantic essential distinction of the main oppositional categories of existence. The historical organicity of the Russian mentality in the socialist and communist forms of existence has revealed, as well as the historical organicity of the method of substitutions in the construction of antagonistic models of worldview. This method of substitution will become basic in the style of socialist realism. Certain figurative and semantic inversions of archetypal structures of human consciousness and the environment of the period of Soviet totalitarianism are revealed and characterized: eschatological dimension of Eternity / time category of bright future; the truth / the untruth; sacred (theological) / profane; relative / absolute; spiritual / material; the hero / the anti-hero; destruction of the past / future; existence in spirit / existence in political ideology. These substitutions led to the development of certain unified iconographic schemes in art and, in particular, in architecture: residential complexes (communities), giant pedestal buildings (sculpture building), a step-increasing volume of public buildings like to the temple. Forcible change of the picture of the world generates hyper-reality, where is desired seems real. The violent change of consciousness of nations in the Soviet Union, built on the principles of antagonistic dual models of worldview with their moral and semantic indistinguishability, could not give rise to projects of utopias as projects of evolution. The inversion of archetypal structures in socialist utopia is essentially anti-utopian.
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Drake, Richard. "Italian Communism and Soviet Terror." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (April 2004): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.
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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.
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Funk, Nanette. "Feminism and Post-Communism." Hypatia 8, no. 4 (1993): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1993.tb00277.x.
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Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (July 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.
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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.
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Kramer, Mark. "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 4 (September 2003): 178–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483783.
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The largely peaceful collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989 reflected the profound changes that Mikhail Gorbachev had carried out in Soviet foreign policy. Successful though the process was in Eastern Europe, it had destabilizing repercussions within the Soviet Union. The effects were both direct and indirect. The first part of this two-part article looks at Gorbachev's policy toward Eastern Europe, the collapse of Communism in the region, and the direct “spillover” from Eastern Europe into the Soviet Union. The second part of the article, to be published in the next issue of the journal, discusses the indirect spillover into the Soviet Union and the fierce debate that emerged within the Soviet political elite about the “loss” of the Eastern bloc—a debate that helped spur the leaders of the attempted hardline coup d'état in August 1991.
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Hurst, Mark. "‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’: Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.
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The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifaceted in the Cold War context.
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Bandey, Aijaz A., and Farooq Ahmad Rather. "Socio-Economic and Political Motivations of Russian Out-Migration from Central Asia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 4, no. 2 (July 2013): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.03.004.
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The unexpected fall of Soviet Union left ethnic Russians, outside Russia with many questions and concerns. Many of them emigrated to Russia from the erstwhile Soviet Union, for better conditions there. The disintegration of Soviet Union – a state created on the ideology of Communism was one of the reasons, apart from economic, political, socio-cultural, reasons besides the failure of Communism to keep the Soviet Union together were the main causes of Russian out-migration from Central Asia. The out-migration of Russians from Central Asia to Russia began in the 1970s as internal labour migration shifted in the wake of better job opportunities. It accelerated tremendously after 1991, and touched its highest mark in 1994, as a response to the relative economic prosperity of Russia at that time. Thus the improved standard of living in Russia and the desire to return to their cultural homeland were some major issues that concerned people to shift to Russia.
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Hoffmann, Stanley, and Stanley G. Payne. "The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034104.
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Rosenberg, Victor. "The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 1 (January 2004): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10526426.
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Kamen, H. "The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism." Common Knowledge 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2007-051.
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Esenwein, George. ":The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism." American Historical Review 110, no. 3 (June 2005): 876–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.3.876.
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Tang, Peter S. H. "Experiments in Communism: Poland, the Soviet Union, and China." Studies in Soviet Thought 29, no. 3 (April 1985): 201–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01043927.
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Tang, Peter S. H. "Experiments in Communism: Poland, the Soviet Union, and China." Studies in Soviet Thought 35, no. 3 (April 1988): 185–245. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01044985.
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Ruutsoo, Rein. "The Perception of Historical Identity and the Restoration of Estonian National Independence." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408358.
