Journal articles on the topic 'Communication in politics – Italy'
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Treré, Emiliano, Sandra Jeppesen, and Alice Mattoni. "Comparing Digital Protest Media Imaginaries: Anti-Austerity Movements in Greece, Italy & Spain." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 404–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.772.
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This article presents findings from an empirical study of repertoires of contention and communication engaged during anti-austerity protests by the Indignados in Spain, the precarious generation in Italy, and the Aganaktismenoi in Greece. Drawing on 60 semistructured interviews with activists and independent media producers involved in the 2011 wave of contention, we bring together social movement and communications theoretical frameworks to present a comparative critical analysis of digital protest media imaginaries. After examining the different socio-political and protest media contexts of the three countries translocally, our critical analysis emphasizes the emergence of three different imaginaries: in Spain the digital protest media imaginary was technopolitical, grounded in the politics and political economies of communication technologies emerging from the free culture movement; in Italy this imaginary was techno-fragmented, lacking cohesion, and failed to bring together old and new protest media logics; and finally in Greece it was techno-pragmatic, envisioned according to practical objectives that reflected the diverse politics and desires of media makers rather than the strictly technological or political affordances of the digital media forms and platforms. This research reveals how pivotal the temporal and geographical dimensions are when analyzed using theoretical perspectives from both communications and social movement research; moreover it emphasizes the importance of studying translocal digital protest media imaginaries as they shape movement repertoires of contention and communication; both elements are crucial to better understanding the challenges, limitations, successes and opportunities for digital protest media.
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Mancini, Paolo, and Mauro Wolf. "Mass-Media Research in Italy: Culture and Politics." European Journal of Communication 5, no. 2 (June 1990): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323190005002004.
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D’Arma, Alessandro. "Global media, business and politics." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 8 (December 2011): 670–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420095.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of News Corporation’s entry strategy and rise to dominance in the British and Italian television markets through its satellite pay-TV operations, BSkyB and Sky Italia respectively. As well documented, News Corporation’s strategy in the UK has been heavily dependent on Rupert Murdoch’s cultivation of political connections. By contrast, in Italy Murdoch has been unable to influence local politics to further his business interests, as evidenced by the several regulatory setbacks suffered by Sky Italia. Thus, in order to explain News Corporation’s success in Italy, this article argues that emphasis must be placed primarily on the managerial and financial resources that the company has been able to mobilize. The analysis aims at broadening our understanding of how News Corporation operates in different national contexts, and should also prove valuable for the broader question concerning the shifting balance of power between transnational and national actors in today’s globalizing media landscape.
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Rizzuto, Francesca, Lucia D’Ambrosi, Gea Ducci, and Alessandro Lovari. "Paths of hybridization among journalism, politics, and public sector communication in Italy." SOCIOLOGIA DELLA COMUNICAZIONE, no. 60 (February 2021): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sc2020-060012.
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This article argues that in Italy there is a new problematic relationship among journalism, politics, and public sector organizations due to the permanence of some traditional features in the informative context as well as to the success of infotainment logic and to the pervasive use of social media. In the new hybrid digi-tal ecosystem, a redefinition of the social role of information is necessary to un-derstand the perspectives for journalism and public sector communication. Info-tainment and politainment enhance the hybridization of Italian public sector communication formats and styles mainly on social media platforms. This process has consequences on interactions and overplays between information and com-munication areas in public organizations, redefining the evolution of professional roles.
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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. "Media and Politics in Contemporary Italy: From Berlusconi to Grillo." European Journal of Communication 31, no. 4 (August 2016): 487–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116659009.
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Perrino, Sabina. "Intimate identities and language revitalization in Veneto, Northern Italy." Multilingua 38, no. 1 (January 26, 2019): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0128.
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Abstract In this article, I explore how language revitalization initiatives are rescaled as part of a local, historical and sociocultural revitalization project in which ethnonationalist aspirations emerge in Northeastern Italy’s Veneto region. Through an analysis of political emblems, textual artifacts, and speech participants’ stories, I examine how the promotion of the local language is related to a developing sense of collective and intimate identity, especially vis-à-vis the many migrants and refugees that have landed in Italy, and Europe, in recent years. In the last decade, these new flows of migrants have triggered strong reactions by Italians, such as recent discourses about national identity and the aggressive anti-immigration politics promoted by the Lega Nord (‘Northern League’). I show how politics, history, and language become part of a complex spatiotemporal configuration in which chronotopic stances and intimate identities are enacted in speech participants’ everyday lives.
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Rullo, Luigi. "The COVID-19 pandemic crisis and the personalization of the government in Italy." International Journal of Public Leadership 17, no. 2 (February 16, 2021): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-08-2020-0083.
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PurposeThe article investigates how the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated and deepened the presidentialization of politics in Italy. It examines how a series of innovative rules and procedures adopted by the Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte to face the extraordinary event are part of a permanent presidentialization dynamic.Design/methodology/approachThis study analyzes the role of prime minister in coping with the pandemic in Italy within the analytical framework of the personalization of politics. Section 1 investigates how the prime minister has resorted to autonomous normative power through intensive use of the Decree of the President of the Council of Ministers (DPCM). Section 2 observes the establishment of a more direct relationship with citizens through extensive use of digital communication and high engagement. Section 3 analyzes the “personal task force” appointed by the prime minister and highlights a new balance between technocratic/private roles and politics undermining democratic accountability.FindingsBy examining three main aspects of the personalization of politics, the article observes that the COVID-19 pandemic has facilitated the movement to presidentialization of power in Italy. It argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has strengthened political and institutional trends already in place before the crisis.Originality/valueThe article expands the comparative research on the presidentialization of politics. The Italian case clearly underlines how the pandemic crisis represented a further step of progressive dominance of the “executive” over the other branches of government. The article suggests an agenda for future cross-institutional and cross-national analysis.
