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1
Casteltrione, Isidoropaolo. ""It's complicated" : Facebook and political participation in Italy and the UK." Thesis, Queen Margaret University, 2015. https://eresearch.qmu.ac.uk/handle/20.500.12289/7343.
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Drawing from an extensive and unique data set acquired by combining a cross-national comparative approach and a mixed methods methodology, this thesis examines the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation in Italy and the UK. In the last decade there has been a proliferation of academic studies investigating the links between digital technologies and citizens’ political participation, with an increasing number of publications focusing on social networking websites (SNSs). Within this specific sub-field, research has produced contrasting evidence. Some scholars stress the positive impact of the Internet and SNSs on political participation (i.e., optimists), while others minimise their mobilising power, emphasising their tendency to reinforce existing participatory trends (i.e., normalisers) or highlighting their limited or even negative influence on political participation (i.e., pessimists). The present research differs from the majority of investigations in this area in three ways. Firstly, the data for this study were gathered mostly in a non-electoral period and thus the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were assessed independently of the electoral process, which usually occasions a rise in political participation. In addition, this research tackled two conceptual weaknesses characterising many Internet and political participation studies: the failure to consider political participation as a multidimensional phenomenon and the over-generalised approach to Internet and SNS usages. It did so by differentiating between political communication and political mobilisation activities, and three Facebook non-political usages, i.e., information, interpersonal communication, and social recreation. Thirdly, in response to the lack of cross-national comparative studies in this subject area, the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were examined in the different contexts of Italy and the United Kingdom. This thesis makes four main contributions to the field of political communication, and more specifically to the strand of research examining the impact of digital technologies on political participation. The first contribution is the Particularised Model of Facebook Political Participation. The model identifies a number of factors mediating the links between Facebook and political participation, demonstrating the relevance of both external, context-related factors related to the British and Italian media and political landscapes, and more personal, subjective ones such as self-presentation, pre-existing levels of political engagement, and the nature and size of the Facebook network. Secondly, this study sheds light on the ways that Facebook functions as a political platform, establishing that dynamics typical of both new and traditional media are in action on this SNS, and that Facebook holds the capacity to activate a virtuous circle, thereby generating an information-led mobilisation. The third contribution is the Dual Routes of Exposure Model which offers clarification on the alleged tendency of digital technologies to promote selective exposure and, consequently, political fragmentation and polarisation, and shows that Facebook can operate as a potential antidote to such trends. The fourth contribution is to the polarised debate between optimists, normalisers, and pessimist, with the present research further highlighting the sterility of such a debate and indicating potentially fruitful approaches for the development of the field.
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D'Agresti, Attilio. "Silvio Berlusconi and the Americanization of Italian Politics: a Political Analysis Through The Commentaries of Il Corriere Della Sera." Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210604921.
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UGOLINI, LORENZO. "Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.
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Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono.The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.
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UGOLINI, LORENZO. "Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.
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Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono.The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.
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Allen, Grace. "Vernacular encounters with Aristotle's politics in Italy, 1260-1600." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6137/.
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This dissertation explores the use and dissemination of Aristotelian political theory in Italian literature from the late medieval period, when the first fragments of Aristotle’s political thought appeared in the West, to the sixteenth century, when vernacular Aristotelian literature flourished. I show how late medieval and Renaissance authors employed Aristotle’s Politics in various ways, according to their political background and allegiances, their approach to the text and their intended audience. I also demonstrate how, reciprocally, the vocabulary and classifications in the Politics shaped their understanding of their own political context. The thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter offers an overview, for comparative purposes, of the Latin and Greek reception of the Politics in Western Europe. The remaining chapters proceed chronologically. Chapter Two explores the place of the Politics in Italian vernacular literature of the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Chapter Three does the same for the fifteenth century, as well as considering the impact of Neo-Platonism and the ‘questione della lingua’on vernacular political Aristotelianism. The three remaining chapters cover the sixteenth century. Chapter Four concerns Antonio Brucioli, who composed a series of Aristotelian political dialogues in the 1520s and in 1547 produced the first vernacular translation of the Politics. The subject of Chapter Five is Bernardo Segni, whose translation of the Politics, accompanied by the first full vernacular commentary, was published in 1549. Chapter Six deals with a representative selection of the wide-ranging vernacular material written on the Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The dissertation concludes with an evaluation of the changing uses of the Politics in Italy from the late thirteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, examining the different ways in which the treatise served as a key to understanding politics and political reality.
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Maxson, Brian J., and Nicholas Scott Baker. "After Civic Humanism: Learning and Politics in Renaissance Italy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://www.amzn.com/0772721777.
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The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia Universityhttps://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg
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Felsen, David. "The politics of the Italian budgetary process." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368869.
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Mattozzi, Louisa Parker. "The feminine art of politics and diplomacy : the roles of duchesses in early modern Italy /." Full text available, 2004. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/mattozzi.pdf.
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Heatherington, Tracey. "Environmental politics in a highland Sardinian community." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68102.
