Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communism and architecture – Soviet Union'
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1
YAKUSHENKO, Olga. "Building connections, distorting meanings : Soviet architecture and the West, 1953-1979." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71643.
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Defence date: 26 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor Catriona Kelly (University of Oxford); Professor Pavel Kolář (University of Konstanz); Professor Anatoly Pinsky (University of Helsinki)
The transnational history of the Soviet Union often goes against everything we know as citizens of the post-Soviet world. We are used to imagining the Iron Curtain as an impermeable obstacle and any meaningful connection between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world as clandestine, unofficial, and potentially subversive. But it was not always the case. I wish to open my thesis with a short dramatic exposition from the memoir of one of the protagonists of my thesis, the Soviet architect Felix Novikov: Soon [after the speech against the extravagances in architecture in 1953] the architectural bosses went abroad in search for examples worthy of emulation. The head of the Union of architects of the USSR, Pavel Abrosimov, left for Italy, Aleksandr Vlasov went to the US, Iosif Loveĭko who, in his absence became the chief architect of Moscow, left for France. After, each of them gave a talk about his impressions to the colleagues in the overcrowded lecture hall of the Central House of Architects. A year after the “historical” (without irony) speech the Party and government decree “On the elimination of extravagances in housing design and construction” appeared […] in the text of this document were such lines: “Obligate (the list of responsible organizations followed )… to be more daring in assimilation of the best achievements… of foreign construction.” The true “reconstruction” resulted in architecture that I call Soviet modernism started from this moment.”
Chapter 4 ‘Anatole Kopp: Enchanted by the Soviet' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Anatole Kopp’s town and revolution as history and a manifesto : a reactualization of Russian constructivism in the West in the 1960s' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of Art Historiography’
2
Nealy, James Allen Jr. "THE METRO METROES: SHAPING SOVIET POST-WAR SUBJECTIVITIES IN THE LENINGRAD UNDERGROUND." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1404224329.
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Kemp, Walter Adams. "Nationalism and communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266162.
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Taghizadeh, Mohammad Reza. "Iran and the Soviet Union between Communism and Commonwealth 1985-1992." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501521.
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Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.
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Jones, Polly. "Strategies of de-mythologisation in post-Stalinism and post-Communism : a comparison of de-Stalinisation and de-Leninisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273238.
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Smith, Mark B. "Rubble to communism : the urban housing programme in the soviet union,1994-64." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498319.
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Hancock, Kathleen J. "Surrendering sovereignty : hierarchy in the international system and the former Soviet Union /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3027046.
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Charley, Jonathan. "The dialectic of the built environment : a study in the historical transformation of labour and space." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1994. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21329.
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Born out of a long term interest in history and social change and nearly two decades of involvement in building and architecture, this dissertation aims to make a contribution to both a materialist theory of the production of the built environment and to our knowledge of the history of the Russian and Soviet experience. It is not however intended as a history book, rather the spatial and temporal co-ordinates of the text, Russia and Moscow, and the historical period from the end of the eighteenth century to the early 1990 s, offer a framework within which theoretical and historical questions of a more general nature concerning the social character of labour and space can be explored. The emphasis throughout is on the concept of the social production of the built environment at the centre of which lies the labour process, understood in its most general sense as purposeful human activity. The dissertation seeks to show how changes in the dialectic of the forces of production, the physical and mental means by which the built environment is created, and the relations of property, control and power within which the production process occurs, are central to an understanding of the historical transformation of human labour, the form of buildings and the organisation of space.
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McKay, Kimberly Ann. "Business opportunities in the Soviet Union--[a] look at real estate ventures." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68725.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1990.Title as it appears in the Sept. 1990 M.I.T. Graduate List: Business opportunities in the USSR--a look at joint ventures in the real estate sector.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-69).
by Kimberly Ann McKay.
M.S.
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Froese, Paul. "The great secularization experiment : assessing the communist attempt to eliminate religion /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8862.
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Netzer, Miriam Sophia. "Strange bedfellows: Russian-Iranian relations from 1941-present." Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27731.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Sharyi, Oleksandr. "Civil-Military relations in Ukraine, during the transition from the Soviet Union to the independent Ukrainian Republic." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1633.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis analyzes three case studies that chronologically review the main factors that influence the creation of the system of civil control over the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The first case analyzes the period of time before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second case examines the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from 1991 until 2000. The third case reviews the present system of civil-military relations in Ukraine. The conclusion summarize all findings of the three case studies and states that neglect of the defense issues today will lead to the risk of losing statehood tomorrow or shifting responsibility and financial burden to the future generations. Only a well funded and well-defined program of reform can help to build modern, highly capable, professional western type Armed Forces with good quality civil control over the military. Ukraine has great experience of building and reforming its military structure and system of civil control. The best proof of this is that Ukraine prevented involvement of the army in politics.
Captain, Ukrainian Army
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McKendry, Stephanie J. "The scholar advocate Rudolf Schlesinger's writings on Marxism and Soviet historiography /." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/73/.
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Rae, Leigh H. (Leigh Hamilton). "A look at privatization of housing in the Soviet Union : the Leningrad experience." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/69270.
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Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. "Stalin's Empire: Soviet Propaganda in Kazakhstan, 1929-1953." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158757030976164.
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Hsü, Ling-chih. "The role of the nuclear factor in the Sino-Soviet split." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111994.
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Andrei Gromyko, a veteran Foreign Minister of the USSR,
shocked the world last winter with a particular
revelation in his memoirs: the late Chairman Mao Zedong
of China had a plan to lure United States troops into
the heartland of China and then wipe them out with
atomic weapons made v/ith Soviet help. 1 We may question
the truth of Gromyko’s memoirs. The Chinese Foreign
Ministry has already done so. But the story of Sovietcooperation
in China's nuclear industry, both for
peaceful and military purposes, cannot be denied. It
is one that tells why the Soviets and Chinese became
close allies in the early 50s and why they drew apart
several years later. It is the contention of this
writer that the Sino-Soviet dispute cannot be fully
understood without giving due weight to the
disagreements the Chinese and Soviets had over nuclear
technology issues.
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Uhl, Katharina Barbara. "Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.
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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.