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Gattermann, Katjana. "Mediated Personalization of Executive European Union Politics: Examining Patterns in the Broadsheet Coverage of the European Commission, 1992–2016." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 5, 2018): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779231.
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The personalization of politics is a popular thesis but often challenged when it comes to media personalization. While previous research compared the prominence of different types of political actors across national political contexts, this article situates its research in the context of European Union (EU) politics and, thereby, studies similar reference points across countries. Its focus lies on the European Commission and its members. Personalization is conceptualized as individualization and presidentialization, respectively. The article proposes that the EU integration process provides journalists with the opportunity to report more often about individual politicians, while political developments should further incentivize journalists to personalize their news from Brussels. To test this argument, the article investigates personalization patterns in seven broadsheets from Ireland, Britain, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, and Poland. In total, 119,070 articles are analyzed by automated content analysis over a period of twenty-five years. The article finds no pan-European trend toward greater personalization of politics with respect to news coverage of EU executive politics. The findings nonetheless provide important implications for future research. The article particularly discusses the universal applicability of the phenomenon, the time frame for analysis, and journalistic styles in covering European politics.
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Öner, Selcen. "Growing Fusion of Populism and Euroscepticism in Italy: A Comparative Analysis of the League and The Five Star Movement." Tripodos, no. 49 (December 20, 2020): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p13-28.
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There has been a growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism in European politics, especially after recent economic and migration crises. Despite being a founding EU member and one of the most Europhile countries, Italy has seen the simultaneous rise of populism and Euroscepticism, especially after the last national elections in 2018. After introducing its conceptual and analytical framework, based on the growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism, this article compares the League and the Five Star Movement (M5S) in terms of populism and Euroscepticism and their policies before the last European Parliament elections in 2019. The qualitative analysis is based on semi-structured, face-to-face, indepth interviews with elite and expert participants conducted by the author in Italy in 2018.
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Molnár, Anna, and Anna Urbanovics. "The role of e-democracy in Italy and Hungary." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, no. 3 (April 22, 2020): 545–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-01-2020-0010.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the mechanisms behind the development of e-democracy. The contrasting cases of Italy and Hungary are selected as the case studies. With the development of new information and communication technology, more and more elements of domestic politics have been transferred to the internet-based platforms. As a response to the deep financial, economic and political crisis that Europe endured over the period 2010-2015 and as a result of the disappointment with traditional parties, new political movements and parties were created. In this paper, the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Hungarian Lehet Más a Politika (“Politics Can Be Different”) and Momentum are examined to trace the specific mechanisms that led to their establishment. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on mixed method approach, using primary and secondary data to identify and examine mechanisms conducive to the emergence of e-democracy. It uses quantitative analysis along with discourse analysis and social media analysis. The research is based on the analysis of respective parties’ social media communication. The social media analysis has been carried out by the SentiOne social listening software within the time frame of February 2018 and the end of 2019. Along different types of democracy measurements, Italy and Hungary have been analysed between 2017 and 2019. Findings The paper identifies the key preconditions for the emergence of e-democracy. These are freedom, gender gap, inequality and corruption. It also then elaborates on mechanisms, such as social media activity and citizen engagement, which lead to the emergence of e-democracy. The thesis of this article is that in Hungary (compared to Italy), elements of high-quality standards for a democracy are still missing to establish a successful political party which uses the sustainable concept for e-democracy. In Hungary, the examined parties use social media only as media representation without exploiting the possibilities lying in social media platforms. They mostly rely on these networking sites during elections and no strong sentiments can be identified in their communication. Italy is a more developed democracy where online platforms are used to engage citizens regularly. M5S actively communicates through these platforms, which is reflected in the amount of comments and strong social media activity even out of election period. Originality/value The originality of the paper is the social media analysis to test the use of social media in the parties’ political communication. The paper defines key factors and mechanisms concerning the establishment of e-democracy through inductive analysis of two contrasting cases. Italy and Hungary are two member states of the European Union (EU) with different development, their current preparation and situation regarding e-democracy give insights on how the quality of democracy determines their attitude towards cyber parties. While Italy being a founding member of the EU has become an established democracy, Hungary, after the transition, has developed into a new democracy.
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Valente, Adriana, Maria Carolina Brandi, Loredana Cerbara, and Maura Misiti. "Youth and Science in Italy: between enthusiasm and indifference." Journal of Science Communication 04, no. 02 (June 21, 2005): A01. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.04020201.
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The image and perception of science and of scientists is a crucial topic, above all with regards to younger generations, the human capital of the future. For this reason, the National Research Council (CNR), in 2004, asked the IRPPS institute (Istituto di ricerche sulla popolazione e le politiche sociali) to carry out a sample survey of 800 people between the ages of 18 and 29 on the topic. Science and new technology emerged as the topics of most interest, in addition to medicine, history and economics. Scientific content in the mass media is considered to be satisfactory, whereas education in the field of science is considered to be less than satisfactory, above all in relation to the work environment. However, if research in Italy seems weak in the eyes of young people, scientists are not seen the same way but are considered society's second most important profession after that of the entrepreneur. The problem of trust in science is due, above all, to the politics of research, which do not encourage adequate investment in public and private sectors. A factor analysis technique was applied in order to identify models of attitude towards science of various subgroups within the population.
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Gualdo, Riccardo. "Come siamo diventati populisti: la lingua politica italiana della «terza Repubblica»." Italienisch 44, no. 87 (September 5, 2022): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24053/ital-2022-0004.