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The movement to protect wilderness resources can conflict with local intentions for land use and development, particularly in economically marginal areas. In rural Italy, on the island of Sardinia, the plan to create a Gennargentu National Park has incited active opposition on the part of the communities affected. In the town of Baunei, responses to environmental legislation are motivated by the desire to maintain communal control over common lands. Political action, both formal and informal, is organised by local understandings about the impact of certain laws and institutions on the town economy, principally by the restriction of residents' usi civici (traditional rights of usufruct). This thesis considers the role and meaning of the usi civici in Baunei, and the implications of this for environmental politics in Sardinia.
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Gallo, Zelia. "The penality of politics : penality in contemporary Italy 1970-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/746/.
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The thesis is a socio-legal account of Italian penality between 1970 and 2000. It analyses the Italian experience as a critical case study with which to test David Garland, Alessandro De Giorgi and Nicola Lacey’s theories of punishment in contemporary Western polities. It argues that Italian penality is not sufficiently explained by reference to Garland or De Giorgi’s meta theories of ‘late modern’ and ‘post-Fordist’ punishment. Lacey’s institutional analysis provides a better framework, if modified to allow for the centrality of political dynamics in Italy. The thesis argues that Italian penality is a ‘volatile penal equilibrium’, whose ‘differential punitiveness’ is marked by oscillations between repression and leniency. The thesis provides an institutional analysis of Italian punishment, investigating in turn the Italian political economy, political culture and state-citizen relations, judicial contributions to penal trends, and the punishment of non-EU migrants. The thesis argues that Italian penality can be systematised by reference to political dynamics, in particular political conflict and political dualisms. Political conflict can broadly be defined as conflict between political interests, ranging from parties through to broader political groups such as families; dualisms are tensions produced by opposing institutional dynamics. The thesis analyses these conflicts and dualisms in terms of penal pressures, either in favour of penal exclusion or moderation. Italy’s institutional structure incorporates political conflict, and fosters structural tensions. The result is that Italy’s volatile political equilibrium is conveyed through its institutions to the penal realm, producing a volatile penal equilibrium. Ultimately, the Italian case study demonstrates that contemporary theories of penality should explicitly incorporate political dynamics and their institutional anchorage. Italian penality can be analysed in terms of the nature of the state and its institutions and inclusion and exclusion from political belonging. Contemporary theories would profit from incorporating this analysis.
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Sciubba, Jennifer Dabbs. "The politics of population aging in Germany, Italy, and Japan." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8572.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.
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Althoff, Julie. "Il Sacro Bosco d'amore, communication through desire." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq64104.pdf.
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Hall, Kyle Matthew. "Affecting Lives: The Politics of Biography in Modern Italy, 1850-1881." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10838.
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This study examines the spread of in-life biographies (biographies written and published while their subjects were still alive) in Italy during the later years of the Risorgimento and the early years of Unification. These biographies, whose subjects ranged from the already famous to those being promoted as new political leaders, took a well-established literary form and applied it to the exigencies of the day. That this was a relatively new method of political engagement is seen through the numerous interventions by authors and editors justifying their choice of living subjects and excusing the fact that these were not traditional subjects with explanations of impartiality and necessity. As the Italian nation continued forward, such writings begin to be extended to less blatantly political subjects, such as the economic and social self-improvers touted by Michele Lessona (who followed the more famous Samuel Smiles of England) and the fictional Sicilian fishermen of Giovanni Verga's I Malavoglia. This continued push to describe in biographical terms the lives of living Italians reveals a widely neglected aspect of the biographical genre, namely that writing the life of a still-living figure is fundamentally different than writing the life of a deceased individual whose life course cannot be in any way changed by the publishing of a biography. The work that both begins and ends this study, a very early biography of Benito Mussolini, serves to illustrate the possibilities contained in this subgenre as well as the reasons for which it should continue to be studied as a form distinct from that of traditional biography.Romance Languages and Literatures
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Madge, P. "Architecture and politics in Europe : Italy and the Netherlands 1927-34." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376365.
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Olsen, Thomas George. "Circe's court : Italy and cultural politics in english writing, 1530-1685 /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487946776023502.
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Leitch, Alison. "The killing mountain : work, gender and politics in an Italian marble quarrying community." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27317.
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The first two chapters focus on the claims quarry workers make about the
independence and unique status o f their work. The first chapter historically
contextualizes and describes the organization of the production o f marble in Carrara.
One of my main aims here is to illuminate the idiosyncratic features o f marble
quarrying within a cross cultural perspective. The first half concentrates on the
quarries, the history of the technology of marble production and the contemporary
work process. In the second section I look more closely at the organization o f the
marble industry and patterns o f ownership. The second chapter turns to a closer
examination o f the labour force where I look at the processes o f recruitment, the
division o f labour and work conditions. I conclude this chapter with a discussion o f
the hierarchy o f skill and the continuing importance of notions of craft and skill to
work identities, despite recent transformations in the work process.
The third chapter deepens this discussion by further analysing workers’
perceptions o f their work and their cultural constructions o f work identity. In
particular, I explore the ways in which quarry workers contrast practical knowledge
and skills embodied through the work experience with the more technical and
scientific knowledge o f outside experts. This leads to an examination o f quarry
language as an expression o f work and gender identity, and an argument that the
experience o f work itself is an important and often neglected arena o f social analysis
in contemporary debates about work.
