Academic literature on the topic 'Communication in politics – Germany'
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Journal articles on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Neumann, Franz L. "Anxiety and Politics." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (June 27, 2017): 612–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.901.
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The English version of this article was first published in 1957. The journal tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique republished it 60 years later in 2017. In this essay, Franz L. Neumann discusses the role of anxiety in politics. The article asks: How does it happen that the masses sell their souls to leaders and follow them blindly? On what does the power of attraction of leaders over masses rest? What are the historical situations in which this identification of leader and masses is successful, and what view of history do the men have who accept leaders? For answering these questions, the author suggests a combination of political economy, Freudian political psychology, and ideology critique. He sees anxiety in the context of alienation. Alienation is analysed as a multidimensional phenomenon consisting of economic, political, social and psychological alienation. Neumann introduces the notions of Caesaristic identification, institutionalised anxiety and persecutory anxiety. The essay shows that fascism remains an actual threat in capitalist societies.Acknowledgement: The editors of tripleC express their gratitude to the Neumann and Marcuse families for their support in republishing this essay, to Simon & Schuster for granting us the rights, and to Denise Rose Hansen for her invaluable editorial assistance. Original source: From the book “The Democratic and the Authoritarian State” by Franz Neumann. Copyright © 1957 by the Free Press. Copyright renewed © 1985 by the Free Press, a division of Macmillan, Inc. Reprinted by permission of Free Press, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc. Originally delivered as a lecture before the Free University of Berlin and published in the series “Recht und Staat,” Tübingen,1954. Translated by Professor Peter Gay. This article is published in tripleC without a CC licence.About the AuthorFranz Leopold Neumann (1900-1954) was a political theorist associated with the Frankfurt School. He obtained a doctoral degree in legal studies at the University of Frankfurt with the dissertation „Rechtsphilosophische Einleitung zu einer Abhandlung über das Verhältnis von Staat und Strafe“ (A Legal-Philosophical Introduction to A Treatise on the Relationship between the State and Punishment). Neumann became the German Social Democratic Party’s (SPD) main legal advisor at a time when the Nazis and Hitler gained strength in Germany. At the time when Hitler came to power in 1933, the legal office had to be closed and Neumann had to flee from Germany. In London, he in 1936 obtained his second doctoral degree from the London School of Economics with the work “The Governance of the Rule of Law” under the supervision of Harold Laski and Karl Mannheim. Neumann moved to New York in 1936, where he became a member of the Institute of Social Research (also known as the “Frankfurt School”) that was then in exile in the USA. In 1942, he started working for the Office of Strategic Service (OSS), where he together with Herbert Marcuse and Otto Kirchheimer analysed Nazi Germany. In 1942, Neumann published his main book is Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933–1944 (2nd, updated edition published in 1944), one of the most profound analyses of Nazi Germany’s political economy and ideology. Franz L. Neumann died in 1954 in a car accident.
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Özvatan, Özgür. "The Great Secession: Ethno-National Rebirth and the Politics of Turkish–German Belonging." Social Inclusion 8, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i1.2437.
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Germany is facing a contemporary mainstreaming of the far right, which has a long tradition of wanting “Turks out!” Turkish immigrants have been the main strangers in Germany following the guest-worker treaty signed in 1961, physically close as friends, yet culturally distant as foes. From September 2015 onwards, German–Turkish politics of belonging, the Turkish issue, underwent a contentious period resulting in secessions between German and Turkish authorities in September 2017. Against this background, this article asks: How did mainstream political actors in Germany emplot the Turkish issue while a far-right challenger party sought to establish a far-right narrative of ethno-national rebirth? The temporal unfolding of the Turkish issue is explored by drawing on media analysis (n = 1120), interpretive process-tracing and narrative genre analysis of claims raised by political actors in German and Turkish newspapers. In order to visualize how the Turkish issue evolved between 2000 and 2017 in media discourse, 546 articles in the mainstream quality newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung were collected. The Great Secession period between 2015 and 2017 was selected for an in-depth case study. To conduct interpretive process-tracing and narrative genre analysis of this case, another 574 articles in the German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Turkish Hürriyet were analysed. In so doing, this article contributes to (1) the study of belonging and identity by adopting a novel approach to boundary studies, combining narrative genre analysis with Habermas’ communicative action theory, and (2) the study of political strategies of adapting, ignoring or demarcating far-right contenders by, again, introducing a narrative approach to political communication and mobilization processes. The analysis shows that, in the first stage of the Great Secession period, inclusionary and exclusionary boundaries competed, while in later stages inclusionary boundaries were cast aside by exclusionary boundaries after reputable mainstream party-political actors adopted and thus legitimized far-right story elements.
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Roelcke, Thorsten. "Fachsprachliche Inhalte und fachkommunikative Kompetenzen als Gegenstand des Deutschunterrichts für deutschsprachige Kinder und Jugendliche." Fachsprache 31, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2017): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/fs.v31i1-2.1423.