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Vulgar, dishonest, incompetent: in recent years Italian politicians and their speeches have been described as such by journalists, linguists and political scientists. The turning point seems to date back to the three-year period from 2007 to 2009, when the political landscape in Italy appears to have taken on the most vivid colours of populism. These years saw the emergence of political movements and forces very different from each other, but which had some common characteristics: direct appeal to the people, intolerance for parliamentary representation rules, and a close relationship between supporters and a charismatic leader. In this paper the author wonders whether this representation of political communication reflects real new features or if it is rather the result of some longer processes in the history of Italian politics and its language. To answer this question, the author proposes a synthetic profile of political language in Italy over the last 10–15 years and focuses on its evolution and current trends, using written or transcribed texts and a corpus of parliamentary speeches from the last legislatures.
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Minuto, Emanuela. "Pietro Gori’s Anarchism: Politics and Spectacle (1895–1900)." International Review of Social History 62, no. 3 (December 2017): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859017000359.
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AbstractThis paper discusses Pietro Gori’s charismatic leadership of the Italian anarchist movement at the turn of the nineteenth century and, in particular, the characteristics of his political communication. After a discussion of the literature on the topic, the first section examines Gramsci’s derogatory observations on the characteristics and success of the communicative style adopted by anarchist activists such as Gori. The second investigates the political project underpinning the kind of “organized anarchism” that Gori championed together with Malatesta. The third section unveils Gori’s communication strategy when promoting this project through those platforms considered by Gramsci as being primary schools of political alphabetization in liberal Italy: trials, funerals, commemorations, and celebrations. Particular attention is devoted to the trials, which effectively demonstrated Gori’s modern political skills. The analysis of Gori’s performance at the trials demonstrates Gramsci’s mistake in identifying Gori simply as one of the champions of political sentimentalism.
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Barisione, Mauro. "When ethnic prejudice is political: an experiment in beliefs and hostility toward immigrant out-groups in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 2 (September 17, 2019): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.28.
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AbstractWhen the immigration issue has been strongly politicized, prejudice toward minority out-groups can be profoundly imbued with politics, to the point that citizen responses to partisan cues about immigrants tend to operate on the basis of a ‘political sympathy/antipathy bias’. This article demonstrates that there is a direct causal relation between the nature (i.e. contents and sources) of political communication over immigrants and voters' responses. Drawing on an experimental design based on ITANES (Italian National Election Studies) 2018 election survey data, it isolates the effect that the voters' ideology and party alignments, as well as the partisan source of a message, exert on manifestations of ethnic prejudice, operationalized as the refusal to accept a plausibile and counter-stereotypical statement about immigrants. It concludes that even a mere symbolic change in communication by those party actors (i.e. the League) which ‘own’ the issue would suffice to attenuate hostility toward out-groups, to the extent that it results from sustained partisan rhetoric and mobilization.
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Sorci, Giuliana. "New virtual communities for a renewed digital activism in Italy: A case study of the Bida, Cisti and Nebbia Mastodon instances." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00095_1.
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This article analyses recent developments of digital tech activism within the Italian hacker scene. Being characterized by hacktivism (the combination of hacking and politics), it first boomed in the early 2000s – engaging the anti-globalization movement, protests and counter-summits with projects like Indymedia and Autistici/Inventati. Later, it had a phase of fragmentation and an ‘evolution’, towards what Hassan and Staggenborg define as a ‘social movement community’. In this article, I will analyse what caused this ‘evolution’ and its composition, networks, frames and repertoires of action – to outline political and action perspectives pursued by these virtual ‘communities’. I will focus on those involving users of Mastodon.bida.im, Mastodon.cisti.org and Nebbia.fail independent social media, built by the radical tech collectives Bida (Bologna), Underscore (Turin) and Lab61 (Milan). From a methodological point of view, I will employ a qualitative research method: analysis of specialistic literature, blogs and documents edited by activists, semi-structured qualitative interviews and observant participation.
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Boffo, Stefano. "Universities and Marketing Mass Communication in Italy." Higher Education Policy 17, no. 4 (December 2004): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.hep.8300063.
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Lyons, Ben, Vittorio Mérola, Jason Reifler, and Florian Stoeckel. "How Politics Shape Views Toward Fact-Checking: Evidence from Six European Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (July 2020): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220921732.
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Fact-checking has spread internationally, in part to confront the rise of digital disinformation campaigns. American studies suggests ideological asymmetry in attitudes toward fact-checking, as well as greater acceptance of the practice among those more interested in and knowledgeable about politics. We examine attitudes toward fact-checking across six European counties to put these findings in a broader context ( N = 6,067). We find greater familiarity with and acceptance of fact-checking in Northern Europe (Sweden and Germany) than elsewhere (Italy, Spain, France, and Poland). We further find two dimensions of political antipathy: a left–right dimension and an “anti-elite” dimension (including dissatisfaction with democracy and negative feelings toward the European Union), the latter of which more consistently predicts negative feelings toward fact-checkers in the countries examined. Our findings demonstrate that despite general acceptance of the movement, significant political divides remain. Those less likely to trust fact-checkers could be more vulnerable to disinformation targeting these divides, leading to a spiral of cynicism.
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Toode, Ülle. "Charismatic Leaders in a New Perspective: Reality in Estonia and Italy." Studies in Media and Communication 8, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v8i1.4676.
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The purpose of this explorative study is to put the existing theories on charismatic political leadership in a current post-web media context. It also seeks to better understand why “charismatic politicians” seem to have success in present-day cyber politics. The paper considers political charisma in a Weberian perspective and aims to explain what elements it includes in a current electoral environment characterized by a fast-changing media landscape. The paper places the existing theoretical models in the context of two European societies, by comparing Estonia and Italy as case studies. Estonia, a small ex-Soviet country has emerged in recent years as an advanced e-society with highly “internetisized” media. At the same time, Italy became known by the phenomenon of the “Berlusconization” of the media, a popular subject of study in political communication. The analysis considers existing research, mostly based on the work of Max Weber, and aims to test the index of charisma, developed by Pappas (2011), in the two observed countries. The paper concludes with a discussion on if and how charismatic political leaders fit a deliberative democracy. Finally, attention is drawn to the need for further systematic comparative research to better understand the phenomenon of charismatic leadership in the post-web media environment.