The history o f occupational injury in the quarries is the focus o f chapter four.
In detailing the risks of work and the high rate o f injury, I suggest that injury is a
normal consequence o f the work process in an inherently dangerous work
environment, but through an analysis o f labour rhetoric and the close examination o f
an event known as the “ Bettogli Disaster” , I argue that the conditions o f risk are as
much socially and culturally constructed ideas as material realities. In opposition to
current sociological and psychological models o f occupational health and safety, I
argue that the risks o f injury and body mutilation constitute an important arena for
the construction o f work identities which in turn, contribute to apparently
contradictory responses to questions of safety in the quarries. The chapter concludes
with a discussion o f the experience o f death as an expression o f class and gender
identity.
This last theme is further explored in chapter five, which is broadly concerned
with the relationship between home and work. Here I coin the term “ the economy of
fear” to describe to the ways in which women emotionally manage fear, in a
community where death and body mutilation is a frequent and catastrophic event.
This chapter also analyses the roles of women within the household and the political
culture of the village and examines the processes of female exclusion and domestic
containment through constructions of femininity in a gendered work culture.
The concluding chapter uses historical and literary texts to discuss the
association of Carrara in the national imagination of Italy with a long tradition of
anarchism. In these texts a causal relationship is often drawn between work in the
marble quarries and the survival of anarchism as a political tradition. While not
wanting to negate the empirical and historical reality of anarchism in Carrara, I
conclude that some writers, Italian labour historians in particular, have
misinterpreted the connections between the organization of marble production and
anarchism.
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Singh-Masuda, Neil Raj. "Exilium Romanum : exile, politics and personal experience from 58 BC to AD 68." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36392/.
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This thesis investigates the sentence of exile in Rome from the years 58 BC to AD 68. Its central argument is that exile increased in severity from the end of the Republic until it had been turned into a despotic tool at the end of the Julio-Claudian Dynasty. The thesis also aims to convey diachronically the sense of exile through an analysis of its experiential effect on those who suffered banishment from Rome, while taking account of legal changes and explaining the various forms of exile, aquae et ignis interdictio, relegatio and deportatio. Primary sources referred to include the exilic works of Cicero, Ovid and Seneca, the historical texts of Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio, as well as a wide range of other ancient writers. Additional research methods include the use of epigraphic and material evidence. A full bibliography of secondary sources and appendices on key moments and places of exile are included.
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Guedes, Olga M. R. "Green politics, ideology and communication." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27785.
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Tarrant, Neil James. "Disciplining the School of Athens : censorship, politics and philosophy, Italy 1450-1600." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2340/.
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This thesis examines the censorship of philosophy in Italy in the period 1450-1600, seeking to establish how the scrutiny of ideas was affected by the religious crisis of the sixteenth century. One of the primary aims of this thesis is to revise older accounts of censorship, dominant in the literature of both the history of science and Italian intellectual history traditions. These historiographies suggest that the Counter- Reformation triggered the emergence of a new and repressive attitude towards the censorship of philosophy, which grievously affected Italian intellectual and scientific culture in the seventeenth century. My thesis challenges this received view by drawing upon the insights produced by historians working in other disciplines, especially institutional historians of the Inquisition and the Index of Forbidden Books, and historians of the Church who have challenged the older monolithic view of the „Counter-Reformation Church‟. It seeks to show that while there were indeed significant changes to the apparatus of censorship during the sixteenth century, notably the re-organisation of the Inquisition and creation of the Index, they did not signal an entirely new approach towards the censorship of philosophy, nor did it have the cataclysmic impact suggested by earlier historians. I argue that the attitudes towards philosophy maintained within these institutions represent a specific formulation of the relationship between philosophy and revealed faith, which was in fact consistent with ideas elaborated within the mendicant orders during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. I argue that the implementation of these ideas as the basis for censorship can only be understood by understanding complex power struggles within the Church.
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Passetti, Francesco. "Keeping policy and politics apart: integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Thomas, Frances Ellen. "Michelangelo, the Medici Principate and Fiorentinismo : the politics of culture in mid-sixteenth-century Florence." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366229.
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Ashdowne, Clare. "Maria Maddalena de' Pazzi and the politics of canonization in early modern Italy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539937.
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Quaglia, Lucia. "Italy and economic and monetary union : domestic politics and European union policy-making." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390828.
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Andreotti, Libero. "Art and politics in Fascist Italy : the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution (1932)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14179.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1989.Title as it appeared in M.I.T. Graduate List, Sept. 1989: Art and politics in Italy; the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution.
Includes bibliographical references.
by Libero Andreotti.
Ph.D.
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McMahon, Simon Alexander. "Negotiating meanings and power : the politics of Romanian immigration in Italy and Spain." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negotiating-meanings-and-power(ce541450-1f43-41f5-afad-a0c11a1812f2).html.