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Malinovskaya, Olga. "Teaching Russian classics in secondary school under Stalin (1936-1941)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b23fbd00-e8d5-4889-abfa-fe74626d5e72.
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This thesis contributes to existing discussions of Soviet subjectivity by considering how the efforts of the Party leadership and state agencies to shape personal and collective identities were mediated by the teaching of Russian classics to teenagers. It concentrates in particular on the history of literature course provided by Soviet schools for the upper years. The study addresses the following questions: (1) How was literary expression employed to instigate children's emotions and create interpretive habits as a way of inculcating a Soviet worldview? (2) What immediate effects did the methods have on teenagers? (3) What were the long-term effects of this type of indoctrination? Answering these questions required close reading of material produced by official authorities, such as methodological programmes, teachers' aids, professional journals, and textbooks for class instruction, and also of material produced by those at the receiving end of Stalinist literary instruction, including both sources contemporary to the period under scrutiny (i.e. diaries written between 1936-1941), and later autobiographical material (memoirs, oral history). I argue that for many teenagers growing up during this period, indoctrination in the classroom blurred the boundary between reality and fiction, and provided a moral compass to navigate their social environment, to judge others as well as themselves along prescribed lines, and model their lives on the precepts and slogans of the characters and authors they encountered, particularly the 19th-century radical democrats. Retrospective accounts - interviews, memoirs, and written responses to questions - expose the durability of the moral and ethical lessons derived from Russian classics and reveal the enduring Soviet emotional complex formed by this literary instruction. Investigating the impacts of the study of Russian classics on Soviet recipients, particularly from elite groups such as the city intelligentsia, my discussion highlights the political traction of the literary in, for instance, forming feelings of group belonging and strong emotional responses to differing views. I conclude with a discussion of the relation of this to long-term political effects, including the re-appraisal, in the twenty-first century, of Stalin-era teaching methodology as an effective way of instilling patriotic sentiments in students, and the legacy of Soviet perceptions and practices in the expression of personal and collective identities in the post-Soviet period.
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Seward, James W. "The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.
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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.
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Merridale, Catherine Anne. "The Communist Party in Moscow 1925-1932." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1409/.
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The thesis examines the Communist Party in Moscow between 1925 and 1932. Its structure, role and membership are studied, together with its relationship with the population of Moscow. A study is also made of politics in the period, with special reference to the oppositions of the 1920's. Four broad problems are discussed. The first is the relationship between the central Party leadership and the Moscow Committee. Second is the role of the grassroots activist in political life. Thirdly, the failure of the oppositions is studied in detail. Finally, popular influence over the Party is examined with a view to discussing how far the revolution had been 'betrayed' in this period. It is found that the Moscow Committee was less autonomous than other regional organs, but that grassroots initiative played an important part in political life. In general, people were reluctant to engage in formal opposition. This largely explains the defeat of the Left and Right oppositions, who failed to attract significant support. The majority of Muscovites remained apathetic or hostile to the Party, but a core of committed activists within it was responsible for many of the period's achievements. To the extent that they supported and even initiated policy, Stalin's 'great turn' included an element of 'revolution from below'.
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Coombs, Nicholas W. "Lev Kamenev : a case study in 'Bolshevik Centrism'." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7154/.
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This dissertation challenges the view that Lev Kamenev lacked a clear socialist vision and had no discernible objectives. It contends that Kamenev had an ideological line and political goals shaped by Ferdinand Lassalle. Kamenev adopted Lassalle’s desire for a democratic socialist republic and his method to achieve end aims. Through dialogical discourse Kamenev aimed to gain allies by overcoming differences by focusing on points of agreement. This was his ‘Bolshevik Centrism’. Ideologically, Kamenev absorbed Lassalle’s concept of the ‘Fourth Estate’, which mandated proletarian culture first predominate in society before revolution could occur. This helps explain his opposition to revolution in 1905 and 1917, and sheds light on his assessment in the early 1920s that the Bolsheviks had not founded the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, but the ‘dictatorship of the party’. In trying to overcome this reality he adapted Lassalle’s vision for an all-encompassing selfless state and endeavoured to merge the party, the state, and the masses into one. His aspiration to win over peasants and workers placed him in a centrist position, whereby he used his authority to challenge Trotsky and Bukharin’s leftist and rightist policies. However, under the one-party dictatorship his actions directly contributed to the rise of Stalin.
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Duncan, Peter John Stuart. "Russian messianism : a historical and political analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1989. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6873/.
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This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.
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Alharbi, Mohammed Abdullah N. "Saudi Arabia and Communism during the Cold War : King Faisal's foreign policy towards the Soviet Union, 1962-1975." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5250/.
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This thesis examines "Saudi Arabian foreign policy towards Communism during the Cold War: King Faisal's foreign policy with the Soviet Union, 1962-1975." The goal of this project is to further our understanding of Saudi diplomacy towards Soviet communism during the Cold War. Drawing on a broad range of archival and published sources in Arabic and English, such as government papers, books and articles, this study investigates different attitudes and polices that shaped Saudi Arabian policy in containing Communism around its zenith in the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on built strategies of fighting Communism; the policy process was also framed as a struggle against secular nationalism movements and hence Islamic diplomacy became a fundamental motivation for action. These were key features of Saudi policy during the Cold War and were utilised in an effort to mobilize domestic actors in Saudi Arabia. My thesis thus pays special attention to key characteristic of "encirclement syndrome" that enables a systematic assessment of this study. The thesis's main argument is that Saudi Arabia in the 1960s and 1970s fought Communism on all fronts as the results of wider political and religious factors, rather than the actions of an individual ruler or country.
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Stedman, Alison. "The imaginary country: The Soviet Union in British public discourse, 1929-1943." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Humanities, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5507.
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For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears.
This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.
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Maruca, Matthew K. "Imposing Order: The Renegotiation of Law and Order In Post-Stalin USSR." Thesis, Boston College, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/434.