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LSP should be a major subject of school didactics in Germany. In German lessons, LSP not only has to be reflected, but also trained with regard to structural, pragmatic, cognitive, andethic aspects (e.g. understanding terminology, producing and apprehending texts, thinking by writing, or overcoming barriers of communication). So pupils not only gain in knowledge, but even acquire abilities by using LSP. Analysing the educational standards of German (Baden-Württemberg, Germany), we are forced to conclude that this important subject does not have as much status as it should. In future, both school and politics have to assume responsibility for a better LSP education in general.
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Kosnick, Kira. "Ethnicizing the Media: Multicultural Imperatives, Homebound Politics, and Turkish Media Production in Germany." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006130.
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The past fifteen years have witnessed a veritable explosion of mass media productions aimed at immigrant populations in Germany. Facilitated by new communication technologies, television channels and radio stations from former “home countries” and elsewhere have become available to immigrants via satellite and the internet. Daily newspapers produced in Ankara, Belgrade, or Warsaw can be bought at German newspaper stands. There has also been a proliferation of mass media venues created locally, by and for immigrants themselves, and nowhere is this landscape of immigrant media more evolved than in the case of Turkish-language media in Berlin.
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Holzer, Horst. "The politics of telecommunication in the Federal Republic of Germany." Media, Culture & Society 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344385007001006.
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Huckfeldt, Robert, Ken'ichi Ikeda, and Franz Urban Pappi. "Political Expertise, Interdependent Citizens, and the Value Added Problem in Democratic Politics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002012.
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In this paper we are primarily concerned with political expertise, interest, and agreement as factors that might accelerate the flow of information between citizens. We examine dyadic exchanges of information as a function of two primary sets of factors: the characteristics of the citizens in the dyadic relationship and the characteristics of the larger network within which the dyad is located. Moreover, we compare political communication within dyads across several different national contexts: Germany, Japan, and the United States. We assume that citizens are more likely to obtain information from people they trust, but why do they trust some individuals more than others? Is the frequency of communication predicated on shared political preferences? Or is it based on one citizen's assessment regarding the political expertise of another? The answers to these questions have important implications for whether social communication and social capital create added value in the collective deliberations of democratic politics.
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Dong, Min, and Mengfei Gao. "Appraisal as co-selection and media performativity: 5G technology imaged in German news discourse." Text & Talk 42, no. 2 (November 2, 2021): 177–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2020-0012.
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Abstract This article views appraisal as co-selection patterns of target, source and evaluative parameters and investigates the ways in which news discourse retells news stories and reproduces truthful reality. We combined the corpus-assisted method and quantitative/qualitative analysis of the data, i.e., 904 sentences which were extracted from the corpus of German 5G news reports by selecting the top 5 items from each of the noun keywords lists of the three subcorpora of economics, politics and technology news reports. It was found that the German media restage the necessity and desirability to promote the development of German communication facilities/technology through international cooperation, particularly Germany-Sino cooperation. In addition, a hesitant image was evoked as to the high-profile 5G development in Germany with an awareness of the potential security risks and economic losses. On the intersubjective dimension, our findings suggest that journalists make full exploitation of different dialogistic positioning strategies for closing down or opening up the dialogic space to a greater or lesser degree. More specifically, they tend to acknowledge and endorse the positive/negative attitudes attributed to the non-authorial voices towards particular targets in the fields of economics, politics or technology. A future comparison with the genre of news comments or editorials would deepen our understanding of the performativity of media.
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van Waarden, Betto. "The Many Faces of Performative Politics: Satires of Statesman Bernhard von Bülow in Wilhelmine Germany." Journalism History 48, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2022.2027158.
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Segal, Zef. "Communication and State Construction: The Postal Service in German States, 1815–1866." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 4 (February 2014): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00610.
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A comparison between five nineteenth-century German states demonstrates the importance of postal systems for nation-building and nationalism. Prior to the formal unification of Germany under Emperor Wilhelm of Prussia in 1871, the various German states evinced scant political, administrative, social, or geographical cohesion until their postal systems created a communications infrastructure that gradually eroded traditional barriers.
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Menke, Manuel, and Tim Wulf. "The Dark Side of Inspirational Pasts: An Investigation of Nostalgia in Right-Wing Populist Communication." Media and Communication 9, no. 2 (May 6, 2021): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i2.3803.