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Attitude towards one's past, the farewell to the communist past, has become a vital matter on the territory of the former Soviet Union. The failure of the “building of communism” project has, besides a devastated environment, left behind it a spiritual “homelessness.” For Russians, for whom communism was the path to global power, the collapse of the Soviet Union also meant a collapse of their national identity. “Look back in anger” might be the most concise way of characterizing their attitude to their history of the past seventy years. The same might be said of the other peoples of the former USSR. Sovietologists who treated the Soviet Union as one entity and placed the Baltic nations into the same category as the other “fraternal” people created insurmountable problems for an understanding of Baltic developments, and Estonian, in particular.
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Mitchell, R. Judson, and Randall S. Arrington. "Gorbachev, ideology, and the fate of Soviet communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00016-7.
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The collapse of the Soviet Union has spurred much scholarly debate about the reasons for the rapid disintegration of this apparently entrenched system. In this article, it is argued that the basic source of ultimate weakness was the obverse of the system’s strengths, especially its form of organization and its relation to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Democratic centralism provided cohesion for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) but also gave inordinate control over ideology to the party leader. Mikhail Gorbachev carried out an ideological revision that undercut the legitimacy of party elites and his restructuring of the system left the party with no clear functional role in the society. The successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), has made a surprising comeback for communism, utilizing the Leninist model of party organization, which has proved to be highly effective in the Russian political culture. Furthermore, the CPRF, under party leaders like Gennadi Zyuganov, has avoided Gorbachev’s ideological deviations while attempting to broaden the party’s base through the cultivation of Russian nationalism.
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Gałęzowski, Marek. "To nie „czerwony carat”. Dawna Rosja a Związek Sowiecki w myśli politycznej Józefa Mackiewicza." Politeja 19, no. 3(78) (November 25, 2022): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.78.07.
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NOT THE „RED CZARATE”: OLD-DAY RUSSIA VERSUS THE SOVIET UNION IN THE POLITICAL REFLECTION OF JÓZEF MACKIEWICZ
This article discusses Józef Mackiewicz’s views on old Russia and the Soviet Union, attempting to answer the question of whether Mackiewicz saw in totalitarian communist rule a continuation of Russian self-government or a new type of political phenomenon. Unlike most Polish writers and activists of political circles, Mackiewicz does not agree with the thesis formulated by Jan Kucharzewski in his work Od białego tsaratu do czerwonego [From the White to the Red Czarate], that the face of Russia was unchangeable, independent of political changes. Answering the question whether communism was institutionally and mentally rooted in the former Russian statehood, Mackiewicz strongly disagrees. He claims that communism was a completely different phenomenon, transcending systemic differences, which is why calling it “a red czarate” is completely wrong. He consistently separates the concepts of self-government and communism, opposes the view that the Soviet Union was a continuation of tsarist Russia, and therefore rejects the treatment of communist captivity as another iteration of the national dispute between Poland and Russia.
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Munhoz, Sidnei J. "George Frost Kennan e a arquitetura da política externa dos EUA na gênese da Guerra Fria." Diálogos 22, no. 1 (July 7, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v22i1.43621.
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Este artigo analisa a importância do papel desempenhado pelo diplomata George Frost Kennan na elaboração da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, no contexto marcado pelas apreensões relativas às rivalidades globais entre os EUA e a URSS, Kennan recomendou uma estratégia com a intenção de conter as potenciais tendências expansionistas da União Soviética. Em sua consideração, a principal ameaça posta pela União Soviética não era militar, mas sua capacidade de influência ideológica, veiculada pelos partidos comunistas e seus seguidores no interior das sociedades democráticas ocidentais. Desta hipótese precedente, Kennan arquitetou a Doutrina de Contenção, uma estratégia crucial da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Como um diplomata de carreira e grande autoridade nos estudos relacionados à sociedade Soviética, Kennan escreveu durante a sua vida uma extraordinária obra relacionada à diplomacia dos EUA e aos seus desafios colossais no ambiente do conflito global. No entanto, desde o início da segunda Administração Truman, Kennan observou que a estratégia estadunidense em relação à Guerra Fria havia se tornado mais militarista e intensificado a corrida armamentista. Ao assumir uma posição crítica em relação a essas diretrizes, que, de acordo com a sua perspectiva, levava à distorção da sua concepção original da teoria da Contenção, Kennan foi marginalizado pelo novo Secretário de Estado, Dean Acheson e deslocado do núcleo de elaboração política do governo. Posteriormente, ele questionou a adopção da Doutrina Truman, a criação da OTAN e o envolvimento dos Estados Unidos nas guerras da Coréia e do Vietnam.