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Thesis advisor: Roberta T. ManningAlthough born in Prague under the Austro-Hungarian Empire and dying before Stalin took control of the USSR, Kafka clairvoyantly understood the full paradox of Soviet authoritarianism. His short parable “Before the Law” provides an interesting intellectual exercise for anyone wishing to study Soviet law, for in Russia it evokes tragic truth. The man who futilely attempted to reach the law is a metaphor for Russian masses seeking the same goal. Just as the doorkeeper with his air of conscious superiority and vacillating temperament mirrors the nature of Soviet rulers. The absurdity that underpins Kafka's work poignantly and painfully parallels the arbitrary ‘justice' of Stalin's rule. The man's futile search is symbolic of the many purge victims who, while wasting away in the gulags, clung to the slim hope of using legal means to exonerate themselves. Through an intellectual and visceral response, Kafka conveys the authoritarian split between the elite and the masses in Russia. No one knows how many countless Russian and Soviet citizens' lives were wasted in the same shadow of indifferent omnipotence. And we are forced to ask why the law was kept from them. And yet, what fueled the insatiable pursuit of the law in the face of certain futility? Even the Purges took place within a legal framework, as perverse as it may have been. But was Communist legality simply an oxymoron, or was there something more?
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2003
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Li, Jie. "Sovietology in post-Mao China, 1980-1999." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22947.
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The breakup of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 has had a variety of significant repercussions on Chinese politics, foreign policy, and other aspects. This doctoral project examines the evolution of Chinese intellectual perceptions of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and 1990s, before and after the collapse. Relying on a larger body of updated Chinese sources, this thesis will offer re-evaluations of many key issues in post-Mao Chinese Sovietology. The following topics will be explored or re-examined: Chinese views of Soviet policies in the early 1980s prior to Mikhail Gorbachev’s assumption of power; Chinese perceptions of Gorbachev’s political reform from the mid-1980s onward, before the outbreak of the Tiananmen Incident in 1989; Chinese scholars’ evolving views on Gorbachev from the 1980s to 1990s; the Chinese use of Vladimir Lenin and his policies in the early 1980s and early 1990s for bolstering and legitimizing the CCP regime after the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen Incident, respectively; and the re-evaluations of Leonid Brezhnev and Joseph Stalin since the mid-1990s. First, the thesis argues that the changing Chinese views on the USSR were not only shaped by the ups-and-downs of Sino-Soviet (and later Sino-Russian) relations, China’s domestic political climate, and the political developments in Moscow. Even more importantly, views changed in response to the earth-shaking event of the rise and fall of world communism in the last two decades of the 20th century. Second, by researching the country of the Soviet Union, Chinese Soviet-watchers did not focus on the USSR alone, but mostly attempted to confirm and legitimize the Chinese state policies of reform and open door in both decades. By examining the Soviet past, Chinese scholars not only demonstrated concern for the survival of the CCP regime, but also attempted to envision the future direction and position of China in the post-communist world. This included analysis of how China could rise to be a powerful nation under the authoritarian one-party rule, without succumbing to Western democracy and the sort of collapse that doomed the USSR. In short, Chinese research on Soviet socialism has primarily served to trace the current problems of Chinese socialism, in order to legitimize their solutions – rather than a truth-seeking process devoted to knowledge of the Soviet Union.
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Clark, Rhonda (Rhonda Ingold). "The Communist Party and Soviet Literature." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500452/.
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The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.
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Meadowcroft, Jeff R. "The history and historiography of the Russian worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3079/.
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In March, 1877, the radical worker Pëtr Alekseev gave his speech at the ‘Trial of Fifty,’ contributing to the social-revolutionary movement one of the founding documents in Russia’s fledgling, working-class history. In the decades that followed, many others of the workers’ circles of the 1870s would compose and contribute their own stories to this revolutionary, ‘workers’ history.’ It was understood that, for workers to ‘speak for themselves’ was one step towards a workers’ revolution, carried out by and for the working people. The ‘workers’ voice’ had been borne by Alekseev in 1877, and was shared by worker-memoirists and other worker-writers through the early twentieth century. Individual workers were called represent, embody, testify to and speak for the mass, or the working-class as a whole. Thus, the notion of the ‘workers’ voice’ tied together the propaganda, the historiography, and the philosophy of the Russian social-revolutionary movement. A study of the ‘workers’ voice’ in history and historiography reveals the connections between these areas of revolutionary thought and practice, and provides a better understanding of the role of individual workers - as activists and as writers - in the Russian socialist movement. Revolutionary historiography developed alongside and in concert with political theories of the social revolution, mass action, social law and social determination, individuality, and consciousness. For a small number of radical democrats-turned-‘rebels,’ anarchists, and social-revolutionaries – most, if not all, born into the educated elite, a few to the families of the high, landed nobility - adherence to the narodnik tenet that ‘the emancipation of the working class should be conquered by workers’ themselves’ made their own, committed or conscious choice of the ‘cause’ over the existing system of things marginal to the historical and social forces driving Russia towards revolution. The ‘going to the people’ movement was aimed at bringing ‘workers themselves’ into their movement. By developing certain working people into carriers of the socialist message, the movement hitherto limited to students, publicists, and the wayward sons and daughters of state officials, merchants and clergymen would become the ‘a working-class matter.’ Thus, a special place was allotted to the ‘self-educated’ or ‘self-developed’ workers who, like the self-styled ‘intelligentsia,’ were consciously committed, synthesising ‘consciousness’ with their own class experience and the social necessity behind it. The political and historical valorisation of the ‘workers’ voice’ extended this idea into the documentation and the history of the popular and workers’ movements. Just as the workers would have to ‘emancipate themselves,’ so too would they speak for themselves and write their own history. This history, it was thought, would eventually belong to the workers by right. Thus, historical writing and the documentation of a workers’ history, informed by judgments regarding individuality, society, class, history, and their relationships, became politically significant for the revolutionary movement as working people began to enter it and ‘speak for themselves.’ Late in the nineteenth century, the worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s began to write their own memoirs of events. Entering the documentary record as individuals, it was their task to testify to working-class experience. Thus, at the point where working people became ‘individuals’ for history and for future historians, marking themselves as different from the mass by leaving their own writings, and stories, and memoirs, they were also tied inextricably to a political viewpoint that identified every and any worker as practically identical. As political figures, ‘conscious’ radicals who had taken responsibility for their own actions, their lives were historically definite; as ‘working men,’ sharing in a victimhood that was common to millions, their lives were indefinite, unhistorical, alienated. In the attempt to explain one part of their lives by the other, in the juxtaposition of class experience with political experience, in the light of a political function that had workers become witnesses rather than writers, the worker-revolutionaries reproduced in their political and historical writings the class categories that their radicalism had contradicted. The awkward position of worker-intelligent – in one half unique, conscious, definite, historical, active, by the other: plural, instinctive, indefinite, and passive – was stamped into ‘workers’ writings.