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In recent years, research found that populism employed a new strategy by using nostalgia, a sentimental longing for the past, as a communication tool to persuade citizens to support their political agendas. In populist campaigns, nostalgia is used to affectively link (alleged) crises with longing for a cherished past. In this article, we applied a mixed-methods approach to understand how populists exploit nostalgia in their communication and how nostalgic rhetoric has the potential to persuade people to support their claims. In Study 1, we conducted a case study based on a qualitative content analysis of Alternative for Germany’s (AfD) online election campaign in the 2019 Thuringia election in East Germany. The analysis revealed that the campaign was built around the nostalgic narrative of the 1989 peaceful revolution as a proud historical moment for former German Democratic Republic citizens while at the same time creating a sense of crisis supposedly caused by false post-reunification politics. To further investigate the persuasiveness of nostalgia, Study 2 used a statement from the campaign and found that participants tended to agree more with populist statements if they contained nostalgic rhetoric (compared to non-nostalgic populist and control rhetoric). These findings suggest that right-wing populists can effectively exploit nostalgia and that it may ‘sugarcoat’ populist messages.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Musialowska, Ewa Anna. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN GERMANY AND POLAND." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2008. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1216216577378-73783.
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Diese Studie vergleicht die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen. Der Forschungsüberblick macht deutlich, dass international vergleichende Analysen, die etablierte Demokratien und Transformationsländer umfassen, relativ selten durchgeführt werden. Dabei gibt es keine Untersuchungen, die sich mit dem Vergleich der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Deutschland und Polen befassen. Mit der Untersuchung der beiden Länder wird die Dissertation die bestehende Forschungslücke schließen. Die politische Kommunikation wird in dieser Studie aus der Sicht von zwei unterschiedlichen Akteuren – Parteien und Journalisten – gezeigt. --- Kapitel 1: Es ist nicht mehr möglich, die moderne politische Kommunikation als Phänomen zu begreifen, das man auf singuläre nationale Räume beschränken könnte. Vielmehr lässt sich über nationalübergreifende Kommunikationsprozesse sprechen, die sich in den Metathemen Amerikanisierung, Globalisierung und Modernisierung wiederspiegeln. In diesem Zusammenhang ergibt sich die Frage, ob es sich um eine generalisierbare Entwicklung der politischen Kommunikation handelt. Ein Schwerpunkt des Interesses dieser Forschungsarbeit liegt deswegen bei der Frage nach den Gemeinsamkeiten und den Unterschieden in der politischen Kommunikation in beiden Ländern, die durch die Mediatisierungsprozesse beinflusst werden. Vor diesem Hindergrund stellt Kapitel 1 die wichtigsten Trends in der politischen Kommunikation dar. Im nächsten Schritt werden ausgewählte Indikatoren der Mediatisierung (u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität, Emotionalisierung), die dann im empirischen Teil getestet werden, erläutert. Gleichzeitig stellt Kapitel 1 eine Übersicht über international vergleichende Analysen, die sich der Untersuchung der politischen Kommunikation widmen, vor. Der Focus wird dann schließlich auf die Studien in Polen und Deutschland gelegt und die Relevanz der vorliegenden Analyse diskutiert. --- Kapitel 2: Die Dissertation zeigt in welchen politischen Rahmen die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen eingebettet ist. Deswegen wird im Kapitel 2 das politische System der analysierten Länder diskutiert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden drei Elemente des politischen Systems angesprochen: das Parteiensystem, das Wahlsystem und die politische Partizipation. Dadurch wird gezeigt, dass die politische Einbettung spürbare Auswirkungen hat, die den gesellschaftlichen, sozio-ökonomischen und historischen Kontext mitdefinieren. Dies lässt gleichzeitig Unterschiede zwischen einem Transformationsland (Polen) und einer etablierten Demokratie (Deutschland) aufzeigen und Gründe der wichtigsten politischen Tendenzen erklären. --- Kapitel 3: Ebenso wie die Strukturbedingungen des politischen Systems das Handeln politischer Akteure beeinflussen, so wirken die Rahmenbedingungen des Mediensystems auf das Handeln von Journalisten. Aus diesem Grunde wird im Kapitel 3 das Mediensystem in Deutschland und Polen thematisiert. Die Analyse basiert auf der Klassifikation von Hallin & Mancini (2004a). Dabei werden die von den Autoren vorgeschlagenen Indikatoren benutzt, um das Mediensystem in beiden Ländern einzuordnen. Dies ist besonders wichtig, weil die politische Kommunikation immer häufiger von medialer Umgebung abhängig ist. --- Kapitel 4: Die im Kapitel 1, 2 und 3 dargestellten Phänomene und Entwicklungen formen Kapitel 4, das Forschungshypothesen vorstellt. Die formultierten Hypothesen münden in zwei inhaltsanalytischen Untersuchungen, die die politische Kommunikation aus der Perspektive der politischen Parteien und Journalisten präsentieren. Es handelt sich dabei um zwei Fallstudien, die dann im Kapitel 6 und 7 getrennt examiniert werden. --- Kapitel 5: Im nächsten Schritt wird das Forschungsdesign und die Operationalisierung der Hypothesen erläutert. Da die Mediatisierungsprozesse besonders deutlich während der Wahlkampagnen zu ermitteln sind, wird