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Carter, Jim. "Italy through the Red Lens: Italian Politics and Society in Communist Propaganda Films (1946–1979), Gianluca Fantoni (2021)." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 220–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00174_5.
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Review of: Italy through the Red Lens: Italian Politics and Society in Communist Propaganda Films (1946–1979), Gianluca Fantoni (2021) Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 293 pp., ISBN 978-3-03069-196-7, h/bk, $139.99
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Ferrari, Elisabetta. "Fake accounts, real activism: Political faking and user-generated satire as activist intervention." New Media & Society 20, no. 6 (September 21, 2017): 2208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817731918.
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In this article, I explore user-generated political satire in Italy by focusing on fake political accounts. By fake accounts, I refer to humorous social media accounts that satirize a politician or a political organization through impersonation. I investigate political faking and user-generated satire as an activist intervention. Through in-depth interviews, I explore the motivations and the relationship with Italian politics of a sample of fake account creators. The results show that most of the satirists interviewed here consider satire as a form of activism and even those who do not, still recognize the subversive nature of satire. Furthermore, a majority of the interviewees have complex biographies of activism that predate the creation of the fake accounts. For a smaller number of them, the fake accounts have also provided new possibilities to engage in activism away-from-keyboard (AFK).
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Campus, Donatella. "Mediatization and Personalization of Politics in Italy and France: The Cases of Berlusconi and Sarkozy." International Journal of Press/Politics 15, no. 2 (January 31, 2010): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161209358762.
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Wells, Naomi. "The linguistic capital of contested languages." Language Problems and Language Planning 35, no. 2 (October 12, 2011): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.35.2.02wel.
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Political debate concerning the recognition of regional and minority languages has been the subject of much study in recent years. However, with the focus on separatist and/or nationalist forces, the centre-left has often been overlooked in such studies. In both Asturias in Spain and the Veneto in Italy, centre-left parties have taken a particularly ambivalent approach towards language revival policies, and the ideologies behind this approach merit further study. Drawing particularly on Bourdieu’s work, the author will consider how linguistic hierarchies and linguistic capital are reflected in centre-left discourse and actions concerning the respective local languages. This will shed light on the ambiguous role of the centre-left concerning language policy, and provide further insight into the compatibility of liberal and progressive politics with language revival policies.
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Semino, Elena, and Michela Masci. "Politics is Football: Metaphor in the Discourse of Silvio Berlusconi in Italy." Discourse & Society 7, no. 2 (April 1996): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926596007002005.
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Morad, Mohammad. "Transnational Cross-Border Family Ties: Diasporic Lives of Bangladeshis in Italy and Beyond." Genealogy 5, no. 4 (December 9, 2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy5040106.
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The scope of this paper is to gain a better understanding of how Bangladeshi migrants in Italy maintain transnational family attachments, across multiple destinations, with the home country as well as with several host countries. The data comes from fieldwork in Northeast Italy. Research methods include in-depth interviews and participant observation. The findings reveal that a high proportion of Bangladeshi migrants maintain a variety of transnational and diasporic ties with their family and friends living in the country of origin and different European countries. These include family obligations, remittances, establishing businesses back home, visits and communication. They also preserve their national identity in this host society by maintaining cultural ways of belonging and through religious practices and involvement in Bangladeshi politics. The findings have also shown that Italian Bangladeshi families work to foster transnational family ties among the new generations born in Italy, who have little knowledge of their ancestral country. On a final note, this paper argues that transnational connections with the homeland play an important role in shaping the diasporic lives of Bangladeshis in Italy.
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Kempkens, Dieter. "Guido Bentivoglios „Della Guerra di Fiandra“ und die europäische Zeitgeschichtsschreibung über den niederländischen Aufstand (1596–1648)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 313–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0016.
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AbstractThis essay offers a complete analysis and contextualization of Guido Bentivoglio’s contemporary history „Della Guerra di Fiandra”. The comparison with works by historians from the Netherlands, France and Italy, also translated into several languages, on the uprising of the provinces of the northern Netherlands, reveals similarities in composition, stylistic devices, communication with readers and their explicit or implicit individual intentions: they wished to influence current politics. In contrast to the others, Bentivoglio did not write a history book that could be verified by many sources, but a political and military textbook for readers, whom he wished to instruct and delight with classical stylistic devices, situationally used sentences and fictional speeches. With his combination of res gestae with res fictae he created a variant of contemporary history.
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Lusito, Fabio. "«Diamo l’assalto al cielo!» («Let’s assault the sky»): science communication between scientists and citizens and Lombardo Radice’s television in Italy in the years of the protests." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 03 (June 8, 2020): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19030203.
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The years of the protests marked a period of social turmoil in Italy. The critical impulses that developed within worker and student groups had political effects even on science. This paper aims to offer a historiographical description of some stages of the relationship between scientists and protesting movements, going back over the developments in science communication in Italy between the late sixties and the seventies, focusing on the case of Lucio Lombardo Radice and his work as a TV populariser. The reinterpretation of the recent past could be useful to better understand the contemporary developments in science communication from a historical perspective.
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Llorent-Vaquero, Mercedes, Susana Tallón-Rosales, and Bárbara de las Heras Monastero. "Use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in Communication and Collaboration: A Comparative Study between University Students from Spain and Italy." Sustainability 12, no. 10 (May 12, 2020): 3969. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12103969.