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Riga, Liliana. "Identity and empire : the making of the Bolshevik elite, 1880-1917." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37820.
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This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire.Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state.
How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.
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Choate, Ksenia. "From "Stalinkas" to "Khrushchevkas": The Transition to Minimalism in Urban Residential Interiors in the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/628.
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During the shift from the rule of Joseph Stalin to that of Nikita Khrushchev, people in the Soviet Union witnessed dramatic political, economic, and social changes, evident even in such private aspects of life as residential home interiors. The major architectural style of Stalin's era, known as Stalin's Empire Style, was characterized by grandeur and rich embellishments. The buildings' interiors were similarly grandiose and ornate. By endorsing this kind of design, Stalin attempted to position himself as an heir of classical traditions, to encourage respect for his regime, and to signal his power. When Nikita Khrushchev became the country's leader shortly after Stalin's death in 1953, he proclaimed that "excessive decorations" were not only unnecessary, but harmful. As a result, the standardized panel buildings produced at his initiative were defined by straight, plain lines, and were devoid of literally any architectural details that were not considered functional. These changes in Soviet architecture were reflected in interior design and furnishings: the minimalist aesthetic became their defining characteristic. The purpose of this study is to gain, through examination of existing literature, new insight into why a transition to a minimalist aesthetic was happening in the 1950s and 1960s in Soviet urban interior design. To achieve this goal, the present thesis analyzes works by contemporary scholars on the subject and examines statements the Soviet government as well as Soviet architects and interior decoration specialists made regarding the state's views on architecture and interiors during the period of 1950-1960. While research has been published that explores some aspects of this stylistic transition, the present work is unique in that it identifies and focuses on three distinct reasons for the change to minimalism in Soviet urban residential interiors under Khrushchev: the deficit of apartment space, reduction of construction costs, and ideological motives.
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Jackson, John. "Workers' organisations and the development of worker-identity in St. Petersburg 1870-1895 : a study in the formation of a radical worker-intelligenty." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3699/.
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In the last three decades of the 19th century small groups composed of primarily skilled, male workers in Petersburg factories developed and refined a specific form of worker identity, that of the worker-intelligent. This identity was the product of a combination of an ideal conceptualisation of proletarian man derived from readings of western socialist literature and ideas introduced into the workers’ environment by members of the radical intelligenty alongside their material experience of work in the rapidly developing industries of the capital. Seeking to appropriate the ‘intelligence’ of their radical intelligentsia mentors to create ‘Russian Bebels’, from the early 1870s small groups of workers aspired to develop their own worker organisations to give voice to the specific needs, demands and assumed aspirations of the emerging working-class within an autocratic society that maintained the fiction that a specific industrial working-class did not exist. Whilst workers enthusiastically welcomed the intelligentsia as bearers of the knowledge essential to construct their own specific identity, the process of identity creation frequently led to power struggles with the intelligentsia over the latter’s role and control of knowledge. It is in the often contested relationships between workers and intelligentsia that vital clues emerge as to how workers perceived themselves and others within the worker-class. Within this contested arena the radical worker-intelligenty frequently articulated their independence from the intelligentsia who they frequently regarded as a temporary ally, essential to satisfy their initial thirst for knowledge and to fulfil certain technical tasks, but who eventually should be subordinate to the workers’ movement that workers alone were capable of leading. Although workers eagerly embraced the revolutionary ideals received from the intelligenty, these were processed and reconstructed in terms of a worker-hegemony in the revolutionary process, taking entirely literally the dictum that ‘the liberation of the workers must be a cause for the workers themselves.’ This represented the essence of the worker-intelligenty belief system and, when taken in conjunction with their conviction that the mass of workers remained ‘backward,’ incapable of effecting their own liberation, produced a strongly held belief that it was incumbent on enlightened workers to act as advocates of the whole class, irrespective of the degree to which the mass of workers conformed to their vision of the ideal revolutionary worker. These early Petersburg workers’ organisations are of historical importance as from their inception they articulated a specific ‘worker’ ideology opposed to both the political regime and emerging Russian industrial capitalism, an opposition that would subsequently be transformed in Soviet Russia into an historical narrative that presented them as a vanguard for the working-class and the precursors of the Soviet ‘new man.’ In the process of fusing of the mind of the intelligenty within the body of a worker, the first generations of worker- intelligenty consistently sought to demonstrate in practice their own revolutionary primacy. Painfully aware of the disparity between their ideal proletarian man and the reality of the ‘backwardness’ of the mass of their fellow workers, the early worker-intelligenty developed and nurtured their own particular institution - the workers’ circle, kruzhok, an institution which simultaneously reinforced their own sense of identity and worth whilst providing a space in which they could receive their necessary enlightenment from the radical intelligentsia. Rather than viewing workers as passive objects, the Petersburg worker-intelligenty was instrumental in its own creation, throughout the period under discussion acting as a revolutionary subject in its own right, to a significant extent determining the nature and content of study involving the intelligenty, establishing clear organisational frameworks to govern relationships with intelligenty groups, and, critically, seeking opportune moments to enter the public sphere and declare their presence as workers, revealing themselves as a social force to be recognised. In the historiography of the revolutionary working-class in Russia these worker-led organisations have been largely ignored or subsumed under the rubric of the name of a leading member of the radical intelligenty associated with workers’ circles, as for example in the so-called Brusnev organisation. For a long period Soviet and western historians privileged the role of the radical intelligentsia, reflecting competing ideological biases that in the case of the Soviet interpretation viewed workers as a dependent category requiring enlightenment from an external Marxist party, whilst much western research focused on ideological debates amongst intelligenty ‘leaders’ and/or incipient reformist and non- revolutionary tendencies amongst worker activists. Although in more recent time a number of historians have explored the autonomous nature of worker activism in 1905 and 1917, whilst others have explored the cultural attitudes and beliefs of workers, the first specifically worker-led organisations created by worker-intelligenty have been largely ignored. What remains missing is a study that addresses the actual historical practice of the worker-intelligenty during its formative years and how it sought to give form to its self- realisation and express its received knowledge as the advanced representative of its class. The discourse of class not only gave life to the worker-intelligenty but critically guided its first at times uncertain footsteps towards fulfilling what it had come to believe was its ‘historic’ role.