die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen im Kontext von politischen Kampagnen dargestellt. Dies verspricht auch inhaltlich fokussiertes Material für die Untersuchung. Die erste Fallstudie untersucht die Wahlspots der Parteien und zeigt, inwiefern sich die Wahlwerbung in beiden Ländern unterscheidet. Die zweite Fallstudie bietet die Analyse der Medienberichterstattung, um festzustellen, wie die Journalisten in Deutschland und Polen die Wahlkampagnen darstellen. Die Kompläxität des Geflechtes der auf die politische Kommunikation Einfluss nehmenden Variablen macht den Einsatz komplexer Analyseverfahren erforderlich. Die Wahlspots und die Wahlkampfberichterstattung werden in der Dissertation mit der sozialwissenschaftlichen Methode der Inhaltsanalyse untersucht. Als Methode zur Erhebung sozialer Wirklichkeit ist die Inhaltsanalyse für die Untersuchung besonders geeignet. Ihre Vorteile werden in diesem Kapitel angesprochen. Darüber hinaus werden hier die Codebücher, die für die Analyse der Wahlwerbung und Medienberichterstattung vorbereitet wurden, dargestellt und die Codierungsvorgehensweise präsentiert. Schließlich werden die einzelnen Variablen besprochen und die Ergebnisse der durchgeführten Pretests geliefert. --- Kapitel 6: Im nächsten Schritt werden die Ergebnisse der empirischen Analyse der Wahlspots dargestellt. Die Studie zeigt, wie die politischen Parteien ihre Wahlspots gestalten und inwiefern die Wahlwerbung die Mediatisierungsprozesse wiederspiegelt. Im Kapitel 6 werden die Hypothesen, die im Kapitel 4 formuliert wurden, getestet. Dabei werden die Befunde im Kontext von solchen Aspekten wie u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität und Emotionalisierung dargestellt. --- Kapitel 7: Im Kapitel 7 wird die politische Kommunikation aus der Sicht der Journalisten examiniert. Die empirische Auswertung dient dazu, die im Kapitel 4 formulierten Hypothesen zu prüfen. Die Analyse vergleicht, inwiefern sich die Medien in beiden Ländern auf den Wahlkampf konzentieren und ob sie sich immer häufiger diesem Thema widmen. Darüber hinaus wird die Medienberichterstattung in den Prozessen der Mediatisierung dargestellt. Dabei wird u.a. Personalisierung und Negativität der Berichterstattung präsentiert. Es wird auch gezeigt, inwiefern die Medien ihre politische Präferenzen zeigen. --- Kapitel 8: Im letzten Kapitel werden die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung im Licht der Theorie und formulierten Hypothesen diskutiert. Dabei werden auch die Defizite der Studie und potenzielle Barrieren der vergleichenden Studien präsentiert. Kapitel 8 lenkt dann den Blick in die Zukunft und zeigt, welche Aspekte der politischen Kommunikation untersucht werden sollten. Solche internationalen Vergleiche, besonders wenn sie Transformationsländer und etablierte Demokratien umfassen, können dazu dienen, Gemeinsamkeiten in der Dreiecksbeziehung zwischen politischem System, Medien und Wählerschaft zu ermitteln, um so übergreifenden Entwicklungen auf die Spur zu kommen.
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Escher, Tobias. "Does the use of the Internet further democratic participation? : a comparison of citizens' interactions with political representatives in the UK and Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669872.
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This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.
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Jack, Gavin Alexander. "The politics of identity and difference in intercultural management communication : an Anglo-German study." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/1251.
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Saleh, Adel. "Uses and effects of new media on political communication in the United States of America, Germany and Egypt." Marburg Tectum-Verl, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2687690&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.
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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.
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Glossner, Christian Ludwig. "Economy and Democracy: The political communication and public reception of the social market economy in post-war West Germany 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491393.
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This thesis on the economic reconstruction of post-war West Germany traces the development of ideas about economic and socio-political publicity, and their gradual absorption by mainstream politicians, officials and the general public during the period of transition between 1945 and 1949. In those years, several German think tanks, political parties and individuals gave impulse to and then shaped the development of a viable socio-political and economic model between the extremes of laissez-faire capitalism and the collectivist planned economy.
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Blasberg, Annette. "Der Diskurs von Ökologie und Risiko eine Analyse der programmatischen Aussagen der Grünen /." Münster : Lit, 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45542536.html.
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Focke, Sandra. ""Politik-Marketing" : die Marketing-Strategien der beiden großen Volksparteien (CDU, SPD) im Bundestagswahlkampf 2002 mit Schwerpunkt auf Materialien der CDU." Frankfurt, M. [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016230761&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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Stieglitz, Stefan, and Linh Dang-Xuan. "Einsatz von Social Media für politische Kommunikation in Deutschland." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-143321.