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George Frost Kennan and the architecture of U.S. Foreign Policy in the genesis of the Cold War
This article analyzes the major role performed by diplomat George Frost Kennan in the United States Foreign Policy during the Cold War. By the end of World War II, amidst apprehensions concerning the U.S. and the USSR global rivalries, Kennan recommended a strategy intending to contain the potential expansionist tendencies of the Soviet Union. In his consideration, the core threat upraised by Soviet Union was not military, but its ideological influence conveyed by Communist parties and fellow travelers inside the western democratic societies. From this preceding hypothesis, Kennan designed the doctrine of containment, a crucial strategy of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. As a career diplomat and major authority on Soviet society, Kennan wrote during his lifetime an remarkable work related to U.S. diplomacy and its colossal challenges in the environment of that global conflict. Nonetheless, since the inauguration of the second Truman administration, Kennan observed that U.S. Cold War strategy had become more militaristic and that it had strengthened the arms race. For assuming a critical position towards this path, which, according to his perspective, was a distortion of his original containment theory, Kennan was marginalized by the new Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, and displaced from core government power. Subsequently, he stood up against the adoption of the Truman Doctrine, the creation of NATO and the commitment of the United States in the Korean and Vietnam wars.
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George Frost Kennan y la arquitectura de la política externa de los EUA en el origen de la Guerra Fría
Este artículo analiza la importancia del papel desempeñado por el diplomático George Frost Kennan en la elaboración de la política externa de los Estados Unidos durante la Guerra Fría. Al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en el contexto marcado por las aprehensiones vinculadas a las rivalidades globales entre los EUA y la URSS, Kennan recomendó una estrategia con la intención de contener las potenciales tendencias expansionistas de la Unión Soviética. En su entendimiento, la principal amenaza de la Unión Soviética no era militar, y sí su capacidad de influencia ideológica, vehiculada por los partidos comunistas y sus seguidores en el interior de las sociedades democráticas occidentales. Partiendo de esta hipótesis, Kennan ideó la Doctrina de Contención, una estrategia crucial de la política externa de los EEUU durante la Guerra Fría. Como diplomático de carrera y una autoridad en estudios relacionados a la Unión Soviética, Kennan escribió durante su vida una extraordinaria obra relacionada a la diplomacia estadounidense y sus desafíos colosales en el ambiente del conflicto global. Sin embargo, desde el inicio de la segunda administración Truman, Kennan observó que la estrategia de los EUA en relación a la Guerra Fría se había tornado más militarista, intensificándose la carrera armamentista. Al asumir una posición crítica en relación a estas directrices que, de acuerdo a su perspectiva, conducía a la distorsión de su original teoría de la Contención, Kennan fue marginado por el nuevo Secretario de Estado, Dean Acheson, y desplazado del núcleo de elaboración política del gobierno. Posteriormente, él cuestionó la adopción de la Doctrina Truman, la creación de la OTAN y la participación de Estados Unidos en las guerras de Corea y de Vietnam
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Sinitsyn, Fedor L. "The Concept of ‘Developed Socialism’ as response of the USSR to ideological and socio-economic challenges of the time (1964–1982)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-1-29-39.
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In the 1960s, Soviet ideology came face to face with new challenges and threats, both internal and external. The leadership of the USSR was aware of these challenges and decided to rework the ideology on the basis of the concept of ‘Developed Socialism’ created in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. In the Soviet Union, this concept became the ideological basis of the ‘Brezhnev’s society’ and was used to respond to domestic and foreign policy challenges faced by the Soviet Union. In addition, it was based on the idea that the country had achieved a high degree of economic development sufficient for the requirements of modern times, and assumed that the completion of communism would be postponed to an indefinite future. The concept of ‘Developed Socialism’ adopted in the USSR simultaneously had progressive features (an attemptto bringthe ideology in linewiththe dictates ofthetime,taking into accountthe ideological experience of othercountries, a departure from the illusion of rapid construction of communism), conservative features (a return to the Stalinist concept of transition from socialism to communism), and ‘utopian’ features (communism remained as the goal). In general, this ideological concept had significant disadvantages that hindered its effectiveness in the long term perspective.
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Kramer, Mark. "The Dissolution of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01059.