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This thesis critically engages with the politics of citizenship, immigration and identity in Europe. It asks why different public and political responses to the presence of Romanian immigrants have arisen in Italy, where this nationality has been presented as a threat to security and public order, compared to Spain where this has not been so. In doing so, it has sought to bring an understudied immigrant population into mainstream academic view whilst contrasting the prevalent idea in academia and politics that immigrants constitute culturally homogeneous and bounded groups or communities. It argues that different responses are due not to the cultural characteristics of immigrants themselves but rather to the choices and strategies of mobilisation of structurally-situated actors who negotiate what it means to be categorised as being of one of these nationalities. It then examines the implications of the accession of Romania to the European Union in 2007, finding that the legal category of EU citizen does not directly herald an increasing presence in the public sphere for Romanian immigrants. Instead, the impact of the rights of citizenship of the EU on public references to Romanian immigrants are contingent on local contexts and dependent on the ability of specific actors to take advantage of national and local opportunities for inclusion and participation. The research project thus contributes empirically and methodologically to diverse literatures on the role of identity in contemporary politics, immigrant and ethnic minority political participation and social movements, and the implications of European Union integration on immigration, immigrant integration and social citizenship in the current phase of globalisation. It thus provides a perspective on the political dimension of immigration and ethnic relations as well as a way of unveiling and explaining the mobilisation of populist xenophobic discourses found in some European countries today.
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Pazzaglia, Nicoletta. "Madness Apparatus: Gender Politics, Art and the Asylum in Fin-de-Siècle Italy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18729.
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My dissertation focuses on literary and photographic representations of female madness as a means of exposing the material violence that notions of normality and of national identity produced in Italian society during the fin-de-siècle. Although many studies explore the exclusion of minorities in the project of nation-making, the mentally ill have rarely been discussed. Those studies that focus on literary representations of madness usually treat it as a metaphor or literary expedient and leave unexplored the material violence that psychiatric institutions inflicted on the mentally ill body. I aim to connect cultural realities and their representations, exploring the ways in which psychiatric and state power constructed and used the mentally ill body in the quest to create national identity. This quest was rooted in the widespread image of Italians as effeminate southerners from a backward, pre-modern part of Europe, an image that led to a crisis of masculinity.
In my study I consider the crisis of masculinity vis-à-vis practices of asexualization of the body conducted inside the asylum. Through a parallel analysis of psychiatric photography and literary representations of female madness in Giovanni Verga, Luigi Capuana, Gabriele D'Annunzio, and Futurist avant-garde writers, my study shows how these practices actively contributed to social constructions of madness. Chapter I is an introduction to the development of modern psychiatry vis-à-vis the project of national identity formation in post-unification Italy. Chapter II analyzes first literary representations of female madness and psychiatric portraits of female patients to argue that the asexualization of patients' bodies was used to offer an ontological weight to national manhood. Chapter III explores the phenomenon of hysteria to show how the body of the hysterical woman functioned as apparatus used to produce normalization. Chapter IV examines how the futurist avant-garde overturned the madness apparatus at the beginning of the twentieth century. The conclusion I draw is that the mentally ill body functioned as an abjected or excluded other whose alterity was key to the construction of Italian identity.
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Gazali, Effendi. "Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.
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Proefschrift--Universiteit Nijmegen, 2004.Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
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Stoddart, Simon Kenneth Fladgate. "Complex polity formation in N. Etruria and Umbria, 1200-500 BC." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272832.
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Leech, John Patrick. "Peasants and politics : rural society and discontent in the Dipartimento del Reno (1802-1817)." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262597.
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Karandaeva, Ekaterina. "Irregular Migration : A case study of Italy." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-67269.
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One of the concerns of the current study is to analyse empirically and theoretically the economic and political causes of irregular migration to Italy in order to proceed with the critical estimation of the national, international and partly supranational migration policies. Since several theories will be applied during the study it will enable me to fully describe the phenomena of the irregular migration and modern enslavement of the irregular immigrants on Italian territory. I will disregard the fact that each theory is criticised on the grounds of being too concentrated on a few aspects of the phenomena and lacking the focus on all of its aspects due to the fact that the joint use of several theories provides a broader outlook. However, one crucial critique will be taken into closer consideration. Thus, the closer study of the phenomenon of modern slavery, strongly interconnected with the irregularity of migration, the duality of the Italian economy and the restrictive migration policies will bring together both the political and economic approaches to migration, whose split appears as the central critique for a great number of IR theories.12 In the normative part of the study I will focus on the critical analysis of the criminal status of the irregular immigrants assigned to them by the Italian migration policies and the Schengen Treaty of the EU in order to prove that instead of a criminal status, a victim status should be given to all immigrants, regardless of whether they were trafficked into Italian territory or crossed the border on their own free will. Additionally, in the normative part of the thesis I will compare and analyse scholars’ previous findings related to the possible amendments to the existing policies and propose my own conclusions and suggestions of how the laws, policies and governmental focuses “ought to be” changed.
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Razetti, F. "POLITICS, PUBLIC POLICY AND INTERGOVERNMENTAL ARRANGEMENTS: THE CASE OF HEALTHCARE IN ITALY AND SPAIN." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/240304.