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Stieglitz, Stefan, and Linh Dang-Xuan. "Einsatz von Social Media für politische Kommunikation in Deutschland." Technische Universität Dresden, 2011. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28057.
Full textBooks on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Burkhardt, Armin. Zwischen Monolog und Dialog: Zur Theorie, Typologie und Geschichte des Zwischenrufs im deutschen Parlamentarismus. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2004.
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Conradt, David P. Germany's new politics. Tempe, AZ (Box 873204, Tempe 85287-3204): German Studies Review, 1995.
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Die Wirkung verbaler und nonverbaler Kommunikation in TV-Duellen: Eine Untersuchung am Beispiel von Gerhard Schröder und Angela Merkel. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012.
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Wolf, Georg. Parteipolitische Konflikte: Geschichte, Struktur und Dynamik einer Spielart der politischen Kommunikation. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1998.
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Burkhardt, Armin. Das Parlament und seine Sprache: Studien zu Theorie und Geschichte parlamentarischer Kommunikation. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2003.
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Sarcinelli, Ulrich. Symbolische Politik: Zur Bedeutung symbolischen Handelns in der Wahlkampfkommunikation der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1987.
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Rüdiger, Voigt, ed. Symbole der Politik: Politik der Symbole. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1989.
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Online-Dialogangebote von Bundestag und Bundesregierung: Quantitative und qualitative Analysen. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2008.
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Opp de Hipt, Manfred, 1953- and Latniak Erich 1958-, eds. Sprache statt Politik?: Politikwissenschaftliche Semantik- und Rhetorikforschung. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1991.
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Basting, Jochen. Vertrauensgestaltung im Political-Marketing: Eine marketingwissenschaftliche Analyse anbieterseitiger Ansatzpunkte der vertrauensorientierten Beziehungsgestaltung zwischen Politiker und Wähler. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Segal, Zef M. "Postal Communication as a Social Network." In The Political Fragmentation of Germany, 239–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19827-5_10.
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Schittny, Luisa, and Tinette Schnatterer. "Can You Hear Me? Political Communication Between MPs and Citizens." In Political Representation in France and Germany, 165–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72029-6_6.
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Malone, Hannah. "Feeling Political in Military Cemeteries: Commemoration Politics in Fascist Italy." In Feeling Political, 219–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_8.
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AbstractThis chapter explores how Mussolini’s Fascist regime politicized the remembrance of the First World War by linking a narrative of heroism to specific notions of grief. It reveals that, given the scale of Italy’s losses in the war, commemoration of the fallen was a highly emotional issue, which provided the regime with a powerful means of political communication. As the Fascist authorities sought to exploit feelings towards the dead for the purpose of mobilizing the Italian population, emotions came to define the political agenda. In seeking a high degree of emotional control, the Italian dictatorship elaborated strategies of manipulation that were later imitated by other authoritarian powers, including Hitler’s Germany and Franco’s Spain. Ossuaries from the time offer evidence of the political intentions of the Fascist regime and the emotional responses that visitors were meant to feel. Architecture and its surrounding discourse thus acted as carriers of emotional messages with political intent.
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Wilson, Graham K. "Germany." In Business and Politics, 88–101. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_4.
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Wittlinger, Ruth. "Germany." In Understanding Global Politics, 157–69. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315545288-11.
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Schlosser, Katharina, Anna-Katharina Wurst, Jörg Haßler, and Simon Kruschinski. "European Issues, but National Campaigning of German Parties." In Political Campaigning and Communication, 103–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_7.
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Honekopp, Elmar. "Germany." In The Politics of East-West Migration, 141–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23352-6_10.
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Kloss, Günther. "Political System and Politics." In West Germany, 12–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20663-6_2.
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Grosser, Alfred, and Richard Rees. "Politics Since the War." In Western Germany, 182–227. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003212379-6.
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Kellas, James G. "Germany/Deutschland." In Nationalist Politics in Europe, 108–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Ullmann, Philipp. "Communicating evidence? On the interaction of politics, data and the public." In Promoting Understanding of Statistics about Society. International Association for Statistical Education, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/srap.16106.
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Using the example of a fairly recent case of (data-based) political decision-making in Germany, namely the so called ‘energy transition’, I shall analyse how data are used in the communication processes between politics and the public. Based on the well-known notion of statistical literacy as well as on the seminal work of Nowotny, Stehr and Weingart, I shall present a sociological model that will help to understand both the importance of data and the (tacit) assumptions about citizens and their statistical skills. Pointing out problems that arise when taking these assumptions for granted, I shall propose a refined perspective of how statistical literacy should be discussed and implemented in an educational context. As a result of my analysis, I shall suggest broadening the very construct of statistical literacy.
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Engel, Joachim, and Adalbert Wilhelm. "Data and Statistics as basis for political decisions: lessons to be learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic." In IASE 2021 Satellite Conference: Statistics Education in the Era of Data Science. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.qctta.