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Abstract In late December 1991—some 74 years after the Bolsheviks had taken power in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin—the Soviet Communist regime and the Soviet state itself ceased to exist. The demise of the Soviet Union occurred less than seven years after Mikhail Gorbachev became the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Soon after taking office in March 1985, Gorbachev had launched a series of drastic political and economic changes that he hoped would improve and strengthen the Communist system and bolster the country's superpower status. But in the end, far from strengthening Communism, Gorbachev's policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (official openness) led inadvertently to the collapse of the Soviet regime and the unraveling of the Soviet state. This article analyzes the breakup of the Soviet Union, explaining why that outcome, which had seemed so unlikely at the outset, occurred in such a short period of time.
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Donskis, Leonidas. "Aleksandras Shtromas." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/24.
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Aleksandras Shtromas (1931-1999), a British-American scholar, became an eminent figure in his native Lithuania, yet Westem social scientists have yet to discover this human rights activist, Soviet dissident, and political thinker. Shtromas had no doubts about the inexorable collapse of the Soviet Union, resting his analysis on the assumption that communism was unable to provide any viable social and moral order. The vast majority of the Soviet intelligentsia had become skilled at the ideological cat-and-mouse games, wrestling wth Soviet Newspeak and censorship, and employing an Aesopian language in order to survive and remain as decent as possible in a world of brainwashing and lies. A gifted prophet of post-communism, Shtromas was the only political scientist in the world who took the disintegration of the Soviet Union as early as the late 1970s as an ongoing process. This essay links Shtromas' legacy to the great East European dissenters.
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Rutland, Peter. "What Was Communism?" Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.
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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.
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Kramer, Mark. "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 2)." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2004): 3–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397042350955.
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This is the second part of a three-part article that looks at the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and the repercussions of those events in the Soviet Union. The first part focused on the “direct” spillover from Eastern Europe into the Soviet Union, whereas this segment examines the “indirect” spillover, which took four forms:(1) the discrediting of Marxist-Leninist ideology, (2) the heightened sense of the Soviet regime's own vulnerability, (3) the diminished potential for the use of force in the USSR to curb internal unrest, and (4) the “demonstration effect” and “contagiousness” of regime change and democratization in Eastern Europe. These factors together made it considerably more difficult for Gorbachev to prevent the Soviet Union from unraveling. The final part of the article will be published in the next issue of the journal.
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Snyder, Tim. "‘Coming to Terms with the Charm and Power of Soviet Communism’." Contemporary European History 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004082.
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The day of communism is done, in Europe at any rate. If Minerva's owl flies at dusk, we should now expect the appearance of works which, while conceived during the epoch of communism, have been given their sense and conclusions by the events of 1989–91. The three books considered here are the fruit not only of scholarly reflection but also of personal reconsiderations of the nature of Soviet communism. Each author recounts a story through which he has lived, with glances backwards to find the origins of an idea (in Walicki's case), an illusion (in Furet's) or a word (in Gleason's). The Marxist idea of freedom (Walicki), the appeal of the Soviet Union to Western intellectuals (Furet) and the definitions and uses of the term ‘totalitarianism’ (Gleason) are the avenues taken towards an understanding of the role of communism in this century, avenues which lead from the lives of the scholars in question. The degree of intellectual, and the kind of political, engagement with the idea of communism was different in each case, reflecting most notably the nationalities of these three historians.
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Thomas, Daniel C. "Human Rights Ideas, the Demise of Communism, and the End of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 2 (April 2005): 110–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053630600.
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This article analyzes the role of human-rights ideas in the collapse of Communism. The demise of Communist rule in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union was significantly influenced by the transnational diffusion of humanrights ideas. The analysis focuses on how human-rights norms were transmitted to Soviet dissidents and policymakers. The article also considers precisely how, and how much, these norms affected policy. The two primary causal mechanisms were the transmission of these ideas by a transnational Eastern European social movement for human rights, which expanded the roster of available political concepts and the terms of political legitimacy, and the mechanism of “rhetorical entrapment” whereby Soviet leaders became “trapped” or constrained to uphold their rhetorical commitment to the Helsinki Accords by the expanding discourse of human rights. Subsequently, Soviet leaders accepted human rights ideas for both substantive and instrumental reasons. Western power played some role, but the ideas themselves were salient, legitimate, and resonant for Soviet leaders seeking a new identity and destiny for the Soviet Union.
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Haskell, John D., and Boris N. Mamlyuk. "Capitalism, Communism and Colonialism? Revisiting "Transitology" as the Ideology of Informal Empire." Global Jurist 9, no. 2 (January 16, 2009): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1934-2640.1293.