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The aim of this study is to determine the level of competence that university students from Spain and Italy have in the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for communication and collaboration purposes. We also intend to identify possible differences and similarities between both countries, as well as factors associated with their competence that may lead to a digital gap. In order to fulfil these objectives, we performed a positivist exploratory study based on a quantitative methodology supported by a descriptive method with a survey design. The data collection is performed with a questionnaire, the data from which are analyzed through two statistical studies: a descriptive one and a causal one. The results show good competence from the students in this area, being somewhat higher in Italian students. We identified some of the factors associated with competence, such as Internet access or having a tablet. In conclusion, it is clear that politics on a global, national and local level are essential to the acquisition of digital competence, especially regarding the digital gap caused by access to resources. In this sense, governments must guarantee free and universal access to technology to all their citizens in order to diminish the digital gap between them.
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Montani, Maria Chiara. "The germs of terror – Bioterrorism and science communication after September 11." Journal of Science Communication 05, no. 03 (September 21, 2006): A02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.05030202.
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The attacks of September 11 2001 and in particular, the sending of letters containing anthrax spores the following October had a profound effect on society, and at the same time on science and its communicative mechanisms. Through a quanto-qualitative analysis of articles taken from four publications: two daily newspapers, the Corriere della Sera from Italy and the New York Times from the United States and two science magazines, Science and Nature, we have shown how the aforementioned events provoked the emergence of media attention regarding bioterrorism. A closer reading of the articles shows that today, science – including that found in science magazines – is closely related to politics, economics and the debate over the freedom to practice communicate. The very mechanisms of communication between scientists were changed as a result of this debate, as can be seen from the signing of the Denver Declaration in February 2003, which brought about the preventative self-censorship of publication of biomedical research findings.
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Polli, Chiara, and Carlo Berti. "Framing right-wing populist satire: The case-study of Ghisberto’s cartoons in Italy." Punctum. International Journal of Semiotics 06, no. 02 (March 1, 2021): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18680/hss.2020.0020.
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Abstract Over the last few years, right-wing populism has increased its popularity and political weight, successfully merging with Euro-scepticism, nationalism, xenophobia, religious symbolism, and aggressive forms of conservatism (e.g., anti-feminism, homophobia, and, in general, patriarchal politics). Several studies have focused on the communication strategies of contemporary populism, examining the latter’s use of traditional and new media. So far, however, little attention has been paid to the role and language of right-wing populist satire. Our study draws on the ideational approach to populism to explore how right-wing populism is expressed in satirical cartoons. This approach perceives populism as a thin-centered ideology, based on a Manichean division between ‘good people’ and ‘evil elites,’ which regularly combines with other ideological components (e.g., nationalism, Euroscepticism, xenophobia). Our analysis focuses on the Italian cartoonist Ghisberto, known for his provocative and frequently controversial work. We examine a sample of Ghisberto’s vignettes using multimodal analysis tools and Greimas’s notion of isotopy. The aim is to investigate how right-wing populist satire constructs its different targets (the EU, left-wingers, migrants, NGOs, women, etc.) and how populist ideology exploits cartoons’ communicative resources and power.
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Farinosi, Manuela, and Leopoldina Fortunati. "Knitting Feminist Politics: Exploring a Yarn-Bombing Performance in a Postdisaster City." Journal of Communication Inquiry 42, no. 2 (January 18, 2018): 138–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859917753419.
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The aim of this article is to explore urban knitting as a worldwide social movement, rather than solely a kind of “inoffensive urban graffiti” made with knitted fabric. Building on the available literature and original research, the article argues that this movement weaves together elements from craftivism, domesticity, handicraft, art, and feminism. It then explores a specific urban knitting initiative, called “Mettiamoci una pezza” (“Let’s patch it”), carried out in L’Aquila, Italy, 3 years after the earthquake that devastated the city in 2009. To analyze the sociopolitical aspects of this initiative, a series of qualitative research studies was conducted over time, to which were added semistructured interviews with the initiative’s local organizers. The findings show that the initiative in L’Aquila clearly exhibits the five original features of the urban knitting movement that emerge from the literature as being characteristic of this movement.
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Iannelli, Laura, and Carolina M. Marelli. "Performing civic cultures: Participatory public art and its publics." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 5 (July 23, 2019): 630–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919849964.
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This research investigated the performances of participatory public art as ways of taking political agency in contemporary democracy. We considered these ‘maximalist’ forms of participation – ‘multi-sited’, as the language of democratic theory suggests, in both the political sphere of art and the formal arena of politics – as ways of doing, acting, and performing citizenship in democratic societies. Drawing upon the ‘cultural turn’ in citizenship studies, we assumed civic cultures as central variables to explain these forms of political agency. Referring to media audience research, we adopted an analytical framework to explore the artists’ civic cultures that are in action in public urban spaces. The analysis focused on performances of citizenship developed in Sardinia (Italy). The research shed light on the artists’ knowledge and values, the multiple layers of audience participation envisaged in their practices of communication, their (dis)trust towards institutions and non-elite actors in civil society, and the civic identities they perform in contemporary societies.
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Befani, S. "Sara Bentivegna (2002). Politica e Nuove Tecnologie della Comunicazione (Politics and New Communication Technologies). Rome, Italy: Laterza, 176 pp., ISBN 88-420-6672-9." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 220–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/15.2.220.
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Vaccari, Cristian, and Augusto Valeriani. "Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779170.
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We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.
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Crulli, Mirko. "CORONAVIRUS AND SCIENCE-RELATED COMMUNICATION BY POPULIST PARTIES." Srpska politička misao 78, no. 4/2022 (November 8, 2022): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.3.
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The relation between science and populism has already been investigated by relevant sociopolitical literature. However, the Covid-19 pandemic has produced remarkable changes in how politics, science, and society relate to each other. Therefore, there is a need to explore further what science is to populists and how populist parties have dealt with science in times of pandemic. How much has science-related communication by populist parties changed after the outbreak of Coronavirus? What topics have populist science-related messages been about? Are there differences in the science-related communication of ideologically different populist parties, and between populist parties in government and in opposition? The research tries to answer these questions through a thematic analysis of populist communication on Twitter. The empirical investigation is carried out through topic modelling on a dataset of 1.133 science-related populist tweets. The focus is on a pertinent single case study, Italy. Here there are three different populist parties in terms of ideology, which have been both in government and in opposition during the pandemic. Findings highlight that different populist parties have resorted to different science-related rhetoric and that the two Italian populist parties on the radical right, the League and FdI, have engaged in “counter-science” and “anti-science” communication.