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Alekseyeva, Anna. "Planning the Soviet everyday : reimagining the city, home and material culture of developed socialism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:241245c9-e5c1-4f11-8e2c-051b9a601088.
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This thesis explores professional visions for the planning of everyday life during the period of developed socialism. Considering a wide range of disciplinary literature, including architecture, urban planning, design and sociology, this thesis analyses how professionals imagined residential and domestic life in an urbanised and technologically advanced socialist society. Continuing the narrative of Khrushchev’s modernising programme to reform everyday life (byt) into the post-Khrushchev period, the thesis follows professionals of the last two Soviet decades who criticised the rationalising and collectivising planning paradigm inaugurated during the preceding decades. Professionals argued that this paradigm had produced a dehumanised and alienating everyday environment in the city and the home. After setting out the theoretical framework and the historical context of developed socialism, the first empirical section addresses urban residential life. It focuses on the microdistrict planning unit to illustrate how professionals, disillusioned with functionalist planning, searched for ways to humanise the city and adapt it to the behaviours and needs of urban residents. Part two investigates shifting professional views on the home and the everyday processes associated with it, such as cooking and cleaning. No longer seen as a utilitarian space in which everyday processes transpire, the home came to be understood as a personal and emotionally resonant place. Part three focuses on material culture, investigating evolving views on consumption and aesthetics. It illustrates how professionals endeavoured to rehabilitate the object world and align it with populist preferences while nonetheless maintaining a commitment to technological and forward-looking principles. In contributing to the scholarly understanding of developed socialism, this thesis contends that the 1970s-1980s saw experts embrace individual agency and popular sentiments. This turn did not, however, signify a turn towards individualism or de-politicised malaise: professionals maintained their utopian aspirations to engineer and control everyday life.
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Tapley, Lauren L. Hankins Barry. "Soviet religion policy through religious dissidents from Leonid Brezhnev to Mikhail Gorbachev a comparative study of Aida Skripnikova and Valeri Barinov /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5312.
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Cabrera, Jose Roberto. "O Partido Comunista do Brasil e a crise do socialismo : rupturas e continuismos." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280204.
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Orientador: Caio Navarro de ToledoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese apresenta o modo como o Partido Comunista do Brasil reagiu à chamada crise do socialismo e aos eventos que puseram fim à União Soviética. O PC do Brasil firmou-se historicamente como organização marxista-leninista vinculado à tradição da Internacional Comunista. Sua identidade política e ideológica consolidou-se em oposição ao chamado revisionismo contemporâneo, identificado com os rumos empreendidos na URSS após o XX Congresso do PCUS. Este processo aproximou-o das críticas do Partido Comunista Chinês e do Partido do Trabalho da Albânia. Na década de 1980 a crise soviética foi avaliada como o resultado da crescente integração da URSS no mundo capitalista e das políticas 'social-imperialistas¿ por ela aplicadas, caracterizando o regime soviético como um tipo de capitalismo de Estado. Em 1991, na medida em que a crise se expandiu sobre a Albânia, exemplo de coerência e de fidelidade ao marxismo-leninismo na opinião do PC do B, as formulações teóricas em torno do revisionismo passaram a ser reavaliadas. No seu VIII Congresso em 1992, o PC do B inovou ao criticar a experiência bolchevique. Reafirmou sua adesão ao marxismo-leninismo e ao socialismo, traçando caminho distinto de várias outras organizações comunistas pelo mundo. Durante este processo, o PC do Brasil oscilou entre uma abordagem que apontava a luta de classes como responsável fundamental das transformações operadas no interior do regime soviético, enquanto de outro lado, manifestava uma tendência economicista, situando os problemas do socialismo em torno do imperativo do desenvolvimento das forças produtivas. Em certa medida, desviou-se do debate desses temas fundamentais ou, quando o fez, tratou-os de maneira marginal, mantendo um conjunto perguntas sem respostas e submetendo constantemente as formulações teóricas às exigências da conjuntura política, potencializadas por uma institucionalização crescente no sistema político
Abstract: This thesis intend discuss the used ways by the Communist Party of Brazil (PC of B) in order to respond to the socialism¿s crisis and to the events that finished with the Soviet Union. The PC of B historically affirmed itself as a Marxist-Leninist organization tied to the International Communist tradition. Its politics and ideological identity was consolidated as opposition to the called ¿contemporary revisionism¿, at the same time the cited studied party identified itself with the USSR¿s route with was adopted after the XX Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. This process brought its position to Chinese Communist Party and the Labour Party of Albania¿s critics. In the eighties, the Soviet crisis was evaluated as a consequence of the progressive integration of the USSR in the capitalist world, and as its social-imperialists practices resulted in to characterize the Soviet regime as a model of capitalism¿s state. In 1991, the Soviet crisis has expanded to the Albania (example of coherency and loyalty to Marxism-Leninism by PC of B evaluation); as result of it, the theoretical formulations around the revisionism starting to be reevaluated. In its VIII Congress (1992), the PC do B innovated when criticized the Bolshevik¿s experience. It reaffirmed its loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and socialism, adopting particular way in opposition to several other communist organizations around the world. During its process, the PC of B ranged between approaches that have pointed the struggle of classes as a fundamental responsible by changes that occurred in the Soviet regime, while on the other hand, approaches that used an economics¿ tendency evaluation, putting the socialism problems as the consequence of development of the productive forces and its imperatives. Amazing piece of fortune, or not, the PC of B got out from discussion about these essential issues, or, when did it, approached them superficially, using a marginal way, keeping stronger questions without answers and keeping the theoretical formulations constantly under the local political demands, enhanced by a growing institutionalization in the political system
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Ginnetti, Michael. "The Rusty Curtain: Anatoly Chernyaev, Georgi Arbatov, and the Foundations of the Soviet Collapse, 1970-1979." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1429047082.