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In the context of international law, transitology" is often used to describe the literature surrounding the former Soviet Union (fSU) and the subsequent reform attempts by Western and Eastern/Central European market reformers. While it is often acknowledged there have been other waves" of transition, this literature typically asserts that the situation in the fSU is somehow distinct in human history, and thus, to a large extent, unmixable with other past transition" histories. Likewise, the story of the Soviet Union's dissolution, and the subsequent reforms in its aftermath, largely avoid the radar of critical colonial discourses. In short, there is almost no effort to link the fSU to the 19th century colonial project of Western European states, in particular the story of informal empire. This article seeks to re-frame the post-communist transition debate in terms of the broader international challenges of decolonization, neo-colonialism," and informal empire building in the West, the former Soviet Union, as well as between the two in the post Soviet space.
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Graziosi, Andrea, and Frank E. Sysyn. "Communism and Hunger: Introduction." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 3, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2kk5c.
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<p>Over the past two decades, important studies of the famines in the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China have transformed our understanding of these events and laid the groundwork for the first attempts at comparative analysis. Nevertheless, the great twentieth-century famines caused by state policies remain relatively little studied. We still lack a systematic comparison of their features, at least in part because of the difficulty in conceptualizing the possibility of man-made famine in modern times and because a topic like “Communism and Hunger” may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Yet even a simple list of the past century’s major famines suggests that the topic is badly in need of attention...</p>
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Kramer, Mark. "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 3)." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 1 (January 2005): 3–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053326185.
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This is the concluding part of a three-part article that discusses the transformation of Soviet-East European relations in the late 1980s and the impact of the sweeping changes in Eastern Europe on the Soviet Union. This final segment is divided into two main parts: First, it provides an extended analysis of the bitter public debate that erupted in the Soviet Union in 1990 and 1991 about the “loss” of Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. The debate roiled the Soviet political system and fueled the hardline backlash against Mikhail Gorbachev. Second, this part of the article offers a concluding section that highlights the theoretical implications of the article as a whole. The article, as the conclusion shows, sheds light on recent literature concerning the diffusion of political innovations and the external context of democratization and political change.
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Garver, John W. "The Chinese Communist Party and the Collapse of Soviet Communism." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018178.
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The collapse first of Communist rule of the USSR and then of the USSR itself was without question one of the pivotal events of the era. Since China's 20th-century history has been so deeply influenced by Soviet developments, it is important to examine the impact of these events on China. This article asks, first, whether the top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had a deliberate policy towards the decline of Soviet Communism, and if so, what was the nature of that policy? Did the CCP attempt to assist their comrades in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as the latter battled for survival during 1990 and 1991?
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Dailey, Erika. "Preface." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 01 (1992): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408217.
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Communism in the Soviet Union has long served officially as religion's surrogate. It has offered an organized and compelling belief system with which to rationalize the misfortunes of the past, establish codes of behavior to manage the present, and conceptualize the future. Although communist theory categorically rejects religion, it actively promotes, and is itself predicated on, institutions of “faith” in the abstract sense. The herculean industrialization and literacy campaigns of the early decades of Soviet rule that forever transformed the USSR's largely illiterate, agricultural society vividly illustrate the power and popular legitimacy of communist institutions of “faith” such as the Party and the Komsomol. Trusting that earthly sacrifice will bring future rewards has been as much the basis of Soviet communism as it has been of the Abrahamic tradition of religion addressed in this issue.
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McMeekin, Sean. "Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2008): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.1.125.
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Nicholson, Steve. "Responses to Revolution: the Soviet Union Portrayed in the British Theatre, 1917–29." New Theatre Quarterly 8, no. 29 (February 1992): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00006321.
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In theatrical parlance, ‘political’ is often taken to be synonymous with ‘left-wing’, and research into political theatre movements of the first half of this century has perpetuated the assumption that the right has generally avoided taking politics as subject matter. This article, the first of two about British political theatre in the 1920s, concentrates on plays about Communism and the Soviet Union during the decade following the Russian Revolution, and offers some contrasting conclusions. Steve Nicholson, Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds, argues that, whether such plays shaped or merely reflected conventional views, they were used by the establishment for the most blatant and explicit propaganda, at a time when it felt itself under threat from the Left. The article has been researched largely through unpublished manuscripts in the Lord Chamberlain's collection of plays, housed in the British Library, and derives from a broader study of the portrayal of Communism in the British theatre from 1917 to 1945.