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The Covid-19 crisis has impressively raised the general awareness that our social coexistence and political decisions are essentially based on data, the weighing of risks and thus on probability estimates. This places high demands on the ability of health authorities, policy makers and the media to communicate statistical information as well as on the ability of citizens to understand these messages. In this paper we reflect on the role of scientific evidence in democratic societies and analyze selected illustrative examples of communicating evidence via visualizations and simulation, media reports, and expert’s statements. We identify venues and formats of communicating statistical information about the pandemics to the public that seems to be effective contrasting less helpful formats. We conclude by presenting recommendations for stakeholders in politics, media and statistics agencies on how to communicate empirical evidence to the public efficiently, released by the Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Statistik, an umbrella organization of statistical associations in Germany.
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Hellmuth, Nils, and Eva-Maria Jakobs. "Potential of conflict communication formats for infrastructure projects." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002363.
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Germany has decided to fundamentally transform its whole energy system. The transformation requires numerous infrastructure projects that are conflict-prone [1]. To handle conflicts, involved companies are expected to use legally prescribed public participation procedures (formal) as well as non-legally binding participation processes (informal). Public participation can occur on three intensity levels: information, consultation, and cooperation [2]. Little research has been done on how conflict communication can be used at different participation levels. This paper aims on a deeper understanding of how conflict communication formats are perceived by people living in so-called energy regions, i.e., regions undergoing an intensive energy transformation. It focuses on how they retrospectively evaluate their potential for conflict management, and what recommendations they derive from this knowledge.This paper presents selected outcomes of a study conducted in the large-scale project ENSURE, funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. The project aims on solutions for the German energy transition. The study combines in-depth interview and pre-questionnaire. The literature-based interview guideline covers two question complexes: (1) background, remit, and experience, (2) conflict communication (occurrence of conflict; conflict triggers and resolutions; potential of communication formats; quality criteria; challenges of distance conditions). In the pre-questionnaire, respondents were asked to rate the potential of formats of participation levels for conflict management (1 = very suitable; 6 = not suitable at all). For each level, formats frequently named in the literature were given [3]. In the in-depth interviews, participants were asked to comment on their ratings. In addition, they were asked to recall two infrastructure projects they had experience with and indicate which formats had been used particularly well or poorly? The participants were contacted using a stakeholder list provided by the project consortium. The participants (n=12; nine male, three female) live in the federate state Schleswig-Holstein and have experience with infrastructure projects in the energy and/or mobility sector. All are well-informed about the region. Most of them (n=8) are involved in environmental protection organizations or in local politics, e.g., in regional development committees. Interviews were conducted digitally in 2021. The data were anonymized, transcribed, analyzed qualitatively (two coders; overall categories: 247) as well as quantitatively.Conflict communication formats were mostly used on the information level. The best ratings are given to consultation level formats (Ø = 2.2). At the information level, information events are rated as most suitable (Ø = 1.3). At consultation level, resource-intensive personal talks with those affected are recommended (Ø = 1.3). Respondents favor integrating levels of participation and formats, e.g., consultation processes as part of information events. At cooperation level, mediation is best rated (Ø = 1.9). The respondents address factors influencing the suitability of formats for conflict management. Some formats are strongly topic-dependent, e.g., an expert hearing is particularly suitable if a topic generates fears. Other factors are the target group, the local context (city/rural) or the setting (private/public). The format choice should consider the project size and phase.Further research should examine the impact of the factors named above and how conflict communication can function under distance conditions (COVID-19 pandemic).Literature[1] Renn (2015): Aspekte der Energiewende aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Analyse aus der Schriftenreihe Energiesysteme der Zukunft. München: acatech.[2] Verein Deutscher Ingenieure e.V. (VDI) (2015): VDI-Standard 7001 – Communication and public participation in planning and building of infrastructure projects. Training for work stages of engineers. Berlin: Beuth.[3] Ziekow/ Barth/ Schütte/ Ewen (2014): Konfliktdialog bei der Zulassung von Vorhaben der Energiewende. Leitfaden für Behörden. Konfliktdialog bei Höchstspannungsanlagen.
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Nefedov, V. V. "IMPACT OF THE IDEAS OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON THE POSTWAR DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN GERMANY (1945–1949)." In A glance through the century: the revolutionary transformation of 1917 (society, political communication, philosophy, culture). Vědecko vydavatelskě centrum «Sociosfera-CZ», 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24045/conf.2017.1.11.
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Zulmane, Linda. "Communication and Loneliness in Student Environment Nowadays and in Andrievs Niedra’s Prose." In 80th International Scientific Conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2022.72.