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McMahon, Lucas. "Digital Perspectives on Overland Travel and Communications in the Exarchate of Ravenna (Sixth through Eighth Centuries)." Studies in Late Antiquity 6, no. 2 (2022): 284–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2022.6.2.284.
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The arrival of the Langobardi to Italy disrupted centuries-old Roman overland communication networks. When the political situation stabilized around 600 CE, Rome and Ravenna, still under East Roman control, were linked by a thin tendril of territory encapsulating a militarized travel zone between the two cities, the “Byzantine Corridor.” This study uses GIS analysis, particularly least-cost path techniques, to provide further perspectives on how communication was managed between Rome and Ravenna. This technique forms the basis of a movement model in order to calculate some approximate travel times between the two cities. Having some sense of the speed and ease at which the two cities could communicate with each other creates a baseline on which to understand how decisions of political importance were made and how the geographies of communication were reconfigured in late antique and early medieval Italy.
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Berezowski, Łukasz Jan, and Artur Gałkowski. "The (d)evolution of political communication in Italy: Beppe Grillo’s case." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 58, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.58.27.
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The article aims at analyzing the case of Beppe Grillo and his Five Stars Movement in terms of social, cultural and linguistic phenomenon that – initially as a virtual party without a structured organization – seems to conquer both right-wing and left-wing Italian citizens notwithstanding generational and ideological differences. The success of grillini (Grillo’s supporters) in the parliamentary election of 2018 as a consequence of Matteo Renzi’s constitutional referendum failure, represents a clear sign of the leadership crisis as well as the drifting apart of the ruling class that ignored the problems of ordinary people for several years. The analysis is focused on both form and content: on the one hand, the artistic expression characteristic of Grillo, his gestures, mimicry and direct language plenty of verbal hyperboles, rhetorical figures, swearwords and blasphemous obscenities that build his uncompromising charisma, on the other modern technologies and social media (including blogs, forums, profiles) that are used to communicate efficiently with the electorate, create an image of an open-minded politician keeping up with the outer world. All the aforementioned circumstances demonstrate an innovative approach based on political communication that devolves some level of decision-making power to the party supporters being active web users: bloggers and influencers at the same time. Such paradigm is followed by other representatives of the Italian political scene nowadays.
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Stümer, Jenny. "The Dead are Coming." Cultural Politics 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-4312856.
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The escalating death tolls of migrants seeking to enter Europe are a dramatic testimony to the cynical, dehumanizing, and violent fortification of the European Union, whereby refugees and asylum seekers have become the emblematic figures of contemporary political exclusion. Rather than emerge as a peaceful, open, and postnational community, fortress Europe increasingly relies on a process of (re)walling, evoking the legacy of the camp and redrawing colonial boundaries. Europe’s borders serve as expressions of “necropower” and contemporary biopolitical attempts at subjugating and distinguishing forms of “bare life,” as they regulate forms of life, death, and living death. At the same time, these “necropolitics” remain hidden by the necrogeography of the borderscape. The author argues that this deathscape escalates bare life into bare death as a form of nonrelational death enabled by the constructed otherness of the Muslim refugee. Reading this politics of bare death against Sophocles’s Antigone, this article considers how Europe’s deathscape is mediated and challenged. The author examines the art collective Center for Political Beauty and its controversial project of transporting the bodies of deceased migrants from Italy to Berlin in order to give the dead “dignified burials.” The author suggests that the artists engage a form of “corpse politics” using the ritual of the burial as a way to reintegrate the death of the other. This opening of the European soil enables a reimagining of European sovereignty, acknowledging the relations denied by bare death. The nomos of the earth is reinterpreted as a nomos of the soil, reenvisioning a Europe beyond borders and welcoming “difference” as the grounds for responsible politics.
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Brancato, Sergio. "Italy in the digital age: Cinema as new technology." Modern Italy 6, no. 2 (November 2001): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135329440001200x.
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SummaryItalian cinema is lagging behind in international standards, both culturally and in production terms. Starting in the mid-1970s, the Italian communication system has begun an irreversible transformation, and yet the ideologies of Italian cinema have remained impervious to the changes and they have consequently severed Italian cinema's links with the dynamic processes taking place in the other western film industries. The result is that today's Italian cinema fails to achieve either a decent production standard or essential synergies with other sectors of the cultural industry. A new political culture of communication is the only possible strategy for making Italian cinema once again a player in the global multimedia system.
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Bertolotti, Mauro, Patrizia Catellani, Karen M. Douglas, and Robbie M. Sutton. "The “Big Two” in Political Communication." Social Psychology 44, no. 2 (January 2013): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000141.
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In two experimental studies (conducted in Britain and Italy), participants read about a politician answering to leadership- versus morality-related allegations using either downward counterfactuals (“things could have been worse, if ...”) or upward counterfactuals (“things could have been better, if ...”). Downward messages increased the perception of the politician’s leadership, while both downward and upward messages increased morality perception. Political sophistication moderated the effect of message direction, with downward messages increasing perceived morality in low sophisticates and upward messages increasing perceived morality in high sophisticates. In the latter group, the acknowledgment of an intent to take responsibility mediated morality judgment. Results were consistent across different countries, highlighting previously unexplored effects of communication on the perception of the “Big Two” dimensions.
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Musarò, Pierluigi. "Mare Nostrum: the visual politics of a military-humanitarian operation in the Mediterranean Sea." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (October 1, 2016): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716672296.