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Under the effect of both exogenous and endogenous pressures, the territorial organization of political power has been deeply transformed in many Western States. In such a context, intergovernmental relations (IGR) have become increasingly salient, adding (or redefining) a new dimension of politics within multi-tiered domestic arenas. Different institutional tools for managing transformed intergovernmental relations (Intergovernmental Arrangements) are both theoretically possible and empirically observable. In this dissertation, the causes and the consequences of these institutional structures are investigated in two neo-regional countries – Spain and Italy – in one of the public policy sectors most affected by the process of territorial re-scaling: health care. Grounded on a historical new-institutional perspective and based on the adoption of a Most Similar System research Design (MSSD), the comparative analysis explores firstly why, in spite of similar levels of health care decentralization, Intergovernmental Arrangements at work in this policy field in these two countries differ on many respects; and, secondly, whether these differences can account for variations in the processes of intergovernmental policy-making channeled through them. The analysis shows the relevance, for understanding IGAs’ differences, of a set of factors at play in the early stages of decentralization: the degree of symmetry in the allocation of healthcare competences among subnational units as well as the kind of intragovernmental relations within the constitutive arenas; moreover, it suggests that the timing by which causal conditions come into play is a
relevant question to be considered. By assessing the impact exerted by Intergovernmental Arrangements on IGR, and particularly on the kind of coalitions emerging in IGR processes, the analysis shows that, in line with previous studies in the field, the general
question "do intergovernmental institutions matter?" can be positively answered.
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Holdaway, Dominic. "A Return to Cinema d’Impegno? Cinematic Engagements with Organized Crime in Italy, 1950-2010." Doctoral thesis, Università di Warwick, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11576/2673362.
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Virgilio, Carlo. "Florence, Byzantium and the Ottomans (1439-1481) : politics and economics." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5738/.
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This dissertation studies the diplomatic and political communication between Florence, the Byzantine and the Ottoman empires in the fifteenth century (1439-1481). The first chapter is introductory to the thesis and reconstructs the contacts between Florence and Byzantium. The second chapter and the third chapter examine the privileges granted by John VIII to Florence; the chapters present the contents and contextualise the privileges within the humanist environment. The fourth chapter studies the Florentine-Byzantine contacts after the Council (1439-1453), focusing on why Florence abandoned Byzantium. The fifth chapter analyses the beginning of Florentine-Ottoman relations and reconstructs the commercial privileges given by the sultan to Florence. The sixth and seventh chapters investigate Florence’s diplomacy during the Ottoman-Venetian war (1463-1479) and Otranto (1480-1481) until Mehmet II’s death. The thesis is accompanied by three appendices including a number of unpublished documents, a prosopography of the Florentines involved in the Levant, and selected Byzantine charters used for the analysis in chapter two. I aim to demonstrate that the relations between the eastern and the western part of the Mediterranean in the fifteenth century were determined by political and economic considerations rather than faith. These considerations guided Florence’s diplomacy to achieve commercial superiority in Constantinople.
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Hogan, Marina. "The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Buonfino, Alessandra. "The discourse on the Europeanisation of immigration politics in Europe, Britain and Italy between 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615188.
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Bowd, Stephen D. "The contemplatives in action : Vincenzo Querini, Gasparo Contarini, and the shaping of politics in Renaissance Italy." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17566.
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This thesis offers a new way of understanding the history of Italy and of Venice during the period 1494-1530. Using newly examined manuscript and printed materials as well as older secondary sources, it seeks to demonstrate the close connection between religion and politics through the biographies of the Venetian clerics Vincenzo Querini (1479-1514) and Gasparo Contarini (1483-1542). Chapter 1 provides the first comprehensive biography of Vincenzo Querini and introduces the major themes of this study - the pan-European nature of Venetian politics and religion, and the relationship between the active and the contemplative lives. The exchange of letters between Querini and Contarini during 1511-14 (considered in Chapter 2) can only be properly understood in the context of these themes, Querini's biography, and the centrality of his friendship with Contarini. Querini's role in monastic and curial reform is highlighted in the third and fourth chapters, and particular emphasis is placed upon his Florentine connections - especially with the piagnoni. In Chapter 5 Contarini's work on the ideal bishop (De officio episcopi) is placed in the light of Querini 's reform thought and is also examined in order to show its affinities with Contarini's treatise on the government of Venice (De magistratibus et republica Venetorum). Chapter 6 establishes for the first time the pre-publication circulation of the work, and examines its audience. Chapter 7 consists of a close textual reading of themes of harmony and discord in the book - thereby establishing Contarini's debt to Thomist ecclesiology, and to Aristotelian political and moral theory. The final two chapters consider these themes in relation to Contarini's Florentine connections, and within the context of Florentine and Venetian republicanism, and of Florentine exiles in Venice.
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Maxson, Brian. "Review of Cultures of Charity: Women, Politics, and the Reform of Poor Relief in Renaissance Italy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6202.
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Wells, Naomi Amelia Stewart. "Language policy and politics : the central state and linguistic minorities in Spain and Italy, 1992-2010." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5240/.