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The theme of communication and loneliness is currently emerging as one of the main themes affecting everyone in the existing political, economic, social, etc. situation. The research reflects one of the most important questions of today (compared to Andrievs Niedra’s texts written more than a century ago): how to communicate in the conditions of the transition period in the student environment, how to recognize, compare, solve the feelings of loneliness. The aim of the research is to describe and compare communication models and the presence of loneliness in today’s student environment and in Niedra’s prose. To carry out the research, various studies of different countries (Latvia, Germany, Russia, Ukraine, etc.) on loneliness in the student environment have been reviewed, as well as the analysis of Niedra’s prose texts from the perspective of psychoanalytical, postcolonial, new historicism and comparative approaches has been implemented, a survey has been conducted at Liepāja University. When surveying students on the current topic, results have been collated and conclusions have been drawn in a comparative aspect, which allows us to propose a hypothesis that communication models and perceptions of existential crisis situations related to loneliness issues always repeat, but especially in times of change.
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Krompák, Edina. "Diglossia and Local Identity: Swiss German in the Linguistic Landscape of Kleinbasel." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.7-2.
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The city of Basel is situated in the German-speaking part of Switzerland, in the geographic triangle of three countries: France, Germany and Switzerland. Everyday urban life is characterised by the presence of Standard German and Swiss German as well as diverse migrant languages. Swiss German is ‘an umbrella term for several Alemannic dialects’ (Stepkowska 2012, 202) which differ from Standard German in terms of phonetics, semantics, lexis, and grammar and has no standard written form. Swiss German is predominantly used in oral forms, and Standard German in written communication. Furthermore, an amalgamation of bilingualism and diglossia (Stepkowska 2012, 208) distinguishes the specific linguistic situation, which indicates amongst other things the high prestige of Swiss German in everyday life. To explore the visibility and vitality of Swiss German in the public display of written language, we examined the linguistic landscape of a superdiverse neighbourhood of Basel, and investigated language power and the story beyond the sign – ‘stories about the cultural, historical, political and social backgrounds of a certain space’ (Blommaert 2013, 41). Our exploration was guided by the question: How do linguistic artefacts – such as official, commercial, and private signs – represent the diglossic situation and the relation between language and identity in Kleinbasel? Based on a longitudinal ethnographic study, a corpus was compiled comprising 300 digital images of written artefacts in Kleinbasel. Participant observation and focus group discussions about particular images were conducted and analysed using grounded theory (Charmaz 2006) and visual ethnography (Pink 2006). In our paper, we focus on signs in Swiss German and focus group discussions on these images. Initial analyses have produced two surprising findings; firstly, the visibility and the perception of Swiss German as a marker of local identity; secondly, the specific context of their display.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
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Hidayatullah, Nur, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The success of E-Participation in Supporting the development of Smart Cities in Spain, Italy, United States and Germany." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002806.
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This study aims to analyze the role of E-participation in supporting the success of smart city development. This research method uses qualitative research with a bibliometric analysis approach. Sources of research data obtained 218 documents from the Scopus database using the keywords "smart city" and "e-participation" with a span of 7 years from 2015 to 2022. The data analysis phase of this research used VOSviewer and NVivo12 Plus software to visualize the data. This study indicates that e-participation is essential in creating the successful implementation of smart cities. The implementation of e-participation in four countries has different participation strategies. Spain is increasing participation forms online communities and public participation platforms. Italy utilizes digital technology and involves volunteers in public participation. Germany, in increasing participation, develops digital participation platforms and implements practical participation projects. The United States applies a political approach and involves interest groups supported by digitization. Furthermore, increasing participation is supported by information and communication technology, services, and agile management are the main focus. Spain, management focuses on location data management, and service aspect focuses on service platforms, and technology focuses on blockchain technology. Italy, the service aspect focuses on open service, and the technology aspect focuses on open source technology. In the United States, the management aspect pays attention to location data management. Then, the technological aspect focuses on civil technology practices. Germany, management and service are not yet a top priority in this aspect. While the technology aspect only pays attention to the web technology sector. Based on these findings, Spain is a country that dominates various aspects. This means being a country that can be an example of e-participation development in realizing a smart city.
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Liu, Haiyang, and Liping Xu. "Development and Implication of Applied Tourism Higher Education in Germany." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.40.
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Birukova, Evgenia V. "Norm Problems And Deviations From The Norm In German Political Communication." In 7th icCSBs 2018 - The Annual International Conference on Cognitive - Social, and Behavioural Sciences. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.02.02.57.
Full textReports on the topic "Communication in politics – Germany"
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Cabezuelo-Lorenzo, Francisco, and María Ruiz-Carreras. Digital Communication and Politics in Aragon. A two-way communication formula for the interaction between politicians and citizens. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-65-2010-904-340-353-en.
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Gómez de Travesedo Rojas, Ruth, and Marta Gil Ramirez. Vestir la política: la indumentaria como estrategia en comunicación electoral/Dress politics: clothing as strategy in electoral communication. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-06-95-118.