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Barber, Benjamin R. "Letter from America—June 1989." Government and Opposition 24, no. 3 (July 1, 1989): 300–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00724.x.
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THESE ARE UNSETTLED AND UNSETTLING TIMES HERE. THE NEW government of the United States remains un unknown quantity, so that the public eye has been directed outward to Gorbachev's spectacular efforts to free the Soviet Union from the dead weight of bureaucratic communism while simultaneously holding together the disintegrating Federation of Soviet Republics, and inward to the continuing decay of our cities, our environment and our race relations.
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Coleman, Heather J. "Studying Russian Religion Since the Collapse of Communism." Russian History Forum 25, no. 2 (September 2, 2015): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032851ar.
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This review article surveys the field of the religious history of Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union. Increased accessibility to the archives in the early 1990s coincided with historiographical developments such as the “new cultural history” and the “lived religion” approach to the study of religious cultures, favouring a renewed interest in religious topics. The article argues that the lived religion approach has allowed scholars to rethink the classic question of the relationship between church and state, to demonstrate the significance of religion to the social, intellectual, and political transformations experienced in late imperial and early Soviet Russia, and to reconceptualize Russian Orthodoxy’s relationship with modernization and modernity. This research demonstrates the need to correct the traditional neglect of the Orthodox experience in histories of religion in Europe and in theorizing religious change and secularization in the modern era.
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BERGLUND, STEN. "Prospects for the Consolidation of Democracy in East Central Europe." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001270.
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Few events have drawn as much interest from the academic community as the breakdown of Soviet-style socialism in Central and Eastern Europe and the subsequent disintegration of the Soviet Union itself in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This paper might be classified as yet another in a continuous flow of scientific contributions, inspired by the collapse of communism. And this is indeed the case, but only in an oblique way.
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BLESSING, BENITA. "Legacies of Punk Rock in Socialist Hungary." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (March 21, 2017): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000030.
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With a slight shrug of the shoulders, a middle-aged, middle-class man describes his teenage years as a member of the Hungarian punk scene: ‘we were right-wing punks. Because this was full communism’. This sentiment is echoed throughout Lucile Chaufour's documentary stroll down communist memory lane. We were angry teenagers, her interview partners tell the camera; we were unhappy, we hated communism, we hated the Soviet Union, but we loved Hungary, and anti-government sentiment in a left-wing regime turns a hard right.
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Suleimenov, М. A., and G. M. Kappassova. "Soviet political regime in Kazakhstan during the period of «military communism»." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 136, no. 3 (2021): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2021-136-3-57-65.
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The article deals with the emergence and activity of Soviet power institutions in Kazakhstan during the period of «war communism». During the years of «war communism», the construction of the Soviet state apparatus continued. An important feature of this process, researchers call the wide involvement of workers and peasants in state bodies. There was a change in the national composition of civil servants - after the revolution, they began to include representatives of many peoples of the former Russian Empire. In addition, many officials continued to work in Soviet state structures that began their careers during the Provisional Government or even the tsarist regime. The escalation of the civil war led to the emergence of emergency authorities not provided for by the Constitution of the USSR. On the ground, the functions of emergency services were performed by revolutionary committees. During the years of the Civil War and «war communism», the RCP (b) became the core of the Soviet political system. Thus, under the influence of wartime emergencies, a rigid military command system began to form in the country. The article reveals the specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan, carried out by the Bolsheviks during the civil war of 1918-1920. As a result of the analysis, it was possible to determine that the policy of «war communism» in the regional aspect was carried out in line with general Soviet trends. It represented a set of measures of the Soviet government in the field of industry, agriculture, and social relations aimed at militarizing production and ensuring the combat capability of the Red Army. The specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan were determined by the economic backwardness of the region and the nature of hostilities. These features should include: later than in the whole Soviet Union, the inclusion of the regions of Kazakhstan in the process of implementing measures of «war communism», their extension to the indigenous population, more rigid forms and methods of implementing military-communist construction. The result of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan was a drop in production, especially in the agricultural sector of the economy, the famine of 1920-1922, which led to demographic losses of the population, mass migration of nomadic peoples outside the country, widespread peasant anti-Bolshevik protests and resistance of the indigenous population in the form of Basmachism. Based on archival materials and published works, the authors analyze the activities of Soviets and revkoms. In conclusion, conclusions are drawn that determine the nature of the origin and purpose of the Soviet institutions of power.