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Linguistic minorities are playing a crucial role in determining how states are reimagining themselves in more plural and inclusive ways. Pressure from both supranational and sub-state levels of government has meant that the repression of linguistic minorities by state institutions is no longer acceptable and even attitudes of neglect are widely condemned. However, while there has been a noticeable change in attitudes towards linguistic minorities in many European states, the specific role of the central state in relation to these groups remains ambiguous and merits further study. This thesis thus compares the language policies of the central states of Spain and Italy between 1992 and 2010, concerning two specific linguistic minorities in each country. These include Catalan-speakers in Catalonia and the German-speaking minority in Alto Adige/Südtirol, which have received considerable recognition and find themselves in a comparable situation within their respective states. In contrast, the Asturian- and Sardinian-speaking minorities have received the most minimal recognition at both the regional and state levels. Three sources of primary data were identified for the purposes of this study: official state documentation and legislation, elite interviews with political and institutional representatives, and state-wide newspapers. The research reveals the rationales, ideologies and motivations behind the actions of the central states of Spain and Italy in their approaches towards these distinct groups. New insight is provided by considering cases which have not previously been compared, as well as focusing on the typically hidden language policies of the state in contrast to the visible and widely studied policies implemented at the regional or provincial levels. This approach allows conclusions to be drawn on the extent to which both states may be moving away from the traditional monolingual nation-state model and provides recommendations for future approaches to linguistic minorities at the state and European levels.
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Cimino, Roberta. "Italian queens in the ninth and tenth centuries." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5359.
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This thesis investigates the role of queens in ninth and tenth century Italy. During the Carolingian period the Italian kingdom saw significant involvement of royal women in political affairs. This trend continued after the Carolingian empire collapsed in 888, as Italy became the theatre of struggles for the royal and imperial title, which resulted in a quick succession of local rulers. By investigating Italian queens, my work aims at reassessing some aspects of Italian royal politics. Furthermore, it contributes to the study of medieval queenship, exploring a context which has been overlooked with regard to female authority. The work which has been done on queens over the last decades has attempted to build a coherent model of early medieval queenship; scholars have often privileged the analysis of continuities and similarities in the study of queens' prerogatives and resources. This thesis challenges this model and underlines the peculiarities of individual queens. My analysis demonstrates that, by deconstructing the coherent model established by historiography, it is possible to underline the individual experiences, resources and strengths of each royal woman, and therefore create a new way to look at the history of queens and queenship. The thesis is divided into four main thematic sections. After having introduced the subject and the relevant historiography on the topic in the introduction, in Chapter 2 I consider ideas about queenship as expressed by narrative and normative sources. Chapter 3 deals with royal diplomas, which are a valuable resource for the understanding of queens' reigns. Chapter 4 analyses queens' dowers and monastic patronage. Chapter 5 examines the experience of Italian royal widows. Finally, the conclusive chapter outlines the significance of this thesis for the broader understanding of medieval queenship.
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Lisko, Chelsie Lee. "Politics, Policy, and Some Emotion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1291238299.
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Saleh, Suliman. "The role of public relations and public diplomacy in building Libyan relationships with Italy in the Gaddafi and post-Gaddafi era." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/36290/.
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Relationships between Libya and Italy, both during and post Colonel Gaddafi’s rule, have witnessed many developments and changes, with the Italian colonialism of Libya from 1911 to 1942/1943 playing an important role in shaping those relationships. Thus, this thesis seeks to examine the roles of Public Relations (PR) and Public Diplomacy (PD) in building the Libyan-Italian relations. In order to explore those roles, the Grunig and Hunt’s (1984) Four PR Models, and the two International Models, have been applied. Furthermore, Relationship Management has been applied as a general theory of PR. For the purpose of this study, twenty Libyan and Italian diplomats, including Prime Ministers, Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors, were interviewed. Significant attention has been paid to the process of selecting the sample, where the method of purposive sampling has been selected as the most appropriate qualitative method for this study. Moreover, the thematic analysis technique has been applied in order to identify patterns and meaningful themes about the phenomenon under investigation. The results of this study reveal that PR and PD, as important communication tools, have played a significant role in building the Libyan-Italian relations. Furthermore, it has been made clear that the Libyan and Italian diplomats, had been aware of practising the original four models and the two international models. This study has also found evidence suggesting that these models could be applied to the field of PD. Furthermore, the two-way symmetrical model, the cultural interpreter model and the personal influence model are the most suitable models in building relationships between governments as they are considered to be the bridges that connect PR with PD in terms of theory and practice. Findings of this research have also shown that there are convergences between both fields, especially concerning their roles in building relationships; however, a difference between the fields does also exist.
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Flynn, Gemma. "Political communication of crime." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20456.
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This thesis seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary crime communication landscape. While this landscape is considered in its constituent parts, including specific features of current British politics, the evolving media sphere and the voice of the public, this thesis argues for a conceptualization of this realm that grasps its fluid and dynamic character. Original research is conducted through case studies of the 2010 UK General Election, the Phone Hacking Scandal and the 2011 Riots. Discourse analysis is employed in order to enhance our awareness of supralinguistic behaviour and of the play of power in the construction of crime narratives. This is contrasted with influential current accounts of ‘populism’ which, it is argued here, tend to be unduly deterministic and to err towards the dystopian. The research suggests that structural shifts in the media landscape, specifically the recent ubiquity of new media coinciding with an undermining of the singular tabloid narrative, have enabled a redistribution of power in the symbolic construction of crime which can make it harder for political actors to capture the crime question for populist purposes. Furthermore, this shift has empowered the public voice and has infused political debate with a chaotic plurality of views. Nevertheless, the symbolic weight of crime issues remains prominent in this landscape and Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chains (2004) is employed to add a microsociological picture of the escalation from small scale narrative to broad righteous anger. This requires an adaptation of this model to address interactions that occur outside the context of physical co-presence. Such perspectives on the plurality of mediated communication today both broaden and update our grasp of the political communication of crime and in so doing argue for a degree of optimism concerning the scope for democratic debate about criminal justice issues.
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Bredin, Marian. "Aboriginal media in Canada : cultural politics and communication practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28692.
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This dissertation considers the relation between culture and communication with respect to the development of aboriginal media in Canada. It introduces and elaborates a concept of cultural politics with which to interpret the history of contact between aboriginal and non-aboriginal people. This concept is further applied to an analysis of Canadian cultural and communications policy and the intervention of native broadcasters in policy procedures and discourses. The dissertation undertakes a critical review of existing research on aboriginal media. It assesses the usefulness of interpretive tools drawn from poststructuralist philosophy, ethnography and postcolonial theory in understanding the relation between cultural politics and communication practices. These tools are then implemented in the presentation of a case study of Wawatay Native Communications Society, a regional native broadcasting organization based in Northwestern Ontario.
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Abuzanouna, Bahjat A. "Enhancing democratic communication? : television and partisan politics in Palestine." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z5x9/enhancing-democratic-communication-television-and-partisan-politics-in-palestine.
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Against the political backdrop of the Palestinian conflict and Israeli occupation, this thesis focuses on the most important media in the Palestinian context, television, which has the widest reach and influence among Palestinians. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the question of how far, in the perceptions of Palestinians, the two television channels – Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV – are contributing to the development of a new democratic political state through participative communication processes. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected in the Gaza Strip between December 2009 and July 2010 through a survey questionnaire of 500 Gazans, semi-structured and unstructured interviews and focus groups with a range of participants, from university students and human rights activists, to journalists and non-governmental organization (NGO) employees. The thesis investigates the perceptions of different sectors of Palestinian society and media workers about their access to the television channels, their views on media reliability, freedom of expression, the watchdog role of television, their opinions on the status of democracy and human rights, and other issues related to media functions and democracy in Palestine. Three functions of the media - as a forum for discussion and debate; as provider of information and as a watchdog, critiquing the powers that be – are explored. The thesis examines how the media perform in providing the functions of democratic communication through exploring the relationship between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas governments and the two television channels Palestine Television and Al-Aqsa. The key findings of the research were, in the view of many respondents, that the two television channels, Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV, were controlled by the two political parties - Fatah and Hamas respectively and that this has compromised the media’s function to promote democratic communication and the democratic process. The thesis argues that the two political factions are trying to manipulate the public and conceal information that affects their power. As a result, the political parties have polarized the emerging public sphere. The lack of freedom of expression and access to information has prevented the establishment of a democratic space essential to create a coherent political system and on which to base a democratic society that respects human rights. The thesis concludes by suggesting, however, in the transition to democracy, the existence of partisan media may be able to fulfil a role in contributing to the democratization of Palestine. The two television channels do provide limited functions of democratic communication to their own factions, so between them they may benefit Palestinian society in the progress towards the development of independent media.
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Jaeger, Markus H. "Domestic institutions and European monetary integration : the politics of monetary and fiscal convergence in Italy, 1992-1998." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1617/.
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This thesis analyses how Italy succeeded in fulfilling the macroeconomic convergence criteria agreed upon at the Maastricht conference in late 1991. It is argued that economic policy reform in Italy between 1992 and 1998 has to be understood primarily as the result of two sets of factors: international financial and political pressure; and domestic political and socio-economic institutions. The institutionally grounded concept of 'executive strength' is regarded as particularly important, as 'weak' Italian governments had been the main reason for unsustainable economic policies in the past. Methodologically, the study uses an historical-institutionalist approach to explain institutional and policy reform. From both an empirical and theoretical perspective, successful macroeconomic convergence during the 1992-98 period represents an anomaly. Hence the study of successful policy reform can be regarded as a 'deviant case study' which is implicitly comparative in nature. The thesis analyses in a historically-detailed manner institutional and policy reforms in the four most relevant policy areas, that is, budgetary policy, pension reform, private and public sector wage policies, and monetary and exchange rate policy. It is argued that policy reforms in these four areas made an important contribution to monetary and fiscal convergence. The study finds that the obstructive character of domestic institutions - and especially executive weakness - was overcome thanks to international pressure. Nonetheless, domestic institutions continued to affect policy outcomes. By comparing the French and Italian macroeconomic policy regimes, the concluding chapter provides a second-line defence in favour of the domestic-institutional and 'executive strength' accounts.
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Creber, Alison Madeleine. "Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091) : imperial politics and regional power in eleventh-century northern Italy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/adelaide-of-turin-c1014241091(abd1af3a-8b96-4a06-98d4-37d6a121bcd6).html.
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Recent scholarship emphasises that the exercise of political power by royal and aristocratic medieval women was commonplace. Building upon this work, my thesis examines the life of Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091), who inherited, and ruled, the mark of Turin. Her importance has often been overlooked however, particularly in Anglophone historiography. Older scholarship tends to focus on Adelaide in terms of her connection with the Savoyard dynasty (who later became kings of Italy), or on the rise of regional states. These traditional histories do not take account of the central issues with which I am concerned: gender and cultures of power. In focusing on Adelaide – and gender – my thesis illuminates wider issues, relating to the exercise of power in the eleventh century, as well as to imperial politics, and religious change. Part I of the thesis considers Adelaide’s role in dynastic and imperial politics. Particular attention is paid to Adelaide’s acquisition and maintenance of power, and to the marital alliances forged between Adelaide’s dynasty and the imperial family. Through focusing on Adelaide key political events are reassessed, including two crises in the reign of her son-in-law, Henry IV of Germany (his attempt to repudiate his wife in 1069, and the events at Canossa in 1077). Revising the commonly held view that Adelaide and her dynasty had close ties with Savoy, Part II focuses on Adelaide’s power in Turin. Adelaide’s religious patronage and support of monastic reform are examined, as are her dealings with her officers and administration, her relationship with local elites, and her role in the administration of justice. Adelaide dominated the political landscape of Turin, and played key roles in imperial and papal politics. She was such an important non-royal ruler that (in preference to the more usual term, ‘lordly woman’) she is best described as a ‘princely woman’.
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Carrera, Leandro Nicolas. "The Politics of Pension Reform in a Comparative Perspective: A Cross-Regional Analysis of Argentina, Uruguay, Spain and Italy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195394.
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What factors explain pension reform decisions in countries with generous public pension systems and an ageing population? To answer this question I analyze four countries with some similar characteristics: (1) a well expanded and fragmented public pension system that follows the traditional Bismarckian structure of different funds for specific occupational categories; (2) a public pension system with high degrees of coverage and based on the pay-as-you-go (PAYG) principle in which current workers pay for current retirees; (3) increasing public pension spending levels that towards the 1990s made the public pension system unsustainable. The four selected countries differ along one significant dimension. Two of them are newly industrialized countries and in Latin America: Argentina and Uruguay. The other two countries are industrialized economies of the European Union: Italy and Spain.I hypothesize that while international and domestic factors matter in explaining pension reform, the former will play an indirect role by stressing the need to make the pension system more sustainable to put public finances in order. Thus, I contend that domestic economic and political factors will determine the reform outcome.I find support for my theory in the analysis of the four countries. International and supranational organizations played a role in supporting policymakers' reform efforts and highlighting the necessity to reduce pension liabilities in the long run to put public finances in order. However, these organizations did not determine the reform outcome. Instead, I find that domestic economic and political factors explain the final reform decision. On the economic side, the maturity of the pension system - represented by the magnitude of pension promises to future retirees - and the state of public finances, determined policymakers' first choice for reform; which ranged from proposals to change the parameters of the public pillar to that pillar's structural reform together with the introduction of a private pillar of individual accounts. Once this choice was made, the reform was negotiated with those with a special interest in the pension system: pensioners and labor. Thus, these actors' organizational strength and preferences explains the type of specific pension reform finally adopted in each country.
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Mason, Ambra <1992>. "Digital Communication and Storytelling for the Made in italy. The case of Tecnica Group." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9167.
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The dissertation focuses on the importance of digital communication and storytelling operating in the Made in Italy business. The emergence of new technologies and the change of perspective from a cultural and economic point of view, have raised important opportunities for companies involved in the made in Italy sector, which face the possibility to take advantage of the web to satisfy the global demand.
Digital communication becomes a fundamental mean to spread the Italian reputation worldwide, through the use of new media and revolutionized communication and marketing mechanisms. The expansion of markets in which Italian companies operate coincides with the necessity of explaining cultural contents in a completely new and efficient way, on which the value of the Italian product is based. Italian manufacturers, hence, take up international challenges showing their products to a wider target of consumers and adopting adequate channels to engage them.
According to specific theories, the dissertation analyzes the diffusion of Internet and digital tools, representing a turning point to achieve these goals, and the consequent cultural change brought by the development of new technologies.
The discussion has been supported by four Italian cases of excellence, advocates of successful digital strategies which have positively influenced their businesses in the Made in Italy sector.
Finally, Tecnica Group has been chosen as the specific case of analysis in order to understand the impact of new digital opportunities from a communication perspective. The complexity of having many brands performing in several areas of reference and focusing on different consumer targets have led the Group to face a challenging revolution, taking advantage of digital opportunities through a customized adoption process for each brand.
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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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