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Since the early 1990s, the ‘migration crisis’ has been high on Europe’s agenda and a main cause of concern for European citizens. In recent years, numerous activists and scholars have denounced how the militarisation of migration and border controls has been explicitly bound with notions of humanitarianism. As such, the current focus on both the securitarian and humanitarian sides of the phenomenon supports a more complex logic of threat and benevolence that allows for a security-humanitarian response. Assuming the launch of Mare Nostrum – the military-humanitarian operation in the Mediterranean targeted at both rescuing migrants and arresting smugglers – as a transformative moment in the communication strategies of Italy, this article examines the narratives produced by the Italian Navy during the operation, and how these invite us to witness them. Pivoting on the interrelated notions of ‘war imaginary’ and ‘emergency imaginary’, this article investigates how photographs and videos produced by Italian soldiers have contributed to represent the Mediterranean as a ‘humanitarian battlefield’. Thus, exploring the visual politics of Mare Nostrum within the broader framework of the new mediated warfare, it indicates how the bio-political imperative of managing lives is visually expressed through an aesthetic of trauma, where ‘war’ (on migrants) is represented both as an intimate experience of sorrow and as a public act of peacemaking.
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Boxman-Shabtai, Lillian. "Social Media in Southeast Italy." New Media & Society 21, no. 7 (April 4, 2019): 1662–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819839401.
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Tagliacozzo, Serena, Frederike Albrecht, and N. Emel Ganapati. "International Perspectives on COVID-19 Communication Ecologies: Public Health Agencies’ Online Communication in Italy, Sweden, and the United States." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 7 (February 9, 2021): 934–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221992832.
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Communicating during a crisis can be challenging for public agencies as their communication ecology becomes increasingly complex while the need for fast and reliable public communication remains high. Using the lens of communication ecology, this study examines the online communication of national public health agencies during the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy, Sweden, and the United States. Based on content analysis of Twitter data ( n = 856) and agency press releases ( n = 95), this article investigates two main questions: (1) How, and to what extent, did national public health agencies coordinate their online communication with other agencies and organizations? (2) How was online communication from the agencies diversified in terms of targeting specific organizations and social groups? Our findings indicate that public health agencies relied heavily on internal scientific expertise and predominately coordinated their communication efforts with national government agencies. Furthermore, our analysis reveals that agencies in each country differed in how they diversify information; however, all agencies provided tailored information to at least some organizations and social groups. Across the three countries, information tailored for several vulnerable groups (e.g., pregnant women, people with disabilities, immigrants, and homeless populations) was largely absent, which may contribute to negative consequences for these groups.
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Surma, I. V. "Digital Diplomacy in the Discourse of Global Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-53-60.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the official presence on the Internet, including social networking sites, of the state diplomatic agencies of France, Italy, Russia, and others. A new form of "digital diplomacy" on the one hand provides new opportunities for the implementation of the state international politics, and on the other, imposes special requirements on its members. There is the feedback loop between the diplomatic and public agencies (a new phenomenon of the modern information society). Social media play an important role in shaping public opinion, which puts forward specific requirements for how information on the official pages of diplomatic offices in social networks. The new format of close cooperation between the public and diplomatic agencies makes the modern diplomacy more public and less restrained. In these circumstances, it is very important information without losing the initiative and applying new and modern means of communication with their particular style of communication, they can not fall the level of political culture, as happened with the diplomatic authorities of the USA and some other countries. Thus, the ongoing technological revolution complicates the interaction between the participants of international relations. The usage of digital technologies in the diplomatic activity opens up new possibilities for conducting a policy of «soft power» aimed to develop concerted action to overcome the political, social and economic crises, as well as develop the measures to prevent them.
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Martínez-Solanilla, Marcos. "Communicating nationalism in a changing Europe: The media coverage of Catalan’s attempt at independence." Studies in Communication Sciences 19, no. 1 (December 3, 2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24434/j.scoms.2019.01.004.
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Since 2008, Europe is immersed in a situation of political and social upheaval marked by, among other processes – such as the Brexit, the Scottish referendum on independence or the growth of new populist parties – , the strengthening of nationalism in Catalonia. In this context, the role of the media is crucial, since they are the main transmitters of what occurs abroad and, depending on how they present the information, a spread of pro-independence trends in regions with a historically strong nationalist sentiment throughout the continent can be more or less likely. In order to know the differences regarding the coverage of nationalism, this study applies a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the text present in the main article on the Catalan referendum of October 1st, 2017 published online by the most-read newspapers in Portugal, Switzerland, UK, Italy, Scotland and Northeast Italy. The analysis concludes that the media not only report differently depending on the characteristics of the territory where they operate, but also that some of them use the information as a tool to indoctrinate society.
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Mancosu, Moreno. "Contexts, networks, and voting behavior: the social flow of political communication in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 3 (May 25, 2016): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.13.
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Previous research demonstrated that different contextual sources can affect voting behavior. Homogeneous familiar networks affect individual behavior of people embedded in these networks toward voting for certain parties. Moreover, being exposed to higher levels of homogeneity in the geographical place where one lives contributes to developing higher propensities to vote for a certain political object. By means of 2006 National Italian Elections data (and by employing new measures of network political homogeneity), this paper tests, with multilevel models, the hypothesis according to which networks and geographical context interact while affecting individuals’ voting behavior. Results confirm such a hypothesis, showing that familiar networks represent a ‘social bubble’, which limits the likelihood of being affected by the broader context.
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Blasio, Emiliana De, and Lorenzo Viviani. "Platform Party between Digital Activism and Hyper-Leadership: The Reshaping of the Public Sphere." Media and Communication 8, no. 4 (October 8, 2020): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i4.3230.