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Jackson, Ross A. "Haunted Across the Political Spectrum: The Specter of Communism in Two Midcentury American Organizations." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 7, no. 4 (December 2021): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2021.7.4.303.
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Organizations operating in midcentury America experienced a period of relative economic prosperity and global power. While political tensions existed between the United States and the Soviet Union since the culmination of the World War II, when the Soviet Union conducted its first nuclear test in 1949 and then successfully launched Sputnik 1 in 1957, these political tensions became more pressing concerns to American organizations. In fact, the perceived existential threat posed by communism became an observable rhetorical justification for organization and action within the United States. Through the use of corpus linguistics techniques, a comparative analysis was conducted on the foundational documents of the rightwing, John Birch Society and the leftwing, Students for a Democratic Society. Relative word frequencies, collocations, concordancing and statistical analyses were conducted around the use and context of the keyword communism. The results suggest that while these radical and reactionary groups perceived a common threat, multifinality exists in terms of organizational response. This insight is useful to those engaged in strategy development and rhetoric for political and business organizations.
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Hassner, Pierre. "Europe between the United States and the Soviet Union." Government and Opposition 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb01106.x.
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‘EUROPE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET UNION’. This subject could have been formulated in different terms, such as: ‘Europe between East and West’ or: ‘The European states between the two empires’ or: ‘The two Europes and the two superpowers’. Europe is at the same time one geographically and culturally, divided into nations, and split into two camps. The United States and the Soviet Union are both two global and two European powers, two ordinary states and the leaders of two alliances, the standard bearers of two ideologies. If one were discussing Korea instead of Europe, one would hesitate between calling our study ‘Korea between East and West’ and ‘Korea between North and South’. Europe is that continent where political divisions seem cast in the stone of history and geography, where the opposition between East and West seems to have at the same time a geopolitical meaning (that of maritime versus continental coalition), an ideological one (liberal democracy or capitalism versus communism) and a cultural one (the Western Church versus the Eastern one, Rome versus Byzantium).
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Smith, Benjamin. "Separatist Conflict in the Former Soviet Union and Beyond: How Different Was Communism?" World Politics 65, no. 2 (April 2013): 350–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000087.
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Recent research on separatist nationalism has focused on the most common location of new states in the international system—the postcommunist world. While providing the largest number of cases for exploration, the arguably unique features of the Soviet system may have effects that do not easily translate to other parts of the world. This article reviews a recent set of books that highlights this question, focusing on the legacies of Soviet ethnofederalism in catalyzing secession, separatist war, and nation-state crisis. These books share in common a tendency to deemphasize the historical lineages of separatist nationalism and to focus more proximately on institutions. The article builds on the discussion of recent research by engaging two separate cross-national data sets to explore the role of ethnofederal institutions and of historical legacies. It concludes by arguing for a return to historically situated studies of center-minority conflicts and for greater engagement across regional lines of expertise.
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Malaia, Kateryna. "Transforming the Architecture of Food." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 80, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 460–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2021.80.4.460.
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Abstract Transforming the Architecture of Food: From the Soviet to the Post-Soviet Apartment focuses on the changes to urban domestic architecture and food-related spaces—those for eating, cooking, and storage—that occurred parallel to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. In this article, Kateryna Malaia traces a path from standardized Soviet apartment housing built and regulated by the state to the implementation of architectural and spatial solutions by individual apartment dwellers and designers in the post-Soviet years. From the 1980s through the early 2000s, such remodeling projects affected late- and post-Soviet architectural imagination and urban apartments en masse, coinciding with ephemeral yet important changes in domestic practices. To navigate these complex transformations, Malaia questions traditional architectural programmatic labeling—kitchen, dining room, family room, open plan—within the late- and post-Soviet context. Drawing on both archival and popular sources as well as interviews with apartment dwellers, architects, and engineers collected in the post-Soviet urban centers of Kyiv and Lviv in Ukraine, this study shows how the grassroots adaptation of standardized apartment housing at this time echoed new economic and political circumstances. Malaia’s analysis of changes in food-related spaces and practices provides a critical index of the widespread social impact of the collapse of the Soviet Union in everyday architecture and life.