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Privitelli, Tobias. "Irredentism, expansion and the liberation of the European proletariat : Stalin's considerations on how to bring Communism to the Western neighbors of the Soviet Union, 1920-1941 /." Bern : Philosophisch-Historische Fakultät der Universität, 2008. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.
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Piker, Matthew W. "(re)-Constructivism in Contemporary China." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1276952322.
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Wenell, Olov. "Sovjetunionen och svenska vänsällskap 1945-1958 : sällskapen Sverige-Sovjetunionen som medel i sovjetisk strategi." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-98934.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Soviet Union attempted to win the sympathies of the Swedish population during the period 1945-1958 through the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) and the Sweden-Soviet Union Societies. The dissertation includes the central Soviet decision-making apparatus’ general formulation of strategy and what means were to be used to win the sympathies of populations in other countries. Concerning VOKS’s work targeting Sweden, this dissertation examines the general strategies and means used in practice. This dissertation links these activities with realism which serves as an analytical framework. Realism focuses states seeking their security in the international system. Security is considered achievable through strategies for using different means of force, in this case, diplomacy and its sub-instruments in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Immediately after World War II, VOKS was seen by the Soviets as a tool for countering American and British propaganda. VOKS’s reorganization in the early 1950s led to more country-specific activities. Increasingly in the 1950s VOKS sought out partners from outside organizations associated with national communist parties. This strategy aimed to optimally convey the message and to popularize the Soviet Union. This also led to a decline in VOKS’s importance. VOKS during the period 1945-1958 can be viewed as a collaborative project between the state and the party. The Soviet Union, through VOKS, used the Sweden-USSR Society to popularize the country among the Swedish public. VOKS took increasingly greater control over the societies’ activities, which were reviewed and approved by the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm and VOKS in Moscow. To develop these societies, VOKS increased its efforts to influence the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) to take part in the societies’ activities. At the suggestion of VOKS in Moscow, the local Sweden-USSR societies formed a national organization in the autumn of 1950 called the Sweden-Soviet Union Federation. After 1953, VOKS’s interest intensified in implementing and developing cultural collaborations with other actors in addition to the societies. Near the end of VOKS’s existence, representatives from the Soviet Embassy and VOKS tried to establish an intergovernmental cultural agreement with Sweden. However, no such agreement was ever signed. The Soviet Union continued to channel most of its public diplomacy toward Sweden through the societies.
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Miller, Jennie Edith. "Soviet and Eastern European Reactions to American Exhibitions: Cultural Exchange and the Cold War, 1961-1976." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5339.
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After the signing of the Cultural Exchange Agreement in 1958, exhibitions of culture and technology were exchanged between the Soviet Union and the United States. These exhibitions continued to be exchanged well into the 1980s. This paper focuses on comment books from seven of these cultural exchange exhibitions, five in the Soviet Union and two in Eastern Europe, in the years between 1961 and 1976. The public nature of the comment books and the way they were treated by visitors made them a space for expressions of popular opinions over the issues of public policy and ideology. As such, they provide contemporary historians with a unique glimpse into the mindset of ordinary Soviet and Eastern European citizens during the Cold War. Based on the evidence from the comment books, and using methods elaborated by cultural anthropologists, this study shows that challenged by the display of apparent American superiority, most Soviet visitors preferred to fall back on the official ideology which claimed the moral superiority of their system. In the 1960s and early 1970s, the Soviet citizens experienced an upswing in communist morale, expressed a desire to compete with America and a conviction that their system will ultimately prevail over capitalism. However, to what extent such declarations should be accepted at their face value as sincere expressions of Soviet citizens' deep-seated convictions and to what extent they should be seen as situational responses to the perceived humiliation at the hands of foreigners remains unclear. While most Soviet visitors were defensive, invested in their ideology, and competitive with America, their reactions were not monolithic. Some of them were clearly fascinated by American consumer products and expressed an envious yearning to get possession of them; others stressed their openness to cultural exchange. There were apparently sincere expressions of support to the policy of d&"233;tente, and of outrage over the Vietnam War. The Soviet visitors were aware of the unrest in American society caused by the civil rights movement, but were uninformed of the profound changes effected by this movement. Members of non-Russian minorities were interested in American ethnic diversity and sometimes implied their dislike of Moscow treatment of non-Russian nationalities. Eastern Europeans were less defensive and more open to American society and culture than the Soviets. Still, some of them also expressed pro-communist sentiments and national pride. There was one issue, however, on which the Soviets and Eastern were clearly more in tune with American popular culture than with their own governments: consumerism and the sentiment of entitlement to the high quality goods that Americans had access to while they did not. It was on this issue that the eastern bloc regimes were facing the greatest threat.ID: 031001511; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Vladimir Solonari.; Title from PDF title page (viewed August 8, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-79).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History
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Tôrres, Raquel Mundim 1985. "O inferno e o paraíso se confundem : viagens de brasileiros à URSS (1928-1933)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281787.
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Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes BatalhaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esse trabalho analisa os primeiros relatos de viagem de brasileiros à União Soviética, publicados entre 1928 e 1933. Busca historicizá-los, salientando não só as ideologias de seus autores, como também o contexto anticomunista imposto pelas autoridades brasileiras, em especial, pelo Itamaraty. A pesquisa aborda ainda a maneira como as viagens ocorriam e a forma como os viajantes eram recepcionados e manejados por algumas cidades da URSS. Para tal, analisa como agências soviéticas atuavam na hospitalidade dos viajantes, a fim de controlarem e persuadirem suas percepções. Por fim, é feito uma análise da imagem que os viajantes brasileiros formaram do cotidiano soviético no período em que viajaram correspondente ao período do Primeiro Plano Quinquenal. O intuito principal da pesquisa foi trabalhar com os relatos de viagem nas suas mais diversas possibilidades, a fim de contribuir para a inserção destas narrativas como fontes documentais na historiografia social
Abstract: This research analyzes travel accounts from the first Brazilians who went to the Soviet Union, published between 1928 and 1933. It aims to historicize them, stressing not only the ideologies of their authors, but also the Brazilian anticommunist context imposed by authorities, in particular by the Foreign Ministry, Itamaraty. The research also investigates how the trips occurred and how the travelers were received and treated in some cities of the USSR. For that, it analyzes how some Soviet agencies behaved in hospitality, in order to control and persuade their perceptions. Finally, an analysis is made of the image that Brazilian travelers formed from Soviet everyday life on the period of the First Five-Year Plan. The main purpose of this study was to work with travel accounts considering its various possibilities, in order to contribute to the inclusion of these narratives as documentary sources in social historiography
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestra em História
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Chauvin, Hervé. "La lutte finale : l'URSS dans le débat politique et intellectuel en France de 1975 à 1991." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR30085.