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Tuñón, J., and U. Carral. Twitter as a tool for the communication of European Union. Comparative analysis in Germany, United Kingdom and Spain. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, July 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2019-1380en.
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Peters, H. P., and L. Hennen. The accident at Gorleben: A case study of risk communication and risk amplification in the Federal Republic of Germany. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), July 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/137591.
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Mazurkiewicz, Marek. ECMI Minorities Blog. German minority as hostage and victim of populist politics in Poland. European Centre for Minority Issues, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/fhta5489.
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On 4 February 2022, the Polish Journal of Laws published a new ordinance of the Minister of Education and Science, implementing cuts in the funding of education of German as a minority language. Consequently, the hourly length of such lessons will be significantly reduced. This regulation applies exclusively to the German minority, and the official motive for introducing discriminatory measures is to improve the situation of Polish diaspora in Germany. This is the first time after 1989 when the Polish state authorities introduce a law limiting the rights of Poland’s citizens belonging to a national minority (in this situation children), as a retaliation for the alleged situation of a kin-community elsewhere. Importantly, the adopted regulations are not only discriminatory towards one of the minorities; their implementation may in fact contribute to the dysfunctionality of the entire minority education system in Poland. This is also an obvious violation of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, the right of minorities to ‘maintain and develop their own language’, international standards of minority rights protection, as well as a threat to the very functioning of human rights protection mechanisms in the country.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Scharffscher, Kristin Sørung. Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT): Summarised findings and recommendations. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.256.
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This report is a product of the research collaboration project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT). Project initiator and coordinator is The University of Stavanger, and main project partner institutions are the University of Geneva, Mid-Sweden University, King’s College London and DIALOGIK Germany. PAN-FIGHT is funded by the Research Council of Norway and has run from August 2020 to September 2022. Summarised findings and recommendations has been written and edited by Kristin S. Scharffscher with contributions from Ole Andreas Engen, Claudia Morsut, Mathilde Bourrier, Emma Comrie, Farnaz Mahdavian, Michael Deml, Evangelia Petridou, Jörgen Sparf, Frederic E. Bouder, Matan Shapiro, Darrick Evensen, George Warren, Sanjana Arora, Hilda Mjøll Gunnarsdottir, Susanna Öhman, Siri Wiig and Olena Koval.
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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes, and Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe: Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.
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Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.
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Arora, Sanjana, Hulda Mjöll Gunnarsdottir, and Kristin Sørung Scharffscher. Gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 Pandemic. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.255.
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This report forms part of the deliverables produced by the international research project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT), funded by the Norwegian Research Council. It provides an overview of project findings pertaining the gender dimensions of the pandemic, with a particular focus on risk perceptions, compliance and vulnerability. The COVID-19 pandemic has reiterated that the impacts of a crisis are not homogenous. Gender, which encapsulates both biological and socio-cultural ways of being, plays a role in how crises are experienced. This is evidenced by the health, economic as well as societal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic which have affected women and men, girls and boys differently. Knowledge about gendered implications of the pandemic is thus vital for designing equitable policy responses. This report draws on evidence from former research as well as on findings from an online survey conducted as part of the project’s data collection in 2021. The survey, reaching out to respondents in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, investigated public risk perceptions, reactions to governmental of risk communication about COVID-19, compliance with governmental restrictions and risk mitigation measures and vulnerability during the pandemic (N=4206).
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Caron, Patrick, Maureen Gitagia, Michael Hamm, Ulrich Hoffmann, Elizabeth Kimani-Murage, Tania Martínez-Cruz, Kathleen Merrigan, Patrick Roy Mooney, Nadia El-Hage Scialabba, and Tavseef Mairaj Shah. Blind Spots in the Agri-Food System Transformation Debate and Recommendations on How to Address These. TMG Research gGmbH, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35435/1.2023.3.
Full textAbstract:
TMG Research gGmbH aims to help develop a more systematic understanding of how agri-food systems can be transformed as part of a project on the Assessment and Communication of Climate Impacts of Food (CLIF), funded through the International Climate Initiative (IKI) of the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Nuclear Safety and Consumer Protection (BMUV) and jointly implemented with corsus and WWF Germany. This project promotes sustainable consumption patterns and helps companies, policymakers, and consumers choose more sustainable options in relation to food. The main contribution of TMG to this project is in developing a more systematic understanding of how to transform agri-food systems by publishing a series of strategic reports on the current status of agri-food systems and the likely drivers and agents of their transformation. This report is part of the FORESEE (4C) series on The Transformation of Agri-Food Systems in Times of Multiple Crises, which explores the status quo of the current agri-food system in the light of challenges linked to the multiple crises. This part of the series reviews the blind spots and gaps in the debate around agri-food systems transformation and how these hinder the transformation. Furthermore, this report offers recommendations on how to address these gaps to facilitate an agri-food system transformation aligned to the leading themes of people, planet, and prosperity. The report was drafted by TMG with contributions from an extended group of experts.