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MARMOT, MICHAEL, and MARTIN BOBAK. "Social and economic changes and health in Europe East and West." European Review 13, no. 1 (January 20, 2005): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000037.
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The health status of populations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union underwent major changes after the fall of communism. While mortality started declining in Central Europe, mortality in Russia and most other countries of the former Soviet Union rose dramatically and has yet to improve. In terms of the socioeconomic changes, some countries (mainly Central Europe) were able to contain the fall in income and rise in income inequalities, but across the former Soviet Union gross domestic product plummeted and income inequality grew rapidly. This led to two types of inequality: first, the widening gap in mortality between countries, and second, the increasing social gradient in health and disease within countries. The thrust of our argument is that the disadvantages in health in Eastern Europe, and the growing social inequalities in health in the region, are direct results of the social changes, and that psychosocial factors played a pivotal role in the health pattern seen in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Škrijelj, Redžep. "The Impact of Democratic Changes in Poland Upon the Political Transformation and Breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.011.13804.
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The fall of the deeply rooted communism in the countries of the Eastern Bloc in the 1980s has differed according to the level of achieved rights and freedoms, especially in Poland, as it was finalized with the breakup of the Soviet Union. The changes announced with the foundation of “Solidarity” – the first independent syndicate – which spread to the factories and enterprises across Poland beginning in the Lenin Shipyard. The staunch national pride and freedoms, empowered with the strength of the Catholic Church effectively eliminated the weak Soviet-imposed communism. The foundation of the first independent and free Polish syndicate in the strong Soviet Bloc catalyzed the initiation of abrupt and serious reforms in the countries of the Eastern Bloc. The fall of the Berlin Wall intensified the initiated processes of reintegration and independence from external political torture and poverty. The initiated processes intensified amplified changes in SFR Yugoslavia even though the breakup of this country in the early 1990s cost more than its establishment.
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Meagher, Michael E. "John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/21.
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Most Americans in the 1920s and 1930s were unaware of the crimes committed in the Soviet Union. Even today, the full extent of the carnage is unknown. This essay explores the ways in which Presidents Kennedy and Reagan dealt with the contrast between the open societies of the West and the severely damage civil societies of the Soviet bloc through the rhetorical presidency. Key speeches throughout the two administrations stressed the use of presidential rhetoric as a way of challenging the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the USSR. For both Presidents, the key rhetorical moment came in West Berlin, in 1963 and 1987, respectively. Using comparable language Kennedy and Reagan spoke of the hope offered by West Berlin to those suffering under communist rule. The highlight came when Reagan challenged the Soviet leaders to tear down the Wall separating the city. Ironically, the victory over Soviet bloc communism has not led to the elimination of communist regimes, notably China. That chapter in the struggle against communism remains yet to be written.
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Grant, Susan. "Building Communism and Policing Deviance in the Soviet Union: residential childcare, 1958–91." Social History 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2009702.
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Lane, David. "Nationalism and Communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union: A Basic Contradiction?" Political Geography 19, no. 5 (June 2000): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(99)00091-8.
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Meśtrovic, Stjepan G. "A Cultural Analysis of the Fall of Communism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/26.
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The dramatic fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union is analyzed from such cultural theories and perspectives as Oswald Spengler, Pitirim Sorokin, Arnold Toynbee, Thorstein Veblen, and Alexis de Tocqueville. This approach is contrasted with the modem and postmodern approaches found in such works as Talcott Parsons, Francis Fukuyama, and Jean Baudrillard. The essay concludes that the dominant, boosterish view extant today, that Western democratic and free-market institutions can be transplanted onto Slavic culture, is unrealistic, and is itself a product of what Sorokin and Spengler called the "late" or autumnal phase of civilization.
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Meśtrovic, Stjepan G. "A Cultural Analysis of the Fall of Communism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/26.
Full textAbstract:
The dramatic fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union is analyzed from such cultural theories and perspectives as Oswald Spengler, Pitirim Sorokin, Arnold Toynbee, Thorstein Veblen, and Alexis de Tocqueville. This approach is contrasted with the modem and postmodern approaches found in such works as Talcott Parsons, Francis Fukuyama, and Jean Baudrillard. The essay concludes that the dominant, boosterish view extant today, that Western democratic and free-market institutions can be transplanted onto Slavic culture, is unrealistic, and is itself a product of what Sorokin and Spengler called the "late" or autumnal phase of civilization.