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Depuis son origine, l'Union soviétique n'a cessé d'être en France l'objet d'un vif débat politique et intellectuel, un lieu de transposition des affrontements idéologiques hexagonaux. Alors que deux images contradictoires de l'URSS se sont formées au XXe siècle – celle de l'incarnation du socialisme et celle d'une dictature repoussante – la décennie qui débute en 1975 voit le triomphe en France de l'image noire du régime soviétique, dont le bilan est jugé complètement négatif, malgré une courte période d'interrogations suscitée par les réformes gorbatchéviennes. Cette évolution est le résultat d'un intense affrontement politique et idéologique hexagonal autour de la « réalité » du socialisme soviétique au moment où l'Union de la gauche propose un projet socialiste pour la France : l'Union soviétique se retrouve alors étroitement imbriquée dans les débats politiques, syndicaux, intellectuels français, constituant alors la ligne de démarcation principale entre communistes et non-communistes. La réintroduction du concept de totalitarisme, l'identification à la lutte de la dissidence est-européenne et la dénonciation de l'impérialisme soviétique pendant la période de « guerre fraîche » constituent les différentes facettes de cette lutte dont le résultat est le développement d'un fort antisoviétisme en France, allant jusqu'à une certaine remise en cause des relations bilatérales. L'amalgame entretenu entre les deux socialismes – de l'Est et de l'Ouest – contribue à la fois à la marginalisation du Parti communiste français qui peine à redéfinir ses relations avec les partis frères, de l'affirmation du « socialisme aux couleurs de la France » au bilan « globalement positif » des pays de l'Est, mais affecte aussi de manière plus générale l'idée de socialisme en France. Après des années de sympathie pour le communisme, les intellectuels français basculent massivement dans un anticommunisme virulent: la substitution du binôme capitalisme/socialisme au profit du couple démocratie/totalitarisme se traduit par l'abandon des traditions révolutionnaires de la gauche française. La vision libérale de l'histoire triomphe alors, entraînant une condamnation totale et définitive du régime soviétique qui précède, de loin, sa fin en 1991From its beginning, the Soviet Union has always been the subject of a fierce political and intellectual debate in France, a place on which ideological French confrontations were transfered. During the 20th century, two conflicting images of USSR were created – the embodiment of socialism and of a repulsive dictature – but after 1975 the dark image of the soviet system prevails. Its assessment is judged as completely negative, despite Gorbachev's era of reforms. This change is the result of an intense political and ideological French confrontation about what soviet socialism really is at the time when the Union of the Left is putting forward a socialist project for France : thus, the Soviet Union becomes closely interlocked in any debate in French political parties, unions and intellectual circles, acting as a dividing line between communists and others. The reintroduction of the concept of totalitarianism, the identification to the fight of Eastern Europe dissidents and the highlighting of soviet military imperialism during the second cold war are the different parts of this fight which results in the growth of a strong anti-sovietism in France and in a kind of adjournment of bilateral relations with the USSR. The amalgam between western and eastern socialism leads to the marginalization of the French Communist Party, which is not able to redefine its relations with the eastern sister parties, from the French way to socialism (“socialisme aux couleurs de la France”) to the globally positive assessment of Eastern socialist countries. It also affects the general idea and contents of socialism in France. After years of sympathy for communism, French intellectuals massively swing to an acerbic anticommunism: the opposition between capitalism and socialism is replaced by the one between democracy and totalitarianism, and, because of that, French Left revolutionary traditions are abandoned. At that point, the liberal vision of history prevails, and leads to the total and definitive condemnation of the soviet regime, preceding by far its end in 1991
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Gamblin, Graham John. "Russian populism and its relations with anarchism 1870-1881." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1401/.
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In both Soviet and Western historiography, Russian populism (narodnichestvo) has been studied more or less in isolation from the broader socialist movement in Europe. The aim of this thesis is to show that although it undoubtedly possessed characteristics peculiar to Russia, the populist movement should be understood as part of the Europe-wide revolutionary movement. To accomplish this, the thesis is structured around chapters discussing individuals who were involved in both the Russian revolutionary movement and the European anarchist movement, with which populism shared many ideas, ideologies tactics and internal disputes. These individuals are Mikhail Bakunin, Zemfirii Ralli and Petr Kropotkin. Around these chapters are studies of groups or movements connected with those individuals in Russia or Europe. Central themes include consistency, or the social groups which the revolutionaries hoped to address; organisational forms adopted by anarchists and populists; tactics to be used to rouse their constituencies to action and to organise and achieve revolution; relations of the revolutionaries to the masses; the differing concepts of political and social/economic revolution; and the rise of terrorism in both movements.
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Ziada, Hazem. "Gregarious space, uncertain grounds, undisciplined bodies the Soviet avant-garde and the 'crowd' design problem." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/39599.
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This thesis proposes a theoretical framework for spatial inquiry into conditions of radical social gregariousness, through probing the crowd design problem in the work of the Soviet Rationalist architects (1920s-30s) - particularly their submissions to the Palace of Soviets competition (Moscow 1931-3). Legitimizing the crowd construct as an index of collective consciousness, and examining the early-modern revolutionary crowd's struggles for proclaiming its self-consciousness, this thesis investigates the interwar political phenomenon of amassing large crowds within buildings as a device for constructing collective social relations.