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The so-called crisis of representation has formed the theoretical framework of many studies on media and democracy of the past thirty years. Many researches have highlighted the crisis of legitimacy and credibility of the ‘traditional’ parties (Katz & Mair, 2018) and communication was considered, at the same time, one of the causes of acceleration towards post-representative politics (Keane, 2013) but also an indispensable tool for re-connecting citizens to politics. Various phenomena have developed within this framework: a) the birth of political aggregations as a result of mobilization in the digital ecosystem; b) the development of digital platforms for democratic participation; c) the birth of parties defined as ‘digital’ or ‘platform’; and d) the growing centrality of digital political activism, both as a phenomenon within the digital communicative ecosystem (also in the context of social media) and as a result of the transformation of social movements. This article studies the role of platform parties as a space for the emergence of authoritarian tendencies (hyper-leadership) but also as an organizational opportunity for the development of new forms of digital activism. In particular, the article presents a research on the use of digital platforms (and their political and organizational consequences) by political parties in Italy, France, and Spain. The study shows the relationships between the evolution of digital ecosystems and the way in which political organization is organised, also highlighting how the new forms of mobilization and aggregation have opened up different yet interconnected public spaces.
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Rodari, Paola. "Birth of a science centre. Italian phenomenology." Journal of Science Communication 05, no. 02 (June 21, 2006): F. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.05020901.
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In May 2004 the Balì Museum, Planetarium and interactive science museum, was opened to the public in Italy: 35 hands-on exhibits designed according to the interactive tradition of the Exploratorium in San Francisco, an astronomic observatory for educational activities, a Planetarium with 70 places. With a total investment of about three million euros, about two thirds of which were spent on restructuring the splendid eighteenth-century villa in which it is housed, the undertaking may be considered a small one in comparison with other European science centres. Three million euros: perhaps enough to cover the cost of only the splendid circular access ramp to the brand-new Cosmocaixa in Barcelona, an investment of one hundred million euros. But the interesting aspect of the story of the Balì Museum (but also of other Italian stories, as we shall see) lies in the fact that this lively and advanced science centre stands in the bucolic region of the Marches, next to a small town of only 800 inhabitants (Saltara, in the Province of Pesaro and Urbino), in a municipal territory that has a total of 5000. Whereas in Italy the projects for science centres comparable with the Catalan one, for example projects for Rome and Turin, never get off the ground, smaller ones are opening in small and medium-sized towns: why is this? And what does the unusual location of the centres entail for science communication in Italy? This Focus does not claim to tell the whole truth about Italian interactive museums, but it does offer some phenomenological cues to open a debate on the cultural, economic and political premises that favour their lives.
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Moscadelli, Andrea, Giuseppe Albora, Massimiliano Alberto Biamonte, Duccio Giorgetti, Michele Innocenzio, Sonia Paoli, Chiara Lorini, Paolo Bonanni, and Guglielmo Bonaccorsi. "Fake News and Covid-19 in Italy: Results of a Quantitative Observational Study." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 16 (August 12, 2020): 5850. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165850.
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During the Covid-19 pandemic, risk communication has often been ineffective, and from this perspective “fake news” has found fertile ground, both as a cause and a consequence of it. The aim of this study is to measure how much “fake news” and corresponding verified news have circulated in Italy in the period between 31 December 2019 and 30 April 2020, and to estimate the quality of informal and formal communication. We used the BuzzSumo application to gather the most shared links on the Internet related to the pandemic in Italy, using keywords chosen according to the most frequent “fake news” during that period. For each research we noted the numbers of “fake news” articles and science-based news articles, as well as the number of engagements. We reviewed 2102 articles. Links that contained fake news were shared 2,352,585 times, accounting for 23.1% of the total shares of all the articles reviewed. Our study throws light on the “fake news” phenomenon in the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. A quantitative assessment is fundamental in order to understand the impact of false information and to define political and technical interventions in health communication. Starting from this evaluation, health literacy should be improved by means of specific interventions in order to improve informal and formal communication.
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Leone-Pizzighella, Andrea. "Hyperlocal Language Revalorization in Verona, Italy." Multilingua 38, no. 1 (January 26, 2019): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0127.
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Abstract In Verona, Northern Italy, a music group is revalorizing a local dialetto (‘dialect’) by putting it to music. By both reviving hundred-year old songs and writing their own music and lyrics, they are widening the cultural reach that this language has and they are finding contemporary ways for people to engage with it. Unlike political groups and their related language activists in the region of Veneto, this music group does not have secessionist ideals or a pan-Veneto rallying cry behind their lyrics. Instead, they are decidedly apolitical and are focused on the hyperlocal dimension of language and musical tradition: like the Slow Food movement and the Km 0 movement, the music group Contrada Lorì makes music with local resources (such as their local dialetto) and local knowledge for a local crowd. This article considers the role of dialetto in the band’s musical portrayal of place and personhood, and considers the language ideological underpinnings of the group’s quest to balance hyperlocal linguistic authenticity and cosmopolitan innovation through music.
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Chirico, Francesco, Angelo Sacco, Gabriella Nucera, and Nicola Magnavita. "Coronavirus disease 2019: the second wave in Italy." Journal of Health Research 35, no. 4 (February 1, 2021): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhr-10-2020-0514.
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PurposeThis paper describes how Italy addressed the first Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) wave and analyzes the possible causes of the current second wave.Design/methodology/approachDescriptive analysis of critical points and differences in the containment strategies between the first and the second waves in Italy.FindingsItaly's strict lockdown has been credited with getting the initial major outbreak under control. Furthermore, the way Italy handled the first wave was considered a lesson for other countries. On the contrary, a decentralized and highly bureaucratic political system with low coordination and political conflicts between government, regions and stakeholders led to a relaxation of individual health behaviors, poor and conflicting communication to the general public, poor management of the public transport and the reopening of schools and companies after the summer, that in turn generated the second wave, which is showing signs of becoming worse than the first.Originality/valueThis is a commentary piece.