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Neumann, Franz L. "Anxiety and Politics." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (June 27, 2017): 612–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.901.
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The English version of this article was first published in 1957. The journal tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique republished it 60 years later in 2017. In this essay, Franz L. Neumann discusses the role of anxiety in politics. The article asks: How does it happen that the masses sell their souls to leaders and follow them blindly? On what does the power of attraction of leaders over masses rest? What are the historical situations in which this identification of leader and masses is successful, and what view of history do the men have who accept leaders? For answering these questions, the author suggests a combination of political economy, Freudian political psychology, and ideology critique. He sees anxiety in the context of alienation. Alienation is analysed as a multidimensional phenomenon consisting of economic, political, social and psychological alienation. Neumann introduces the notions of Caesaristic identification, institutionalised anxiety and persecutory anxiety. The essay shows that fascism remains an actual threat in capitalist societies.Acknowledgement: The editors of tripleC express their gratitude to the Neumann and Marcuse families for their support in republishing this essay, to Simon & Schuster for granting us the rights, and to Denise Rose Hansen for her invaluable editorial assistance. Original source: From the book “The Democratic and the Authoritarian State” by Franz Neumann. Copyright © 1957 by the Free Press. Copyright renewed © 1985 by the Free Press, a division of Macmillan, Inc. Reprinted by permission of Free Press, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc. Originally delivered as a lecture before the Free University of Berlin and published in the series “Recht und Staat,” Tübingen,1954. Translated by Professor Peter Gay. This article is published in tripleC without a CC licence.About the AuthorFranz Leopold Neumann (1900-1954) was a political theorist associated with the Frankfurt School. He obtained a doctoral degree in legal studies at the University of Frankfurt with the dissertation „Rechtsphilosophische Einleitung zu einer Abhandlung über das Verhältnis von Staat und Strafe“ (A Legal-Philosophical Introduction to A Treatise on the Relationship between the State and Punishment). Neumann became the German Social Democratic Party’s (SPD) main legal advisor at a time when the Nazis and Hitler gained strength in Germany. At the time when Hitler came to power in 1933, the legal office had to be closed and Neumann had to flee from Germany. In London, he in 1936 obtained his second doctoral degree from the London School of Economics with the work “The Governance of the Rule of Law” under the supervision of Harold Laski and Karl Mannheim. Neumann moved to New York in 1936, where he became a member of the Institute of Social Research (also known as the “Frankfurt School”) that was then in exile in the USA. In 1942, he started working for the Office of Strategic Service (OSS), where he together with Herbert Marcuse and Otto Kirchheimer analysed Nazi Germany. In 1942, Neumann published his main book is Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933–1944 (2nd, updated edition published in 1944), one of the most profound analyses of Nazi Germany’s political economy and ideology. Franz L. Neumann died in 1954 in a car accident.
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Özvatan, Özgür. "The Great Secession: Ethno-National Rebirth and the Politics of Turkish–German Belonging." Social Inclusion 8, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i1.2437.
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Germany is facing a contemporary mainstreaming of the far right, which has a long tradition of wanting “Turks out!” Turkish immigrants have been the main strangers in Germany following the guest-worker treaty signed in 1961, physically close as friends, yet culturally distant as foes. From September 2015 onwards, German–Turkish politics of belonging, the Turkish issue, underwent a contentious period resulting in secessions between German and Turkish authorities in September 2017. Against this background, this article asks: How did mainstream political actors in Germany emplot the Turkish issue while a far-right challenger party sought to establish a far-right narrative of ethno-national rebirth? The temporal unfolding of the Turkish issue is explored by drawing on media analysis (n = 1120), interpretive process-tracing and narrative genre analysis of claims raised by political actors in German and Turkish newspapers. In order to visualize how the Turkish issue evolved between 2000 and 2017 in media discourse, 546 articles in the mainstream quality newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung were collected. The Great Secession period between 2015 and 2017 was selected for an in-depth case study. To conduct interpretive process-tracing and narrative genre analysis of this case, another 574 articles in the German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Turkish Hürriyet were analysed. In so doing, this article contributes to (1) the study of belonging and identity by adopting a novel approach to boundary studies, combining narrative genre analysis with Habermas’ communicative action theory, and (2) the study of political strategies of adapting, ignoring or demarcating far-right contenders by, again, introducing a narrative approach to political communication and mobilization processes. The analysis shows that, in the first stage of the Great Secession period, inclusionary and exclusionary boundaries competed, while in later stages inclusionary boundaries were cast aside by exclusionary boundaries after reputable mainstream party-political actors adopted and thus legitimized far-right story elements.
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Roelcke, Thorsten. "Fachsprachliche Inhalte und fachkommunikative Kompetenzen als Gegenstand des Deutschunterrichts für deutschsprachige Kinder und Jugendliche." Fachsprache 31, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2017): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/fs.v31i1-2.1423.
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LSP should be a major subject of school didactics in Germany. In German lessons, LSP not only has to be reflected, but also trained with regard to structural, pragmatic, cognitive, andethic aspects (e.g. understanding terminology, producing and apprehending texts, thinking by writing, or overcoming barriers of communication). So pupils not only gain in knowledge, but even acquire abilities by using LSP. Analysing the educational standards of German (Baden-Württemberg, Germany), we are forced to conclude that this important subject does not have as much status as it should. In future, both school and politics have to assume responsibility for a better LSP education in general.
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Kosnick, Kira. "Ethnicizing the Media: Multicultural Imperatives, Homebound Politics, and Turkish Media Production in Germany." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006130.
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The past fifteen years have witnessed a veritable explosion of mass media productions aimed at immigrant populations in Germany. Facilitated by new communication technologies, television channels and radio stations from former “home countries” and elsewhere have become available to immigrants via satellite and the internet. Daily newspapers produced in Ankara, Belgrade, or Warsaw can be bought at German newspaper stands. There has also been a proliferation of mass media venues created locally, by and for immigrants themselves, and nowhere is this landscape of immigrant media more evolved than in the case of Turkish-language media in Berlin.
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Holzer, Horst. "The politics of telecommunication in the Federal Republic of Germany." Media, Culture & Society 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344385007001006.
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Huckfeldt, Robert, Ken'ichi Ikeda, and Franz Urban Pappi. "Political Expertise, Interdependent Citizens, and the Value Added Problem in Democratic Politics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002012.
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In this paper we are primarily concerned with political expertise, interest, and agreement as factors that might accelerate the flow of information between citizens. We examine dyadic exchanges of information as a function of two primary sets of factors: the characteristics of the citizens in the dyadic relationship and the characteristics of the larger network within which the dyad is located. Moreover, we compare political communication within dyads across several different national contexts: Germany, Japan, and the United States. We assume that citizens are more likely to obtain information from people they trust, but why do they trust some individuals more than others? Is the frequency of communication predicated on shared political preferences? Or is it based on one citizen's assessment regarding the political expertise of another? The answers to these questions have important implications for whether social communication and social capital create added value in the collective deliberations of democratic politics.
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Dong, Min, and Mengfei Gao. "Appraisal as co-selection and media performativity: 5G technology imaged in German news discourse." Text & Talk 42, no. 2 (November 2, 2021): 177–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2020-0012.
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Abstract This article views appraisal as co-selection patterns of target, source and evaluative parameters and investigates the ways in which news discourse retells news stories and reproduces truthful reality. We combined the corpus-assisted method and quantitative/qualitative analysis of the data, i.e., 904 sentences which were extracted from the corpus of German 5G news reports by selecting the top 5 items from each of the noun keywords lists of the three subcorpora of economics, politics and technology news reports. It was found that the German media restage the necessity and desirability to promote the development of German communication facilities/technology through international cooperation, particularly Germany-Sino cooperation. In addition, a hesitant image was evoked as to the high-profile 5G development in Germany with an awareness of the potential security risks and economic losses. On the intersubjective dimension, our findings suggest that journalists make full exploitation of different dialogistic positioning strategies for closing down or opening up the dialogic space to a greater or lesser degree. More specifically, they tend to acknowledge and endorse the positive/negative attitudes attributed to the non-authorial voices towards particular targets in the fields of economics, politics or technology. A future comparison with the genre of news comments or editorials would deepen our understanding of the performativity of media.
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van Waarden, Betto. "The Many Faces of Performative Politics: Satires of Statesman Bernhard von Bülow in Wilhelmine Germany." Journalism History 48, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2022.2027158.
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Segal, Zef. "Communication and State Construction: The Postal Service in German States, 1815–1866." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 4 (February 2014): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00610.
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A comparison between five nineteenth-century German states demonstrates the importance of postal systems for nation-building and nationalism. Prior to the formal unification of Germany under Emperor Wilhelm of Prussia in 1871, the various German states evinced scant political, administrative, social, or geographical cohesion until their postal systems created a communications infrastructure that gradually eroded traditional barriers.
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Menke, Manuel, and Tim Wulf. "The Dark Side of Inspirational Pasts: An Investigation of Nostalgia in Right-Wing Populist Communication." Media and Communication 9, no. 2 (May 6, 2021): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i2.3803.
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In recent years, research found that populism employed a new strategy by using nostalgia, a sentimental longing for the past, as a communication tool to persuade citizens to support their political agendas. In populist campaigns, nostalgia is used to affectively link (alleged) crises with longing for a cherished past. In this article, we applied a mixed-methods approach to understand how populists exploit nostalgia in their communication and how nostalgic rhetoric has the potential to persuade people to support their claims. In Study 1, we conducted a case study based on a qualitative content analysis of Alternative for Germany’s (AfD) online election campaign in the 2019 Thuringia election in East Germany. The analysis revealed that the campaign was built around the nostalgic narrative of the 1989 peaceful revolution as a proud historical moment for former German Democratic Republic citizens while at the same time creating a sense of crisis supposedly caused by false post-reunification politics. To further investigate the persuasiveness of nostalgia, Study 2 used a statement from the campaign and found that participants tended to agree more with populist statements if they contained nostalgic rhetoric (compared to non-nostalgic populist and control rhetoric). These findings suggest that right-wing populists can effectively exploit nostalgia and that it may ‘sugarcoat’ populist messages.
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McLean, Hamish, and Jacqui Ewart. "Political Communication in Disasters: A Question of Relationships." Culture Unbound 7, no. 3 (October 28, 2015): 512–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1572512.
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Politicians are both a help and hindrance in the provision of information to the public before, during and after disasters. For example, in Australia, the Premier of the State of Queensland, Anna Bligh, was lauded for her leadership and public communication skills during major floods that occurred late in 2010 and in early 2011 (de Bussy, Martin and Paterson 2012). Similarly, New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani was praised for his leadership following 9/11. This is in contrast to the poor performance of political leaders during Hurricane Katrina (Cole and Fellows 2008, Olson and Gawronski 2010). Political actors’ lack of credibility and their poor situational awareness contributed to the problems. The involvement of political leaders in disaster communications is also problematic from the perspective of emergency agencies. For example, politicians who move their communication position from supportive to tactical can take over the role of providing official disaster information, such as evacuation warnings, without sufficient expertise, credibility or situational knowledge. This paper builds on the expanding body of research into the politics of disasters by exploring relationships with political actors from the perspective of emergency managers. Drawing on interviews with emergency agencies in Australia, Germany, Norway and the UK, we firstly examine when and what a politician should communicate during disasters and secondly, offer six principles toward a roadmap of involving political actors in the disaster communication process when life and property is at stake.
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Piechota, Grażyna. "Dimensions of Populist Networked Communication about Migrants." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 75, no. 3 (2022): 208–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.75.12.
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The aim of the article is to analyze how the German party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), defined as right-wing and populist, positions the issues of migrants in virtual communication. The conducted research (content analysis) encompassed posts published by the party in 2020 on Facebook. The results of the research revealed that migrants appeared in AfD messages in two contexts. They were presented as a source of various threats and their presence in Germany being the result of wrong political decisions. The affective dimension of communication is associated with emphasizing the risk related to crime and threats to the German national identity and cultural values that bind the community together. The political dimension, on the other hand, focuses on the criticism of the government, which, in the AfD’s opinion, has taken poor decisions, which resulted in an uncontrolled influx of migrants.
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Zambon, Kate. "Negotiating new German identities: transcultural comedy and the construction of pluralistic unity." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 4 (August 9, 2016): 552–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716663640.
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This article explores the potential of entertainment media as a platform for challenging monolithic conceptions of national identity. Discussions about immigration in Germany usually concentrate on what minority communities need to do in order to become integrated, but neglect to consider how normative Germans must renegotiate German identity to include immigrants and minorities. German-language television often reinforces cultural divides through underrepresentation or stereotypical misrepresentation. However, several recent productions have sought to change German television by bringing normative audiences into the liminal space of transcultural Germany. In particular, two Turkish-German family comedies broke new ground with high-quality scripted narratives, distinct from the popular skit-based ‘ethno-comedies’ that began to appear in the 1990s and are still popular today. The more capacious story-telling space of scripted series is well-suited to developing complex characters. In particular, family series are studies in the tensions surrounding difference in community, with the distinct personalities of members responding differently to the same framing conditions. This article analyzes the characters and narratives of these programs in conjunction with their circulation in the public sphere to argue that family comedies provide forums for intercultural negotiation, even as they may risk reifying the stereotypical representations they seek to undermine.
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Cass, Philip. "REVIEW: When Pacific models of development fall short." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 1 (July 17, 2018): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i1.341.
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A Region in Transition: Politics and power in the Pacific Island countries, by Andreas Holtz, Matthias Kowasch and Oliver Hasenkamp (eds). Saarbrücken, Germany: Saarland University Press, 2016. 647 pages. ISBN 9783862231027/9783862231034GERMANY'S involvement in the Pacific was cut short by the capture of its colonies by Australia, New Zealand and Japan in 1914. Agitation for the return of Germany’s colonies continued unabated during the National Socialist dictatorship, but it was Mt Kilimanjaro, not Mt Wilhelm that appeared on Nazi posters.
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Kamińska-Korolczuk, Katarzyna. "Wpływ mowy nienawiści zawartej w wypowiedziach przedstawicieli partii Alternatywa dla Niemiec na zmiany zachodzące w systemie zarządzania mediami w RFN." Zarządzanie Mediami 9, no. 1 (January 11, 2021): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.21.006.13054.
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The impact of hate speech contained in the statements of the Alternative for Germany party representatives on changes taking place in the media management system in Germany The purpose of the article is to present the introduced legal solutions regulating the functioning and management of the media system in Germany, which came into force under the influence of changes in political communication. A case study is presented examples of hate speech in the discourse of the party of the new right-wing populism –Alternative for Germany (Alternative fur Deutschland, AfD). The party uses rhetoric which until now has been marginal in the German media and since the refugee crisis it has become an increasingly common form of expression. The analysis was conducted against the backdrop of events that influenced the Bundestags to adopted Law improving law enforcement in social networks (Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Rechtsdurchsetzung in sozialen Netzwerken, Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, NetzDG). The analysis leads to the conclusions that the new right-wing populism changed the style of communication on the German political scene, which is not without influence on the decisions making by the legislator to introduce specific legal provisions regulating the management and framework of discourse in the social media in this state.
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Pipchenko, Nataliia. "TRANSFORMATION OF FOREIGN-POLICY COMMUNICATION OF THE EU, GERMANY, AND UKRAINE." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (13) (June 28, 2022): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2022-02-91-101.
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The study’s purpose is to critically analyse approaches to international communi- cation in the global environment and clarify the specifics of processes that char- acterize the asymmetry of foreign-policy communication because the contem- porary communication tools allow forming both a positive perception of foreign policy initiatives and a negative attitude of politicians or the world community toward foreign-policy actions. As a result, the research focuses on studying the transformation of the EU foreign-policy communication tools; analysing the practice of foreign-policy communications of Germany and Ukraine; detecting the impact of destructive communications on the image of the EU, Germany, and Ukraine in the international information space. The main conclusions of the research are such statements: the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian relations has demonstrated an imbalance in the existing for- eign-policy orientations; the EU leaders rethought the political impact of supra- national formation on the contemporary system of international relations; Ger- many’s practice in foreign-policy communication concerns the preservation of the position as a world leader that is able to influence the solution of complex international political and security issues.
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Boyle, Maryellen. "Building a Communicative Democracy: The Birth and Death of Citizen Politics in East Germany." Media, Culture & Society 16, no. 2 (April 1994): 183–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344379401600202.
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What has formed historically here is best left to history. This also holds true for the issue of the German nation and of the forms of German statehood. What is important now is the political aspect. There are two German states with different social and political systems. Each of them has values of its own. Both of them have drawn lessons from history, and each of them can contribute to the affairs of Europe and the world. And what there will be in a hundred years is for history to decide.
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Weiner, Andrew S. "Memory under Reconstruction: Politics and Event in Wirtschaftswunder West Germany." Grey Room 37 (October 2009): 94–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/grey.2009.1.37.94.
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Starke, Christopher, Frank Marcinkowski, and Florian Wintterlin. "Social Networking Sites, Personalization, and Trust in Government: Empirical Evidence for a Mediation Model." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512091388. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120913885.
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Political communication via social media might well counter the eroding political trust. In particular, social networking sites (SNS) enable direct flows of communication between citizens and the political elite, thereby reducing social and political gaps. Based on the concept of personalization of politics, we argue that interactions with politicians on SNS affect trust in government through a two-step process: First, interactions on SNS make citizens evaluate politicians’ characters more favorably. Second, these evaluations serve as cues for the citizens to develop or withdraw trust in government. We test indirect effects using four character traits as mediators: leadership, benevolence, responsiveness, and likeability. A representative online survey ( n = 1117; in Germany) reveals that interactions with politicians on SNS increase the perceived likeability of candidates, and thus also trust in government. However, they do not affect the evaluation of the other traits: leadership, benevolence, and responsiveness.
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Weingart, Peter, Anita Engels, and Petra Pansegrau. "Risks of communication: discourses on climate change in science, politics, and the mass media." Public Understanding of Science 9, no. 3 (July 2000): 261–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/9/3/304.
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This paper summarizes the results of a research project analyzing communication about global warming among those in the fields of science, politics, and the media in Germany between 1975 and 1995. The methodology of discourse analysis has been applied to investigate the changing perceptions of climate change over time and the ways in which it became an important issue on Germany's political agenda. The first part of the paper will briefly introduce the underlying theoretical assumptions and explain the multiple steps by which data covering a period of two decades have been collected and analyzed. In the second part, the paper will provide the reader with the main research results, indicating the usefulness of distinguishing among the separate discourses on climate change in science, politics, and the mass media. The results suggest that there are specific discourse dynamics common to each of the three spheres, as well as some important disparities among them. These findings will be illustrated by a selection of examples typical of the samples analyzed. Finally, the third part of the paper will discuss the broader theoretical and practical implications of these results, which suggest that modern societies must cope not only with environmental risks but also with the risks inherent in communication.
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Tkachuk, Taras. "Establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany and the position of American politics and diplomacy." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.6.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar Germany. Today, due to the difficult geopolitical situation in the world, caused by the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, which are quite similar to the former Nazi regime, there is a chance to look at the events of the 1930s in the international arena in a somewhat new way. Regarding this, the author sets out an aim of the article to carry out a comprehensive analyze and give his own assessment of the position of American politicians on the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany. The methodological basis of the study. In the study the author used a descriptive method to identify the essence and features of American-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, a comparative-historical method in analyzing the positions of President Roosevelt’s enciclement on German Chancellor A. Hitler’s policy in 1933, the principles of objectivity and systematization using only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. This made it possible for the first time to draw attention to the position of the American leadership on the establishment of the Nazi regime and its role in international diplomacy on the eve of World War II in order to the current geopolitical situation connected with Russia’s aggressive actions. The Conclusions. Finally, the author asserts that President Roosevelt’s encirclement perceived the threat of a new world war from the German Nazis, but did not change the United States’ overall foreign policy toward Europe. The reason was that Franklin Delano Roosevelt chose a wrong strategy to avert new world conflict in the relationship with Berlin. At the same time, the author underlines the differences in the attitudes of American «isolationists» towards Germany and Japan, as well as the differences between Washington’s position on the political and non-political aspects of relations with Hitler’s regime. Therefore, the author points out that not all the American politicians perceived the Nazi «Third Reich» totally negatively. As a result, the United States chose the wrong strategy to deter Nazi Germany, which did not testify its effectiveness. That’s why, the article asserts that the current United States and the Western European countries need to anticipate their past mistakes in building of the strategy of relations with Russian Federation.
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Medvedev, Yevgeniy Yu, and Lauzin Duborgel Ntsiwou Batiako. "Transformations of the Language of Diplomatic Correspondence between the Entente Countries and Germany before The First World War." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 11, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 384–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2020-11-2-384-397.
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The spheres of official communication, which include public administration, legal proceedings, legislation, etc., are regulated, in contrast to everyday communication. Activities in each of these spheres are subject to precisely defined, strictly established rules that regulate and legitimize it. The diplomatic language is characterized by a special degree of regulation. “The weight of a word” in international politics is extremely heavy, since the fate of entire states and peoples may depend on successful or unsuccessful communication between diplomats. The strict standardization of the diplomatic language should serve as a kind of deterrent against the growth of tension in international relations. The goal of this study is to identify the degree of susceptibility of the diplomatic correspondence language to transformations in the political crisis context (during wartime). The research material is based on the texts from the Orange book, a collection of diplomatic correspondence between warring countries before the outbreak of the First World War. The application of the contextual analysis method made it possible to determine the vector of changes in the diplomatic correspondence language caused by the political crisis: from restraint, emotionlessness, tact and politeness accepted in the diplomatic sphere to ultimatumness, categoricalness, manifestation of emotions and deviation from the principle of objective reflection of events.
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Wiedemann, Thomas. "Struggling for legitimate meaning: Agent–structure dynamics in German filmmaking." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00030_1.
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Given the state sponsorship of film production in Germany, this article examines general mechanisms in the formation of meaning in German filmmaking. With reference to Schimank’s framework of agent–structure dynamics and based on a constructivist understanding of the world, the results of 97 expert interviews with screenwriters, directors, producers, distributors, cinema theatre operators, funding representatives and public television editors, as well as document analyses, show that the medium’s construction of reality is anything but unconditioned. On the contrary, due to the fundamental role of film funding and public television in the agent constellations intertwined with social structures that shape the film production process in Germany, the medium’s key communicators are confronted with expectations that go far beyond economic parameters. More precisely, the article reveals that German filmmaking reflects a political dimension, and expresses hierarchies and constraints that prompt struggles for legitimate meaning and challenge any autonomous practice in the field.
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Baumert, Anna, WilhelmX Hofmann, and Gabriela Blum. "Laughing About Hitler?" Journal of Media Psychology 20, no. 2 (January 2008): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105.20.2.43.
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Effects of the movie My Fuehrer – The Truly Truest Truth About Adolf Hitler by Dani Levy were tested with regard to: (a) attitudes toward Hitler, (b) the perceived role of the German population in Nazi Germany, (c) the perception of present danger from national socialist tendencies, and (d) the subjective need for continued preoccupation with German history. A total of 110 Germans were invited to a cinema and randomly assigned to the control group that filled in the relevant questionnaire before the movie, or to the film group that filled in the questionnaire after the movie. The film group reported fewer negative attitudes toward Hitler than the control group and saw the German population less as victims. Attitudes toward right-wing political parties and empathy, as well as demographic variables, exerted significant moderator effects. Results are discussed with regard to the public controversy concerning a potential trivialization of Hitler and National Socialism by the movie.
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Doerr, Nicole. "The Visual Politics of the Alternative for Germany (AfD): Anti-Islam, Ethno-Nationalism, and Gendered Images." Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 14, 2021): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10010020.
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This article is an empirical investigation into the visual mobilization strategies by far-right political parties for election campaigns constructing Muslim immigrants as a “threat” to the nation. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical approach of social movement studies and research on media and communication, I focus on the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has produced several widespread inflammatory series of visual election posters featuring anti-Islam rhetoric, combined with provocative images of gender and sexuality. By approaching visual politics through a perspective on actors constructing visual forms of political mobilization, I show how far-right populist “movement parties” are supported by professional graphic designers commercializing extremist ideologies by creating ambivalent images and text messages. My findings on the AfD’s visual campaign politics document the instrumentalization and appropriation of the rhetoric of women’s empowerment and LGBT rights discourse, helping the AfD to rebrand its image as a liberal democratic opposition party, while at the same time, maintaining its illiberal political agenda on gender and sexuality. Visual representations of gender and sexuality in professionally created election posters served to ridicule and shame Muslim minorities and denounce their “Otherness”—while also promoting a heroic self-image of the party as a savior of white women and Western civilization from the threat of male Muslim migrants. By documenting the visual politics of the AfD, as embedded in transnational cooperation between different actors, including visual professional graphic designers and far-right party activists, my multimodal analysis shows how far-right movement parties marketize and commercialize their image as “progressive” in order to reach out to new voters.
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Al-Dajah, Hasan Abdullah. "Political Culture of the Arab Community in Germany - A Field Study." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p191.
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<p>The objective of this research to know the views members of the Arab community hold towards the political culture in its three dimensions. Members of the Arab community in Germany (ACG) were asked as well as about the sources of political information and about their views about the current events in the Arab world (Arab Spring). After reviewing relevant literature and concepts of political culture the researcher developed a questionnaire which was distributed to members of the ACG in several German cities of different sizes, both in West and East Germany.</p><p>The study used package (SPSS) statistical analysis of the study and adoption of percentages and frequencies, averages and standard deviations to examine the study questions and used Independent Samples Test to examine the hypotheses of the study. The results of the study indicate that the political culture of the Arab community in Germany is close and homogeneous and that the similarity of the political and social environment outweighs the differences of the many Arabian countries of origin. The reason for this is attributed to the fact that Germany as the hosting country is governed by the principles of democracy and political and cultural pluralism, , and this in turn reflects positively on the political culture of the members of the Arab community which is integrated rather than fragmented.</p>On a political level the study has shown that communication between the formal and informal German institutions with members of the Arab community needs to be improved and that members of the Arab community in Germany need to be encouraged to get involved and participate more in political life in Germany regarding both, general elections and affiliation to German political parties.
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Ester, H. "Sprachliche Entfremdung als Phänomen des Umbruchs in der früheren DDR." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.571.
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Linguistic alienation as phenomenon of the transformation in the erstwhile DDRThe Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic have not yet grown into a coherent unity since the political unification of the two 'Germanies' in 1990. The reason for the lack of sympathy and the irritations on both sides possibly lies in the fact that the actual developments did not meet the general expectations during the first years after 1990. The thesis of my article is that the more profound reasons for the alienation between the western and the eastern part of Germany can be found in the little interest on the western side for the developments in the GDR from 1949 until the fall of the Wall in 1989. The lack of interest in the forty years of the GDR’s existence finds its expression in the alienation of language. In order to improve communication between the Germans of both spheres, the reading of literary texts from the former GDR by members of the entire new Federal Republic of Germany can be a reconcilliatory device. In this way the reader can obtain insight into forty years of history.
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Bernhard, Uli, and Marco Dohle. "Local Politics Online: The Influence of Presumed Influence on Local Politicians’ Online Communication Activities in Germany." Local Government Studies 41, no. 5 (April 7, 2015): 755–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2015.1028624.
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Lindenauer, Teresa. "Das populistische Krisennarrativ: Eine qualitative Analyse der Wahlkampfkommunikation der AfD auf Facebook." Studies in Communication and Media 11, no. 1 (2022): 98–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2192-4007-2022-1-98.
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Narratives are stories that give the possibility of understanding and interpreting reality on both an individual and collective level. They are present in everyday communication and incorporate a normative perspective. Narratives are characterised by a specific kind of syntax: Current societal events are often processed in narrative form by interrelating them with past events and identifying important actors. Narratives play a central role in the construction of political behaviour and political communication as well. With the rise of populism in the last few decades, the relationship of language and politics has become more prominent in public discussion. Besides the oversimplification of most societal problems resulting from the antagonism between the elite and the people, the usage of especially polarising and emotional rhetoric is attributed to populism. While this kind of populist communication is frequently studied, narratives are seldom part of these analyses. Hence, this article turns to the inductive analysis of narrative structures in the election campaign of the currently most successful populist party in Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Their 2017 federal election campaign on Facebook serves as a database for the qualitative analysis following the Grounded Theory Method. This method is especially suitable for data-driven narrative analysis since it is designed to help identify underlying meaning and rhetorical structures. Ultimately, the underlying narrative of the election campaign is extracted, which shows the AfD’s ideological alignment and thus its interpretation of reality.
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Cymbaluk, Łukasz, and Damian Ziółek. "Rozważania nad populistyczną naturą Alternatywy dla Niemiec." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 27 (February 20, 2020): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.27.8.
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Reflections on the populist nature of the Alternative for Germany political partyAlternative for Germany has recently become a phenomenon on the German political scene, especially after the 2017 Bundestag elections. The article contains an analysis and an attempt to explain the populist nature of the party, pointing to what elements may confirm or deny its populistic character. There are some indicators that show Alternative for Germany can be described as an example of populism, especially including the use of left- and right-wing postulates, an anti-system and anti-establishment attitude, temporalization of constructing political communication and usage of social sentiments. On the other hand, there are some visible determinants that go beyond the model of the populist party, for instance the technocratic nature of the party, the lack of a significant unit of a charismatic leader. Also, many issues that raise doubts can be underlined, for example the ideological sphere of the party. Furthermore, the article also contains considerations about the possible effects of functioning of the political group in the German party system.
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Lyons, Ben, Vittorio Mérola, Jason Reifler, and Florian Stoeckel. "How Politics Shape Views Toward Fact-Checking: Evidence from Six European Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (July 2020): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220921732.
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Fact-checking has spread internationally, in part to confront the rise of digital disinformation campaigns. American studies suggests ideological asymmetry in attitudes toward fact-checking, as well as greater acceptance of the practice among those more interested in and knowledgeable about politics. We examine attitudes toward fact-checking across six European counties to put these findings in a broader context ( N = 6,067). We find greater familiarity with and acceptance of fact-checking in Northern Europe (Sweden and Germany) than elsewhere (Italy, Spain, France, and Poland). We further find two dimensions of political antipathy: a left–right dimension and an “anti-elite” dimension (including dissatisfaction with democracy and negative feelings toward the European Union), the latter of which more consistently predicts negative feelings toward fact-checkers in the countries examined. Our findings demonstrate that despite general acceptance of the movement, significant political divides remain. Those less likely to trust fact-checkers could be more vulnerable to disinformation targeting these divides, leading to a spiral of cynicism.
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Holtz-Bacha, Christina, Ana Ines Langer, and Susanne Merkle. "The personalization of politics in comparative perspective: Campaign coverage in Germany and the United Kingdom." European Journal of Communication 29, no. 2 (January 21, 2014): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323113516727.
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Steinbrecher, Markus, and Heiko Biehl. "Military Know-Nothings or (At Least) Military Know-Somethings?: Knowledge of Defense Policy in Germany and Its Determinants." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 2 (December 16, 2018): 302–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18811384.
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There is little empirical evidence of the widely shared belief that most civilians know next to nothing about defense policy and armed forces. This article examines knowledge of defense policy in Germany and its determinants. The database is a public opinion survey from 2016. The survey included six questions on various aspects of knowledge of defense policy. Its results show that knowledge of defense policy is approximately on a level with general political knowledge in Germany. Determinants from the categories of resources and sociodemographics, motivations, and opportunity structures explain individual knowledge levels. Internal efficacy, interest in politics, the intention to vote, and the perception of the Bundeswehr’s presence in the media are among the most important predictors. These results indicate that the armed forces can bridge the gap between the public and the military, the civil–military gap, by being present in society and active in personal and mass media communication.
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Kuss, Mark D. "Composing for the Screen in Germany and the USSR: cultural politics and propaganda." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 29, no. 2 (June 2009): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439680902890902.
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Krüger, Uwe, Markus Beiler, Thilko Gläßgen, Michael Kees, and Maximilian Küstermann. "Neutral Observers or Advocates for Societal Transformation? Role Orientations of Constructive Journalists in Germany." Media and Communication 10, no. 3 (July 28, 2022): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i3.5300.
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Since the 2010s, a new type of journalism has emerged, especially in North America and Western Europe, called constructive journalism. Its basic idea is to complement classic problem-centered reporting by covering problem-solving approaches that could inspire the recipients. It has been harshly criticized, especially for its alleged proximity to advocacy or activism. To clarify the role orientations of the protagonists of this trend, a survey of all German journalists that call themselves constructive or solution-oriented was conducted (n = 79). The results show that constructive journalists are as diverse in age as the total of all journalists in Germany, but tend to be more women journalists, freelancers, formally higher educated, and politically leaning toward green and left-wing positions. Regarding role orientations, the field of constructive journalism not only represents a new facet of the entire journalistic field but also consists of several nuanced approaches itself: In factor analysis, we found eight role dimensions, of which the most important were the Social Integrator, the Transformation Agent, the Active Watchdog, the Emotional Storyteller, and the Innovation Reporter. In comparison to the average German journalist, the German constructive journalist shows stronger ambitions to control political and business elites, to motivate people to participate, and to contribute to social change. This can be explained as a countermovement not only to a possible negativity bias in the news but also to an increased attitude of detachment in German newsrooms.
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Hantke, Steffen. "From stressed utopias to pervasive anxiety." Science Fiction Film & Television 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sfftv.2020.19.
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Three films imagining post-apocalyptic dystopias - Smog (Petersen Germany 1973), Operation Ganymed (Erler Germany 1977) and Die Hamburger Krankheit (Fleischmann Germany 1979) - concretise and dramatise environmental, political and social stresses on the West German national imaginary during the 1970s. Articulating cultural motifs hitherto associated with national success within the conventions of the disaster film, the films would exacerbate cultural stress throughout the decade by gradually uncoupling it from its historically specific sources and rendering it as a diffuse yet inescapable national mood. Taken together and read in sequence, the three films show how dystopian thinking takes hold while its specific causes grow less clear and obvious, expressing fundamental doubts about ‘post-war’ utopian aspirations.
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Bickes, Hans, Tina Otten, and Laura Chelsea Weymann. "The financial crisis in the German and English press: Metaphorical structures in the media coverage on Greece, Spain and Italy." Discourse & Society 25, no. 4 (July 2014): 424–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926514536956.
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The German media presentation of the so-called Greek financial crisis caused an unexpected uproar in Germany. An anti-Greek sentiment evolved and spread among German citizens and solidarity for crisis-hit Greece was mostly rejected. Public surveys revealed that many Germans even wanted Greece to exit the Eurozone immediately. This article highlights the crucial role of the media in shaping the negative public opinion. In 2010, a period which has lately been referred to as Greek bashing, the German press had discussed the Greek financial crisis heatedly and controversially. Europe’s largest daily newspaper, BILD, published numerous reports that implicitly and explicitly constituted the myth of the corrupt and lazy Greeks in comparison to the hard-working Germans. In 2012, the crisis had spread much further, and not only Greece but other countries too were suffering from high debt, economic stagnation and unemployment. The news coverage became more moderate and conciliating and presented the dramatic social consequences for the respective population. This study highlights not only the development of the German media’s tenor on the Greek crisis through time, but adds an international perspective and widens the view by comparing the media treatment of the different countries involved. Based on 122 online articles, the study methodologically focuses on the analysis of metaphorical language in the news coverage of three comparable international news magazines: SPIEGEL (Germany), The Economist (the UK) and TIME (the USA), and contrasts the representation of Greece with the depiction of larger indebted European countries like Spain and Italy. The analysis shows remarkable differences in the evaluation and presentation of the crisis, which can be linked to the degree of involvement of Germany, the UK and the USA in European policies.
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Stevenson, Patrick. "The Language Question in Contemporary Germany: The Challenges of Multilingualism." German Politics and Society 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330106.
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This article addresses the complex relationships between political discourses, demographic constellations, the affordances of new technologies, and linguistic practices in contemporary Germany. It focuses on political and personal responses to the increasingly multilingual nature of German society and the often-conflicting ways in which “the German language” figures in strategies promoting social integration and Germany's global position. In order to do this, the idea of “the German language” is contextualized in relation to both internal and external processes of contemporary social change. On the one hand, changes to the social order arising from the increasingly complex patterns of inward migration have led to conflicts between a persistent monolingual ideology and multilingual realities. On the other hand, changes in the global context and the explosive growth of new social media have resulted in both challenges and new opportunities for the German language in international communication. In this context, the article explores internal and external policy responses, for example, in relation to education and citizenship in Germany, and the embedding of German language campaigns in strategies promoting multilingualism; and impacts on individual linguistic practices and behaviors, such as the emergence of “multiethnolects” and online multilingualism.
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Vereshchahina, Iryna. "The Role of Social Networks in the Social and Political Life of Germany (Illustrated by Stuttgart 21 Project)." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.124-141.
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This article deals with the main problems of the role of social networks and social media platforms in the social and political life of the Federal Republic of Germany and in the mobilization of some population groups using the example of the Project Stuttgart 21. The author will consider the traditional medias loss their monopoly on the dissemination of information. It will also consider the emergence of new types of social medias and their active development. The shift in the role of the media user by communication, online and offline participation of ordinary citizens, institutions and political parties in the Federal Republic of Germany and their activity is also investigated. Finally the author analyses the emergence of alternative medias and social media platforms of protest, which were provoked by the Project Stuttgart 21. The main strategies and methods of online communication between different groups of protesters, some for and some against this project, are defined. The study found that the social networks and social media platforms have ever more influence on the social and political life of the Federal Republic of Germany and can mobilize the German population and consolidate it in interactive groups, so that an exchange between these groups will stimulate the emergence and support of a group identity.
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Damurski, Lukasz. "Recent Progress in Online Communication Tools for Urban Planning." International Journal of E-Planning Research 5, no. 1 (January 2016): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2016010103.
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This comparative analysis of Polish and German online communication tools for urban planning follows a similar study conducted in 2012. A comprehensive method for analysis of e-participation tools including three complimentary criteria: “transparency”, “spatiality” and “interactivity” is now enhanced with mobile applications for planning. Using the same research sample (the biggest regional capital cities) enables the comparison of the ICT tools in the years 2012-2015. The results show how public planning institutions improve and develop their online communication in urban planning processes in line with the contemporary trends and citizens' expectations. They also point to the emerging standards in e-participation in urban planning, evidently similar in Poland and Germany despite different historical background as well as socio-political and technological contexts.
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Tenscher, Jens. "‘Bridging the differences’: political communication experts in Germany." German Politics 13, no. 3 (September 2004): 516–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0964400042000287482.
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Konstantinova, Anna, Svetlana Anufrienko, Asiyat Botasheva, Olga Totskaya, and Natalya Tkacheva. "Public parliamentary discourse in Russia and Germany: speech and genre specifics." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900008.
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In the article the approaches to the problem of political discourse speech genres differentiation are discussed based on the comparative analysis of the German and Russian public parliamentary speech authentic samples. The special status of the public speech phenomenon in parliamentary communication and its conditionality by parliamentary regulations are discussed. The communicative roles of plenary sessions’ participants in Germany and Russia are described. In both parliaments, public parliamentary speech is exercised in a dialogue form, managed and controlled by the president of the Bundestag / presiding plenary session. The existence of common political goals of German and Russian public parliamentary communication proves the expediency of its comprehensive comparative study, taking into account extralinguistic and linguistic characteristics of public parliamentary speeches. The statements, representing the German and Russian public parliamentary speech, form a set of institutional genres, the emergence and functioning of which are predetermined by the parliamentary regulations. In both parliaments, they include a report, a statement, a question, and a reply, presented in several intragenre varieties, with specific national variants. Each of these genres is characterized by the use of specific methods of language expression, emotional utterances, rhetorical and polemical techniques.
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GOEPFERT, WINFRIED. "Report: Science Communication—An Increasing Endeavor in Germany." Science Communication 20, no. 3 (March 1999): 344–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547099020003005.
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Rebrina, L. "POSTER BUSTING AS A RELEVANT PHENOMENON OF PROTEST COMMUNICATION IN GERMANY." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 11, no. 3 (August 2, 2022): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9103-2022-11-3-73-82.
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The article presents the results of studying of poster vandalism practices as an actual format of protest communication in Germany in the recent decade. This format has not become an independent object of study In Russian linguistics. A review of works on this issue by European linguists is presented. In view of the social significance of the phenomenon of protest and the need to characterize its new genre varieties, against the backdrop of a shortage of works devoted to poster vandalism as a new creative form of dialogue between authorities and citizens, and the growing interest of linguists in visual texts, this study is relevant and topical. The study is aimed at determining the current trends in the poster war in today's Germany, clarifying the classification of types of poster vandalism according to the semiotic resources used, the type of modification of the initial poster, the degree of dialogue of the initial, reactive posters and the surrounding space. This determines the scientific novelty of the study. The material of the study was a sample from the German-speaking segment of the Internet, publications about the activities of creative protest groups, a satirical political party in Germany. Semiotic and contextual analysis, methods of systematization and classification are used. The results show that the new trends are associated primarily with the desire of the subjects of the poster war to legalize it. Two groups of poster war practices are singled out and characterized: the practice of various material distortion of the initial poster itself and the practice of recontextualization, resemiotization of the initial poster without material distortion of its components. The frequency and dialogic nature of the studied communicative practices, the role of the surrounding space in creating the context of reinterpretation are characterized.
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Steffan, Dennis, and Niklas Venema. "Personalised, de-ideologised and negative? A longitudinal analysis of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections, 1949–2017." European Journal of Communication 34, no. 3 (February 22, 2019): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119830052.
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Faced with fundamental societal changes such as partisan dealignment and mediatisation, political parties in Germany as well as in other Western democracies professionalise their communication. Drawing on the concept of professionalisation of political communication, the present study investigates changes of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections from 1949 until 2017 with regard to personalisation, de-ideologisation and negative campaigning. By using a quantitative content analysis of visual and textual elements of campaign posters ( N = 1,857) and logistic regression analyses, we found an increase in visual personalisation and in visual ideologisation. However, no upwards trend was detected regarding negative campaigning across the four phases of political campaigning. Moreover, we found no empirical evidence for an increasing textual personalisation or textual de-ideologisation. All in all, the findings of this longitudinal analysis indicate an increasing visualisation of political communication.
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Norocel, Ov Cristian, and Dirk Lewandowski. "Google, data voids, and the dynamics of the politics of exclusion." Big Data & Society 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205395172211490. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517221149099.
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This study deploys a critical approach to big data analytics to gauge the tentative contours of data voids in Google searches that reflect extreme-right dynamics of exclusion in the aftermath of the 2015 humanitarian crisis in Europe. The study adds complexity to the analysis of data voids, expanding the framework of investigation outside the USA context by concentrating on Germany and Sweden. Building on previous big data analytics addressing the politics of exclusion, the study proposes a catalogue of queries concerning the issue of migration in both Germany and Sweden on a continuum from mainstream to extreme-right vocabularies. This catalogue of queries enables specific and localized queries to identify data voids. The results show that a search engine's reliance on source popularity may lead to extreme-right sources appearing in top positions. Furthermore, using platforms for user-generated content provides a way for localized queries to gain top positions.
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Kleinsteuber, Hans J. "The contradictions of journalism in Germany." Comunicação e Sociedade 18 (December 30, 2010): 227–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.18(2010).1023.
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The year was 1908. It was the first time that German journalists realized what power they actually have. The catholic-centralist member of the national parliament Dr. Adolf Gröber called them during a debate on colonial policy publicly ‘Saubengel’ (something like ‘swine rogue’). All of them reacted spontaneously and decided to boycott any reporting from the Reichstag. Political communication came to a still stand until the chancellor intervened, because he planned to give a crucial speech. Herr Gröber had to apologize and information about parliamentary affairs went on as usual. The recent state of journalism reflects one way or another always the collective historical experiences of the culture in which journalists operates. The German experience is – of course – quite a mixed one. In terms of media technologies it was sometimes on top, in terms of content it lagged usually behind. Germany was shaped by its flourishing cities and the communication links they established across Europe. But its history also includes the tradition of a strong and authoritarian state that kept freedom of expression low and collapsed in the catastrophe of the Nazi era. What is the situation today?
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Baugut, Philip, Nayla Fawzi, and Carsten Reinemann. "Close, Dependent, and Out of Touch with the People? Investigating and Explaining Local Political Communication Cultures in a Multilevel Analysis." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 3 (May 4, 2017): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161217705470.
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The relationship of political actors and journalists is a central topic in political communication research. However, it remains challenging to explain the different patterns of interaction observed in different contexts. To address that challenge, this study draws theoretically on the concept of “political communication cultures” and transfers the logic of internationally comparative research to the local level to analyze patterns and causes of politics–media interactions in a large number of diverse contexts. To this end, micro-level empirical data from a representative survey of more than 600 local political actors and journalists in fifty-two German cities were integrated with macro-level data describing the social, political, and media contexts of those cities. This allows us, first, to describe patterns of politics–media relations at the notoriously under-researched local level in terms of proximity, dependency, and seclusiveness of the politics–media milieu. Second, we are able to investigate various potential micro- and macro-level causes of those patterns. We show that different dimensions of relationships are variously affected by different factors; among these, media and political competition seem to be significant predictors of politics–media relations.
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Vasil'ev, V. "Germany and the European Union After the Epoch of Chancellor Angela Merkel." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-43-55.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).
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Lautenschläger, Sina, and Lisa Rhein. "Der geordnete Rückzug. Sprachliche Grenzziehungen von Virolog*innen in Polit-Talkshows." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Linguistik 2022, no. 76 (March 26, 2022): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfal-2022-2080.
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Abstract Since spring 2020, the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has presented an international challenge that requires expert knowledge from a wide variety of disciplines. From the very beginning, virological expertise was particularly in demand in order to advise politicians and to inform the population about the virus, its multiplication rate and its spread as well as typical symptoms of an infection. Virological expertise has been mediated through institutions that specialize in science communication and science journalism (e. g. the Science Media Center Germany in Cologne) and to a large extent through mass media. Against this backdrop, this article explores the demarcation practices of virologists in political talk shows. Our corpus consists of 25 political talk shows which were broadcast on publicly available channels in Germany between March 2020 and April 2021. The article addresses the tensions between the domains of science, politics, and media and demonstrates how virologists try to maintain and defend the borders between these domains. On the basis of interactional linguistics, we analyse the pointing practices of three virologists (Melanie Brinkmann, Alexander Kekulé and Hendrik Streeck) to identify crucial demarcation practices employed.