The research project is divided into two main parts. The first is concerned with the crowd design problem, identifying this problem not just as the technical task of accommodating large political crowds, but as the basis of the formulation a new kind of conceptual intent in architecture. Finding the competition brief inadequate to in-depth formulation, the thesis investigates three primary sources for the crowd design problem: mass-events, revolutionary-theatre and revolutionary-art. Four components comprise the Crowd Design Problem each seeking legitimacy in the mass of crowd-bodies: i) the problem of crowd configurations; ii) challenges from the kinesthetic-space conception evoked by theatrical director V.E. Meyerhold's Biomechanics; iii) the legitimacy of 'the object' within a spatial-field of intersubjectivity; and iv) the challenge of 'seeing' crowds from immersive viewpoints counteracting representational filters of class privilege.
Part-II focuses on the response of the Rationalists--one of the groups participating in the competition--to the crowd design problem. The study unearths in their designs a logic of space-making founded in the construction of inter-subjective states of consciousness radically different from prevailing individualistic conceptions of social space. To explain this logic of space-making, it proposes the notion of Gregarious Space--a theoretical framework of inquiry into what Marx called "species-being", taking radical gregariousness as the primary, generative condition of society. Besides drawing on morphological principles, social theory, historical analyses, and philosophical reflections, the notion of Gregarious Space is found to be particularly amenable to design propositions. Within the proposed theoretical framework, the Rationalists' design-proposition of curved-grounds, dense notations, textured co-visibilities and empathetic graphic conventions - all comprise a founding spatial-principle trafficking in rhythmic fields between subjects and against non-commodified objects: a principle which challenges the material domain of Productivist Constructivism as well as Historical Materialism's canonical constructs of alienation. Moreover, its uncertain kinesthetics sustain dynamic, aleatory states of consciousness which subvert prevailing disciplinary techniques of Panopticon inspection.
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Crowder, Ashby B. "Legacies of 1968: Autonomy and Repression in Ceausescu’s Romania, 1965-1989." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1186838492.
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Snetkov, Aglaya. "The evolution of Russia's security discourse 2000-2008 : state identity, security priorities and Chechnya." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2887/.
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This thesis examines the evolution of Russia’s internal and external security perceptions from 2000-2008. Drawing on social constructivist ontology, it argues that the Putin regime’s articulation of security priorities evolved in relation to its reconceptualisation of Russian state identity from a ‘weak’ to a ‘strong’ state. To trace this evolutionary relationship between state identity and security perceptions, official discourse on Chechnya is examined. In this way, Russian narrative constructions of the process of securitisation and desecuritisation of Chechnya, and the role that this discourse played within the articulation of state identity and security priorities are investigated. The thesis suggests that the initial securitisation and subsequent desecuritisation of Chechnya are best understood within the Putin regime’s discursive construction of state building and changing security priorities, rather than as a reflection of shifting material conditions. The thesis concludes that analysis of individual security policies should take into account that the narrative construction of these policies shape, and are shaped by, the multifaceted and evolutionary meta-narratives of Russian state and security identity. Moreover, it is argued that Russian security policy should be studied as a subject in its own right, investigating both internal and external security issues, rather than being subsumed within a broader foreign policy analysis.
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Bowman, Deena. "The Hollywood political thriller during the Cold War, 1945-1962." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17734.
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This thesis investigates a corpus of films identifiable as Hollywood political thrillers during the Cold War spanning a period of seventeen years, between 1945 and 1962. It aims to dispel the assertion by critics and scholars that the political thriller originates with the release of The Manchurian Candidate (Frankenheimer, 1962). Moreover, it is my intent to engage an interdisciplinary approach given that the relationship between contemporary American cinema, ideology and propaganda has often been overlooked (see Shaw, 2007). Utilizing textual and contextual analysis, I shall argue that The Manchurian Candidate is a transitional film with respect to the political thriller. I shall also offer an explanation for the frequent mislabeling of Hollywood political thrillers as film noir, of which generic hybridity or overlap is a contributing factor. The first part of this thesis shall establish a political and historical context, which includes a discussion of Hollywood’s early entry into the Cold War, U.S. strategies of containment and the threat women posed to U.S. national security vis à vis Ethel Rosenberg. Given that the political thriller emerged as a distinct subgenre during the Cold War, the first part of this thesis shall include a chapter on technology and innovation (e.g. lighting, format, film stock) as a means of supporting prime generic theme of authenticity. Five exemplary mini-case studies shall be presented to demonstrate the way in which the Hollywood political thriller delivered distinct narrative and visual style that both projected and reflected Cold War discourses. Philip Wylie’s “momism” shall be considered within the context of the political thriller and Cold War discourses surrounding gender, U.S. national security and the atomic bomb. I shall expand upon current discussions of momism, approaching it through distinct representations evident within the political thriller. Given the pervasiveness of the nuclear threat during the Cold War, I shall discuss the thematic elements of fear and the unknowability of the atomic bomb in relation to the political thriller. In the second part of this thesis, I identify three distinct cycles of atomic political thrillers, in which issues of vulnerability of the physical locale, the nuclear family and the mind are addressed.
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Kennedy, John. "Minding their own business : an ethnographic study of entrepreneurship in Putin's Russia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7305/.
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Russian entrepreneurs have long faced considerable difficulties. While much is known about what these difficulties are, less is known about how entrepreneurs respond to them, what it is like to be an entrepreneur under these circumstances and why they bother in the first place. In this thesis I address these questions by conducting a multi-sited ethnography within three small Siberian enterprises, observing the directors as they conduct their everyday business. I find that these entrepreneurs all resent their vulnerable position in the political economy but that they have developed a capacity to survive or thrive in spite of the obstacles and threats they encounter. This capacity, I argue, is less a consequence of their commercial acumen than their understanding of what can be achieved given their particular circumstances, their knowledge that business-state relations take an informal, personalised form, and their preparedness to resist predatory outsiders. This leads me to reconsider the meaning of entrepreneurship in the Russian context. Furthermore, my informants’ agency presents a challenge to the idea in predominant political economic theories that the Russian state dominates the private sector. I therefore reconceptualise business-state relations using Douglass C. North et al’s Limited Access Order theory in combination with my empirical materials. This provides a more accurate theory that accepts the pre-eminent role of the state in the political economy while accommodating the agency displayed by my informants.
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Miller, Daniel Quentin. "John Updike and the Cold War : drawing the Iron Curtain /." Columbia, Mo. [u.a.] : Univ. of Missouri Press, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/327515422.pdf.
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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
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Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy