Journal articles on the topic 'Communication in politics – France'
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1
Bopp, Marie. "REVIEW: Turning point for France in the Pacific?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 5, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v5i1.662.
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Review of After Moruroa: France in the South Pacific, by Nic Maclellan and Jean Chesneaux. Melbourne/New York: Oceania Press.
This is an up-to-date review of French social, political and enviromental, politics in the region during the past two centuries that should certainly teach, or at least challenge, any expert's knowledge on the issue.
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Birdsall, Carolyn. "Interwar France and the politics of auditory culture." Senses and Society 12, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17458927.2017.1319156.
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Cook, Alexander. "Ideology or History as “Idéologie:” C. F Volney and the Uses of the Past in Revolutionary France." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 3 (2021): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131351.
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The French Revolution had a complex relationship with historical thought. In a significant sense, the politics of 1789 was built upon a rejection of the authority of the past. As old institutions and practices were swept away, many champions of the Revolution attacked conventional historical modes for legitimating authority, seeking to replace them with a politics anchored in notions of reason, natural law and natural rights. Yet history was not so easily purged from politics. In practice, symbols and images borrowed from the past saturated Revolutionary culture. The factional disputes of the 1790s, too, invoked history in a range of ways. The politics of nature itself often relied on a range of historical propositions and, as the Revolution developed, a new battle between “ancients” and ‘moderns’ gradually emerged amongst those seeking to direct the future of France. This article explores these issues by focusing on a series of lectures delivered at the École Normale in the Year III (1795), in the wake of Thermidor and the fall of Robespierre. The lectures, commissioned by the Ministry of Education, were designed to lay out a program for historical pedagogy in the French Republic. Their author, Constantin-Francois Volney (1757–1820), was one of a group of figures who sought, during these years, to stabilise French politics by tying it to the development of a new form of social science—a science that would eventually be labelled “idéologie.” With this in mind, Volney sought to promote historical study as an antidote to the political appropriation of the past, with particular reference to its recent uses in France. In doing so, he also sought to appropriate the past for political purposes. These lectures illustrate a series of tensions in the wider Revolutionary relationship with history, particularly during the Thermidorian moment. They also, however, reflect ongoing ambiguities in the social role of the discipline and the self-understanding of its practitioners.
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Бушев, Александр Борисович. "ELECTIONEERING IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS FRANCE IN 2022." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Филология, no. 3(74) (September 29, 2022): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2022.3.179.
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В статье рассматривается предвыборная политическая коммуникация во Франции в 2022 году. Материал для изучения представлен дискурсами традиционных и новейших медиа. Методологией анализа является авторская теория рамочного анализа дискурса. Выводы связаны со значимой ролью новейших медиа в современной предвыборной коммуникации и успешностью политических стратегий центризма. The paper dwells on election political communication in presidential elections in France in 2022, the material under study being discourse of traditional and newest media. The methodology of analysis is based upon the author’s theory of frames of discourse analysis. The results shed light upon strategic importance of new media in election campaigns and success of political strategies of centrism in politics.
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Olszynko-Gryn, Jesse, and Caroline Rusterholz. "Reproductive Politics in Twentieth-Century France and Britain." Medical History 63, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.1.
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This special issue adopts a comparative approach to the politics of reproduction in twentieth-century France and Britain. The articles investigate the flow of information, practices and tools across national boundaries and between groups of experts, activists and laypeople. Empirically grounded in medical, news media and feminist sources, as well as ethnographic fieldwork, they reveal the practical similarities that existed between countries with officially different political regimes as well as local differences within the two countries. Taken as a whole, the special issue shows that the border between France and Britain was more porous than is typically apparent from nationally-focused studies: ideas, people and devices travelled in both directions; communication strategies were always able to evade the rule of law; contraceptive practices were surprisingly similar in both countries; and religion loomed large in debates on both sides of the channel.
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Vedel, Thierry, and William H. Dutton. "New media politics: shaping cable television policy in France." Media, Culture & Society 12, no. 4 (October 1990): 491–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344390012004005.
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Pstrocki-Sehovic, Sabina, and Sabina Pstrocki-Sehovic. "Fiction as a Medium of Social Communication in 19th Century France." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 2, no. 1 (October 12, 2014): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v2i1.104.
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This article will present the extent to which literature could be viewed as means of social communication – i.e. informing and influencing society – in 19thcentury France, by analysing the appearance of three authors at different points: the beginning, the middle and the end of the century. The first is the case of Balzac at the beginning of the 19th Century who becomes the most successful novelist of the century in France and who, in his prolific expression and rich vocabulary, portrays society from various angles in a huge opus of almost 100 works, 93 of them making his Comédie humaine. The second is the case of Gustave Flaubert whose famous novel Madame Bovary, which depicts a female character in a realist but also in a psychologically conscious manner, around the mid-19th century reaches French courts together with Les Fleurs du Mal by Charles Baudelaire and is exposed as being socially judged for its alleged immorality. The last is the political affair of Dreyfus and its defender Emile Zola, the father of naturalism. This case confirms the establishment of more intense relations between writer and politics and builds a solid way for a more conscious and everyday political engagement in the literary world from the end of the 19th century onwards. These three are the most important cases which illustrate how fiction functioned in relation to society, state and readership in 19th century France.
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Laux, Thomas. "How do think tanks qualify their expertise? Exploring the field of scientific policy advice in France." Journal of Science Communication 18, no. 03 (June 14, 2019): A07. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.18030207.
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This study explores the field of scientific policy advice in environmental and energy policies in France to gain insights into the role of think tanks. The field evolved along with the growth of think tanks. The think tanks refer to several orders of worth and combine them in their communication in order to qualify their expertise. The results of the study reveal that the think tanks have become more independent actors and that the field of scientific policy advice has gained autonomy. Both aspects indicate that the relationship between politics and expertise has gradually changed in France.
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Pavard, Bibia. "The Right to Know? The Politics of Information about Contraception in France (1950s–80s)." Medical History 63, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.4.
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In 1920 in France, a law was passed prohibiting abortion, the sale of contraceptives and ‘anti-conception propaganda’. While contraception was legalised in 1967 and abortion in 1975, ‘anti-natalist propaganda’ remained forbidden. This article takes seriously the aim of the French state to prevent the circulation of information for demographic reasons. Drawing from government archives, social movement archives and media coverage, the article focuses on the way the propaganda ban contributed to shaping the public debate on contraception as well as lastingly impacting the ability of the state to communicate on the subject. It first shows how birth control activists challenged the legal interdiction against communicating about contraception (1956–67) without questioning the natalist obligation. It then shows how, after 1968, communication on contraception became a power struggle carried out by various actors (sexologists and feminist and leftist activists) and how the dissemination of information about contraception was thought of as a way to challenge moral and social values. Finally, the article describes the change of state communication policies in the mid-1970s, leading to the first national campaign on contraception launched in 1981, which defined information as a task that women should take on.
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Gattermann, Katjana. "Mediated Personalization of Executive European Union Politics: Examining Patterns in the Broadsheet Coverage of the European Commission, 1992–2016." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 5, 2018): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779231.
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The personalization of politics is a popular thesis but often challenged when it comes to media personalization. While previous research compared the prominence of different types of political actors across national political contexts, this article situates its research in the context of European Union (EU) politics and, thereby, studies similar reference points across countries. Its focus lies on the European Commission and its members. Personalization is conceptualized as individualization and presidentialization, respectively. The article proposes that the EU integration process provides journalists with the opportunity to report more often about individual politicians, while political developments should further incentivize journalists to personalize their news from Brussels. To test this argument, the article investigates personalization patterns in seven broadsheets from Ireland, Britain, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, and Poland. In total, 119,070 articles are analyzed by automated content analysis over a period of twenty-five years. The article finds no pan-European trend toward greater personalization of politics with respect to news coverage of EU executive politics. The findings nonetheless provide important implications for future research. The article particularly discusses the universal applicability of the phenomenon, the time frame for analysis, and journalistic styles in covering European politics.
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Bushev, Aleksandr. "French Politology via the French Language." Virtual Communication and Social Networks 2022, no. 3 (September 26, 2022): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2782-4799-2022-1-3-118-129.
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The paper discusses linguistic autodidactics that lead to the comprehension of social reality. The paper focuses on the Francais Authentique francophone social medium used for language teaching and political discourse comprehension. The author conducted a linguadidactic experiment by using YouTube technologies to practice the French language using authentic traditional and newest sources on the presidential elections in France in 2022. The methodology was based on the authentic theory of discourse analysis frames. The theory features the frames of key communicators and target audiences, factual analysis, analysis of linguistic components of discourse, and the frames of performance, multimedia communication, values, rational argumentation, virtual communication, and feedback. The results shed light upon strategic importance of new media and success of political strategies of centrism in politics.
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Collins, Ross F. "A Battle for Humor: Satire and Censorship in Le Bayard." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 3 (September 1996): 645–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300311.
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Research on humorous and satiric publications during wartime is scarce, and studies of World War I humorous publications suggest that such publications emphasized patriotic material supporting the war and ridiculing the enemy. This study of a French weekly satiric publication, Le Bavard, indicates that, at least in France, the conventional assumption needs to be reassessed. Despite heavy censorship, Le Bavard criticized French politicians and lampooned government leadership. The protest-minded approach of Le Bavard may be attributed to its association with leftist politics.
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Lasfar, Amina, and Pierre Leroux. "L’institutionnalisation de la communication publique." Revue Communication & professionnalisation, no. 4 (January 26, 2017): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/rcompro.vi4.783.
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La revendication d’un domaine de la « communication publique » constitue une forme d’aboutissement d’un long processus de valorisation d’un domaine de compétence et d’exercice distinct d’autres professions proches et de reconnaissance d’une spécificité et d’un savoir-faire qui justifierait la revendication d’une labellisation en tant que profession. C’est en effet sous les termes de « communication publique » et de « communicants publics » que l’on désigne aujourd’hui en France un secteur d’activités pour l’essentiel constitué de professionnels rattachés aux institutions politiques et administratives. En combinant démarche compréhensive et objectivation, nous reviendrons, dans ce travail, sur les conditions sociopolitiques qui ont permis de poser progressivement, en France, les bases de reconnaissance de l’existence d’une « nouvelle » profession, pour nous intéresser ensuite aux enjeux de l’institutionnalisation des métiers de la communication publique à travers la contribution de la principale association de « professionnels de la communication publique » (Cap’Com), en mettant l’accent sur la portée et les limites de cette action ainsi que les modèles dont elle s’est inspirée pour son travail de légitimation professionnelle.
The identification of a specific field of “Public Communication” marks the end of a long process in which the existence of a set of skills quite distinct from those of other related and/or competing professions has finally been recognised. It also acknowledges the specific area of expertise that justifies its claim to be classed as a “profession”. Indeed, in France today the terms “public communication” and “public communicator” are used to denote a sector of the economy that is composed mainly of professional people working for political and administrative institutions. Approaching the subject comprehensively and objectively, this study examines the socio-political conditions that laid the foundations in France for the gradual recognition of a “new” profession. We then consider the issues surrounding the institutionalisation of public communication professions by looking at the contribution made by the principal association of “public communications professionals” (Cap’Com), while emphasising the extent and limits of its activities and the models that provided the inspiration for its work in placing the profession on a legitimate footing.
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Warren, Kenneth. "The Politics of Industry." Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Part B: Journal of Engineering Manufacture 206, no. 3 (August 1992): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1243/pime_proc_1992_206_069_02.
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From a career in the aeronautical and electronics industry, rising from the shop floor and university to management, Kenneth Warren entered Parliament in 1970. During his time in Parliament he has been Chairman of the Conservative Back-Bench Aviation Committee and of the Western European Union's Science and Technology Committee. For four years he was Parliamentary Private Secretary to Sir Keith Joseph in the Department of Trade and Industry and then Education and Science. Currently he is Chairman of the British Russian Parliamentary Group as well as the Select Committee on Trade and Industry. Having visited some eighty countries, led parliamentary delegations overseas on a number of occasions and contributed papers at technical conferences in the United Kingdom, the United States, Holland, France, Japan and Hungary, he has a world-wide interest in the development of engineering and markets for technology. Communication between industry and politics and vice versa is not at the level of quality required in a major supplier/customer relationship. The author will develop a thesis on how this interface can be eroded. He will base his lecture on a background of international experience in politics and industry, including the Chairmanship of the Select Committee on Trade and Industry and as one of the four qualified engineers in the House of Commons.
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Lyons, Ben, Vittorio Mérola, Jason Reifler, and Florian Stoeckel. "How Politics Shape Views Toward Fact-Checking: Evidence from Six European Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (July 2020): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220921732.
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Fact-checking has spread internationally, in part to confront the rise of digital disinformation campaigns. American studies suggests ideological asymmetry in attitudes toward fact-checking, as well as greater acceptance of the practice among those more interested in and knowledgeable about politics. We examine attitudes toward fact-checking across six European counties to put these findings in a broader context ( N = 6,067). We find greater familiarity with and acceptance of fact-checking in Northern Europe (Sweden and Germany) than elsewhere (Italy, Spain, France, and Poland). We further find two dimensions of political antipathy: a left–right dimension and an “anti-elite” dimension (including dissatisfaction with democracy and negative feelings toward the European Union), the latter of which more consistently predicts negative feelings toward fact-checkers in the countries examined. Our findings demonstrate that despite general acceptance of the movement, significant political divides remain. Those less likely to trust fact-checkers could be more vulnerable to disinformation targeting these divides, leading to a spiral of cynicism.
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Hellenes, Andreas Mørkved. "'New Gustavians'." Culture Unbound 13, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 90–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.3378.
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The early 1990s saw Sweden severely hit by financial crisis, electoral upheaval and a swift reorientation within political elites resulting in an application to join the European Union (EU). Focusing on the Swedish blockbuster exhibition project Le Soleil et l’Etoile du Nord (The Sun and the North Star) in Paris during spring 1994, this paper argues that the early 1990s represent a key transition period for the renegotiation of the relationship between business, politics and culture in Swedish foreign promotion and cultural diplomacy. In a wide-ranging campaign launched in France ahead of the EU membership, political communication, cultural heritage narratives, and export promotion were brought together in an ambitious national identity political project that showcased a new, liberal-conservative and inherently European Sweden.
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Fassin, E. "Same Sex, Different Politics: "Gay Marriage" Debates in France and the United States." Public Culture 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2001): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-13-2-215.
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Campus, Donatella. "Mediatization and Personalization of Politics in Italy and France: The Cases of Berlusconi and Sarkozy." International Journal of Press/Politics 15, no. 2 (January 31, 2010): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161209358762.
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Kempkens, Dieter. "Guido Bentivoglios „Della Guerra di Fiandra“ und die europäische Zeitgeschichtsschreibung über den niederländischen Aufstand (1596–1648)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 313–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0016.
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AbstractThis essay offers a complete analysis and contextualization of Guido Bentivoglio’s contemporary history „Della Guerra di Fiandra”. The comparison with works by historians from the Netherlands, France and Italy, also translated into several languages, on the uprising of the provinces of the northern Netherlands, reveals similarities in composition, stylistic devices, communication with readers and their explicit or implicit individual intentions: they wished to influence current politics. In contrast to the others, Bentivoglio did not write a history book that could be verified by many sources, but a political and military textbook for readers, whom he wished to instruct and delight with classical stylistic devices, situationally used sentences and fictional speeches. With his combination of res gestae with res fictae he created a variant of contemporary history.
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Fişek, Emine. "FramingTémoignage: personal narrative, theatrical aid and the politics of immigration activism in France." Text and Performance Quarterly 36, no. 2-3 (June 16, 2016): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10462937.2016.1178394.
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Sdobnova, Yulia N., and Аlla О. Manuhina. "From the history of one quote… (The role of the French language in the international arena in the XVI century: diachronic aspect)." Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, no. 5 (September 2020): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.5-20.018.
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The article is devoted to analyzing the role of the French language in the European society of the XVI century, when la langue francoyse becomes the common language of the communication to both in the field of the official correspondence and in the literature. The research is conducted in the diachronic aspect, concerning different extralinguistic factors (political, ideological, historical and cultural). The origins of this phenomenon are considered: for example, since the XI century, French language was the official language of the court of England and the aristocracy, and then became the working language of the court (le français du loi) and Parliament (the so-called Norman French). Gradually, the tendency to use French as a means of communication between the king and his entourage became the norm of court etiquette in Europe. The XVI century is not only the period of active formation of the French language as the national literary language of France, but also the time of its distribution in Europe as the language of diplomacy, international business and cultural communication of the European elite. The work shows how, due to the compositions of encyclopedic scientists, the work of Francophone teachers outside of France, and the popularization of the French language by translators-humanists (who served at the court of the king François I and his descendants), la langue francoyse consolidated its position in the international arena in the XVI century. At the same time, with the spread of translations into French from the ancient languages (Latin, ancient Greek) the interest of the secular elite of France increases to the past of Europe. And the translations into French from the “living” languages (Italian and Spanish) contributed to the interest to the current problems of modern European literature, as well as history, politics and culture, which was typical for the Renaissance. The article deals with the special attitude of the Renaissance to the French language through the prism of the language worldview of that epoch.
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Cupers, Kenny. "The Cultural Center." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.4.464.
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The Cultural Center: Architecture as Cultural Policy in Postwar Europe examines how culture became an explicit domain of state policy in postwar Europe and why the modern architecture of cultural centers and culture halls became central to such policy. Kenny Cupers uses a variety of archival and primary sources to analyze maisons de la culture in France and Kulturpaläste or Kulturhäuser in the German Democratic Republic during the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on the roles of bureaucrats, policy makers, and designers, he reveals how architecture articulated cultural politics in which participation was harnessed to bolster the intervention of the state in everyday life—whether through unqualified support, as in France, or through often-oppressive regulation, as in the GDR. This premise is what shaped the design approaches of programmatic integration, polyvalence, and communication for new cultural institutions across the Cold War divide.
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O'Donnell, Paul E. "Language Policies and Independence Politics in Québec." Language Problems and Language Planning 21, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.21.2.05odo.
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SOMMAIREL 'Indépendance et la politique linguistique au Québec Le Québec s'est octroyé, en 1977, une législation linguistique que l'on considère "la plus forte du monde démocratique." Cette loi essaie de "franciser" les entreprises québecoises, en même temps qu'elle oblige beaucoup de Québecois envoyer leurs enfants à une école de langue française. Une autre loi obligeait, dès 1988, les commerçants à avoir des affiches extérieures seulement en français. Le ton s'élève encore alors que le Parti Québecois convoque deux referendums sur la "souveraineté" (1980 et 1995). Ce texte dresse le bilan des vingt ans de legislation linguistique "musclée," et de la "referendomanie" qui domine, parfois, le discours sur l'aménagement linguistique. Quel que soit le résultat du prochain referendum, le gouvernement québecois devra attaquer lés problèmes économiques, démographiques, urbanistiques, et ceux de l'immigration. Ce texte défend l'hypothèse que, paradoxalement, le Québec a besoin des Anglophones québecois pour que le français survive dans la province (et dans le Canada). RESUMO Sendependeco kaj lingva politiko en Kebekio Ekde la jaro 1961, la parlamento de Kebekio komencis akcepti daŭre pli fortajn lingvajn leĝojn favore al la franca. Ĝis 1977 ĝi aprobis lingvajn leĝojn senegalajn en la libera mondo. Akto 101 konsiderinde limigas la nombron de studentoj, kiuj povas frekventi anglalingvajn lernejojn, dum ĝi klopodas starigi la francan kiel la lingvon de la laborejoj de Kebekio. Akto 178 (1988) malpermesis utiligon de lingvoj aliaj ol la franca sur eksteraj komercaj sildoj. Ĝis 1995 la Parti Québecois, kiu favoras sendependecon, dufoje postulis (kaj perdis) referendumojn pri "suvereneca asociiĝo" kun Kanado. Tiu ĉi teksto donas superrigardon al dudek jaroj da fortika lingvoplanado en Kebekio kaj ekzamenas la efikon de la institucia nestabileco de la provinco je la ekonomio, je lingvoplanado, kaj je rilatoj inter etnolingvaj grupoj. Ĝi ankaŭ klarigas kial Kebekio tiel forte elpasis por ŝirmi siajn lingvon kaj kulturon. La nuna studo konkludas, paradokse, ke Kebekio bezonas sian anglalingvan logantaron por garantii, ke la franca pluvivu.
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Lapina, N. Yu. "Political Leadership in Modern France." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-65-81.
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The paper analyses the relation between political elites and political leaders. It is demonstrated that social shifts in the ranks of the elite are reflected in the profiles of heads of state, and the coming to power of a new president results in the renewal of elites. For years of existence of the Fifth republic several generations of political elite were replaced. At the time of Che. De Gaulle highest public servants were the main political actors. The logic of appointments in the system of executive power changed, a new type of political career was created. During the rule of F. Mitterrand, decentralization expanded the ranks of political elite, strengthened the positions of local elites. The president’s fellow party members came to power, political parties turned into an effective mechanism of recruitment of elite cadres. With E. Macron’s election there was a renewal of the deputy corps; reforms which will lead to further changes in the ranks of elites are planned. The paper investigates political biographies and career paths of presidents of the Fifth republic: the path of a notable, the path of a party functionary and the path of a member of administrative bureaucracy. The path of a notable assumes that the politician starts their career from election in local authorities and gradually works their way up through the ranks of power. The path of a party functionary demonstrates that the politician is rooted in party structures. The path of a bureaucrat assumes ascent to the political Olympus through promotion in the executive power branch and also by entering the immediate environment of the president, prime minister, key ministers. Local rootedness, good knowledge of public administration are characteristic of French presidents. Until recently it was thought that to achieve presidency in France it was necessary to be supported by a strong party. The new French president is an exception to this rule, and the movement he created is not a party in the traditional sense but a network entity. The study further brings to light qualities which the leader has to possess. The role of communication in the life of the French president is explained and it is shown how communication shapes the president’s image and influences public trust in the institution of presidency.
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Pym, Anthony. "Globalization and the Politics of Translation Studies." Langue, traduction et mondialisation : interactions d’hier, interactions d’aujourd’hui 51, no. 4 (December 11, 2006): 744–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014339ar.
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Abstract Globalization can be seen as a consequence of technologies reducing the costs of communication. This reduction has led both to the rise of English as the international lingua franca and to an increase in the global demand for translations. The simultaneous movement on both fronts is explained by the divergent communication strategies informing the production and distribution of information, where translation can only be expected to remain significant for distribution, and not for production. The fundamental change in the resulting communication patterns is the emergence of one-to-many document production processes, which are displacing the traditional source-target models still used in Translation Studies. Translation Studies might nevertheless retain a set of political principles that could constitute its own identity with respect to globalization. Such principles would be expressed in the national and regional organization of the discipline, in the defense of minority cultures, and in a general stake in cultural alterity. The possible existence of such principles is here examined on the basis of three instances where Translation Studies might address globalization in political terms: the weakness of the discipline in dominant monocultures, the development of an international association of Translation Studies, and political boycotts of translation scholars.
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Koukoutsaki-Monnier, Angeliki. "Debating the EU Constitution in France." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2010): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.1.06kou.
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This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.
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Papa, Venetia. "‘To activists: Please post and share your story’: Renewing understandings on civic participation and the role of Facebook in the Indignados movement." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (November 1, 2017): 583–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117737953.
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The global upsurge in protest, which has accompanied the current international financial crisis, has highlighted the extensive use of online social media in activism, leaving aside the extent to which citizenship is enacted, empowered and potentially transformed by social media use within these movements. Drawing on citizenship and communication theories, this study employs a cross-country analysis of the relationship between citizenship, civic practices and social media within the Indignados movement in Greece and France. By the use of semi-structured interviews, we attempt to discern the degree of involvement of actors with the political community in question and explore the complex layers of their motivations and goals around participation. Content analysis employed in the movement’s Facebook groups allows us to critically evaluate the potential of social media in (re)defining the meaning and practice of civic participation. Findings indicate that the failure of traditional forms of civic participation to attain and resolve everyday political issues becomes its potential to transfer the political activity in other sites of struggle. The role of Facebook is double: it can reinforce civic talk and debate through activists’ digital story telling (around shared feelings and personal stories) significant for meaningful activist participation online and offline. Second, it can support new forms of alternative politics inspired by more participatory modes of engagement.
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Wodak, Ruth. "Crisis communication and crisis management during COVID-19." Global Discourse 11, no. 3 (May 1, 2021): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378921x16100431230102.
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This paper presents results from a comparative and qualitative discourse-historical analysis of governmental crisis communication in Austria, Germany, France, Hungary and Sweden, during the global COVID-19 pandemic lockdown from March 2020 to May 2020 (a ‘discourse strand’). By analysing a sample of important speeches and press conferences by government leaders (all performing as the ‘face of crisis management’), it is possible to deconstruct a range of discursive strategies announcing/legitimising restrictive measures in order to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic where everybody is in danger of falling ill, regardless of their status, position, education and so forth. I focus on four frames that have been employed to mitigate the ‘dread of death’ (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="CIT0004">Bauman, 2006</xref>) and counter the ‘denial of death’ (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="CIT0006">Becker, 1973/2020</xref>): a ‘religious frame’, a ‘dialogic frame’, a frame emphasising ‘trust’, and a frame of ‘leading a war’. These interpretation frameworks are all embedded in ‘renationalising’ tendencies, specifically visible in the EU member states where even the Schengen Area was suddenly abolished (in order to ‘keep the virus out’) and borders were closed. Thus, everybody continues to be confronted with national biopolitics and body politics (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="CIT0092">Wodak, 2021</xref>).
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Bessières, Dominique. "The hybridity of public communication: on old component still a sign of modernity in France." SOCIOLOGIA DELLA COMUNICAZIONE, no. 61 (July 2021): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sc2021-061004.
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Public communication, as the communication of hybrid public organizations, appears to be recognized today in France. It is concerned by the theme of hybridi-ty because of the persistent specificities of the bureaucratic model, together with its forms of professionalization and the development of public management inspired by the private sector. So how can we scientifically understand this communication, whose organizational springs and models are hybrids between public, political and private?
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Paquin, Magali. "La communication politique." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 191–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906269993.
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La communication politique, Jacques Gerstlé, Paris : Éditions Dalloz/Armand Colin, 2004, (coll. Compact civis), 297 pages.Le domaine de la communication politique évolue très rapidement sur le plan de la pratique comme de la recherche. À cet égard, l'ouvrage de Jacques Gerstlé brosse un tableau de synthèse exhaustif et actuel des fondements théoriques, des techniques et des pratiques en communication politique. Il s'appuie sur des recherches et des exemples récents provenant surtout de France et des États-Unis, ce qui peut être pertinent du point de vue comparatif, mais risque de réduire l'intérêt des chercheurs canadiens pour l'ouvrage. De nombreux tableaux, figures et statistiques témoignent de la place accordée à l'analyse empirique et quantitative. Il s'agit à notre avis d'un livre excellent dont le point fort réside dans la diversité des connaissances exposées, la systématicité de la présentation et l'actualité des exemples. Il sera utile aux politologues et, plus généralement, aux chercheurs en sciences sociales ou en communication et journalisme, de même qu'aux praticiens et aux étudiants désireux de saisir les multiples approches et phénomènes de la communication politique.
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Martinelli, Dario. "AUDIOVISUALITY AND THE CITY OF MARSEILLE, FRANCE: CREATIVITY, COMMUNICATION, REPRESENTATION." Creativity Studies 12, no. 1 (June 7, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2019.5440.
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The Wicked City (director Peter Mak, 1992), House on the Waterfront (director Edmond T. Gréville, 1955), The French Connection (director William Friedkin, 1971), the obvious Borsalino (director Jacques Deray, 1970)… up to the recent Netflix series Marseille (creator Dan Franck, 2016–2018): when browsing the titles of the most important audiovisual representations of Marseille, one immediately notices how this city seems to (be made to) communicate a few recurrent topoi: the frontier city, site of mostly illegal activities and inhabited by a multi-ethnic (or rather stateless) community of gangsters, sailors, adventurers and prostitutes – ingredients often mixed with an abundant amount of charm and nostalgic fascination. Mostly informed by the theories and methodologies of film studies, musicology, creativity studies and communication studies, the present article aims to emphasize the consistence of significations conveyed by both visual and musical sources. As a case-study, the article shall focus on Borsalino, possibly – at the same time – the most famous film placed in Marseille and the most famous soundtrack (by jazz composer Claude Bolling) – both, it is argued, perfect syntheses of the above-mentioned topoi.
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Zouplna, Jan. "Speaking Trade, Aiming Beyond: Israel’s Economic Relations with France and Britain before 1956." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340236.
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Abstract Israel’s relationship with the West during the first half of the 1950s was not a walk in the park. Economic relations fitted into this general picture. Both Britain and France were sceptical as far as Israel’s potential was concerned. Their early prognoses tended to be quite gloomy. Simultaneously, economic relations provided a convenient communication channel at a time when overt association with the Jewish state was not desirable. The progress in Franco-Israeli economic ties during the years 1953-1955 illustrates this ambivalence in full. While prudence remained, the increase in bilateral trade managed to warrant the military supplies. Britain, constituting a traditional market, surpassed France as a trading partner. Given British political aloofness, the instrument of trade served primarily its immediate economic purpose. Based on archival sources gathered in all of the three countries, the paper traces the interplay of trade and diplomacy in the early years of Israel’s foreign relations.
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Lavigne, Alain. "La communication politique en Amérique du Nord et en France." Hermès 17-18, no. 3 (1995): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/2042/15230.
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Surma, I. V. "Digital Diplomacy in the Discourse of Global Policy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-53-60.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the official presence on the Internet, including social networking sites, of the state diplomatic agencies of France, Italy, Russia, and others. A new form of "digital diplomacy" on the one hand provides new opportunities for the implementation of the state international politics, and on the other, imposes special requirements on its members. There is the feedback loop between the diplomatic and public agencies (a new phenomenon of the modern information society). Social media play an important role in shaping public opinion, which puts forward specific requirements for how information on the official pages of diplomatic offices in social networks. The new format of close cooperation between the public and diplomatic agencies makes the modern diplomacy more public and less restrained. In these circumstances, it is very important information without losing the initiative and applying new and modern means of communication with their particular style of communication, they can not fall the level of political culture, as happened with the diplomatic authorities of the USA and some other countries. Thus, the ongoing technological revolution complicates the interaction between the participants of international relations. The usage of digital technologies in the diplomatic activity opens up new possibilities for conducting a policy of «soft power» aimed to develop concerted action to overcome the political, social and economic crises, as well as develop the measures to prevent them.
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Neudert, Lisa-Maria, Philip Howard, and Bence Kollanyi. "Sourcing and Automation of Political News and Information During Three European Elections." Social Media + Society 5, no. 3 (July 2019): 205630511986314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119863147.
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Voters increasingly rely on social media for news and information about politics. But increasingly, social media has emerged as a fertile soil for deliberately produced misinformation campaigns, conspiracy, and extremist alternative media. How does the sourcing of political news and information define contemporary political communication in different countries in Europe? To understand what users are sharing in their political communication, we analyzed large volumes of political conversation over a major social media platform—in real-time and native languages during campaign periods—for three major European elections. Rather than chasing a definition of what has come to be known as “fake news,” we produce a grounded typology of what users actually shared and apply rigorous coding and content analysis to define the types of sources, compare them in context with known forms of political news and information, and contrast their circulation patterns in France, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Based on this analysis, we offer a definition of “junk news” that refers to deliberately produced misleading, deceptive, and incorrect propaganda purporting to be real news. In the first multilingual, cross-national comparison of junk news sourcing and consumption over social media, we analyze over 4 million tweets from three elections and find that (1) users across Europe shared substantial amounts of junk news in varying qualities and quantities, (2) amplifier accounts drive low to medium levels of traffic and news sharing, and (3) Europeans still share large amounts of professionally produced information from media outlets, but other traditional sources of political information including political parties and government agencies are in decline.
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Blasio, Emiliana De, and Lorenzo Viviani. "Platform Party between Digital Activism and Hyper-Leadership: The Reshaping of the Public Sphere." Media and Communication 8, no. 4 (October 8, 2020): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i4.3230.
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The so-called crisis of representation has formed the theoretical framework of many studies on media and democracy of the past thirty years. Many researches have highlighted the crisis of legitimacy and credibility of the ‘traditional’ parties (Katz & Mair, 2018) and communication was considered, at the same time, one of the causes of acceleration towards post-representative politics (Keane, 2013) but also an indispensable tool for re-connecting citizens to politics. Various phenomena have developed within this framework: a) the birth of political aggregations as a result of mobilization in the digital ecosystem; b) the development of digital platforms for democratic participation; c) the birth of parties defined as ‘digital’ or ‘platform’; and d) the growing centrality of digital political activism, both as a phenomenon within the digital communicative ecosystem (also in the context of social media) and as a result of the transformation of social movements. This article studies the role of platform parties as a space for the emergence of authoritarian tendencies (hyper-leadership) but also as an organizational opportunity for the development of new forms of digital activism. In particular, the article presents a research on the use of digital platforms (and their political and organizational consequences) by political parties in Italy, France, and Spain. The study shows the relationships between the evolution of digital ecosystems and the way in which political organization is organised, also highlighting how the new forms of mobilization and aggregation have opened up different yet interconnected public spaces.
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Khodijah, Siti. "STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DALAM PEMENANGAN KEPALA DAERAH PEREMPUAN DI KABUPATEN BEKASI." JURNAL ADMINISTRASI DAN KEBIJAKAN PUBLIK 12, no. 1 (February 19, 2022): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.33558/akp.v12i1.2867.
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Pemilukada is one of the instruments of political decentralization, which made possible the occurrence of a transfer of power from the centre to the area. Through representation and embodiment pemilukada popular sovereignty can be enforced. The election directly Head region and the Deputy Chief of The Bekasi Regency is one of the forms of democracy in 2012 has three pairs of prospective candidates in the Region and Deputy Head of the area’s competed in the election Districts in the Regency of Bekasi, (1) France Partner Hasan Yasin dan Rohim Minteraja, the couple on the stretcher from the 3rd parties; (2) Sa’dudin Couples and Jamal Lulail, carried from another party and 3; (3) couples M. Darip Jejen Mulyana and Sayuti, Carried from 7 party. Based on the final results of the General Election Commission’s recap of the Regencies in Jakarta, the head of the most votes and Deputy Chief of the Bekasi district won by pairs Neneng Hasanah Yasin and Rohim Minteraja (NERO). The focus of this research is to examine the factors that affect victory the win strategy and how NERO, with the formula issues (1) whats factors affect NERO’S victory; (2) How Political Communication Strategies do with 3 (three) basic concepts as the footing (1) Political Communication Strategies, (2) Political Participation and (3) Marketing of politics. The case study is done is with interviews and the collection of documents related to the winner in the election of Regional Heads NERO Regency of Bekasi. As the findings turned out to be a very decisive victory factor pair Neneng Hasanah Yasin with Rohim Minteraja i.e. the lights his father factor M. Yasin, who is one of the richest men in Regency of Bekasi, as well as supported businesses that work with teams either.
The focus of this research is to examine the factors that affect victory the win strategy and how NERO, with the formula issues (1) whats factors affect NERO’S victory; (2) How Political Communication Strategies do with 3 (three) basic concept as the footing (1) Political Communication Strategies, (2) Political Participation and (3) Marketing of politics. The case study is done is with interviews and the collection of document related to the winner in the election of Regional Heads NERO Regency of Bekasi. As the findings turned out to be a very decisive victory factor pair Neneng Hasanah Yasin with Rohim Minteraja i.e the lights his father factor M.Yasin, who is one of the richest men in Regency of Bekasi, as well as supported businesses that work with teams either.
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Barkdull, Nicholas, and John Hutnyk. "Cartoon Weapons Industry: Prejudicial News Reports and the Terrorising of Magazines." Media Watch 13, no. 1 (January 2022): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09760911221086355.
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Two decades of ‘terror’ crises have seen politicians, legal professionals and scholars struggle to cope with atrocities organised around some joke. From the alt-right smirk of the Christchurch killer at his televised court arraignment to the ‘Danish cartoons’ and the targeting of the satirical Charlie Hebdo magazine in France, a series of funny-not-so-funny international ‘incidents’ prompt us to ponder the cartoon nature of politics. Our investigation into cartooning, contextualised as part of ongoing war efforts, reveals a cultural-economic project that peddles weapons for conflicts against caricatured Muslim adversaries. To illustrate this point, we examine copycat cartoon tropes and conclude that while international cartoon politics is nothing new, cartoon contests and terrorist show-trials indicate an ever-greater reification hand-in-glove with the arms trade.
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Eveno, Bertrand. "L'AFP : France, Francophonie, mondialisation." Hermès 40, no. 3 (2004): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/2042/9514.
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Miadowicz, Joanna. "France : un hommage ambigu." Hermès 46, no. 3 (2006): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/2042/24064.
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Loginova, Polina. "Towards the Problem of Communicative Approach of the French Periodicals by Modeling E. Macron’s Political Image." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 11, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9103-2022-11-1-93-100.
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The paper goes on analysis of the implementation of communicative approach regarding the peculiarities of the French media texts in comparison derived from the most up-to-date periodicals such as «Le Parisien», «Le Figaro», «Le Monde» and «Libération». It is attempted to illustrate that the periodicals mentioned above envisaged within the frame of communication studies and science by the exemples of media texts cited by the author could reveal the diverse types of interpretation of E. Macron’s political image. It is also shown that the mentioned French periodicals create the specific viewpoint of the acting French leader by influencing and manipulating people’s consciousness. It is underlined that the timeliness of the analyzed topic is stipulated by upcoming presidential elections in France in the year 2022 where E. Macron will be presented, therefore the importance of analysis of his political image can not be underestimated. It is underlined that by criticing and condemning the political activities of the acting French president , French periodicals influence public opinion and model the appropriate image of E.Macron.
The practical significance of the paper is determined by implementing the obtained results while teaching international and political journalism at Universities to students of politics, future international journalists and diplomatic officials.
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Boulianne, Shelley, Chris Tenove, and Jordan Buffie. "Complicating the Resilience Model: A Four-Country Study About Misinformation." Media and Communication 10, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i3.5346.
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The resilience model to disinformation (Humprecht et al., 2020, 2021) suggests that countries will differ in exposure and reactions to disinformation due to their distinct media, economic, and political environments. In this model, higher media trust and the use of public service broadcasters are expected to build resilience to disinformation, while social media use and political polarization undermine resilience. To further test and develop the resilience model, we draw on a four-country (the US, Canada, the UK, and France) survey conducted in February 2021. We focus on three individual-level indicators of a lack of resilience: awareness of, exposure to, and sharing of misinformation. We find that social media use is associated with higher levels of all three measures, which is consistent with the resilience model. Social media use decreases resilience to misinformation. Contrary to the expectations of the resilience model, trust in national news media does not build resilience. Finally, we consider the use of public broadcasting media (BBC, France Télévisions, and CBC). The use of these sources does not build resilience in the short term. Moving forward, we suggest that awareness of, exposure to, and reactions to misinformation are best understood in terms of social media use and left–right ideology. Furthermore, instead of focusing on the US as the exceptional case of low resilience, we should consider the UK as the exceptional case of high resilience to misinformation. Finally, we identify potential avenues to further develop frameworks to understand and measure resilience to misinformation.
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Nilsson, Per-Erik. "“The new extreme right”." Nordicom Review 42, s1 (March 1, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0008.
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Abstract Contemporary France is a prolific arena for post-fascist actors, parties, and movements. Self-proclaimed alternative news outlets and publishing houses serve as forums for information and mobilisation, through various strategies, to resist an alleged onslaught by the enemies of the nation and its people: multiculturalism, feminism, political correctness, political corruption, and civilisational decay. In this article, I explore uncivility as a discursive logic within the French post-fascist media-ecology, focusing on the conspicuous use of irony and discursive displacement. More specifically, I discuss how sardonic irony as an uncivil discursive strategy is employed to navigate the legal boundaries of free speech and how discursive displacement, coupled with irony, is used as an affective identificatory technique in post-fascist discourse.
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Novanto, Diko Catur, Ika Riswanti Putranti, and Andi Akhmad Basith Dir. "Cybernorms: Analysis of International Norms in France's Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 5, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 326–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.11656.
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Cybercrime is a crime involving computers and networks that began to develop after the Cold War. International politics also have developed through computer networks or cyberspace, especially in communication and diplomacy. Many actors who have different interests make the cybersphere unstable. Several state and non-state actors themselves have collaborated and conventions in the cyber realm. In 2018, France made a high-level declaration called the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace to maintain stability in cyberspace. Through the Paris Call, France tries to establish an international norm in the cyber domain known as Cybernorms. This norm has been supported by several state and non-state actors. This study seeks to see the importance of the Paris Call that has been made by the French government which aims to remind the general norms of cyber that are not popular or see the formation of international norms in the cybersphere. This study uses a qualitative method with the process-tracing data analysis method used to explain change and cause-and-effect. This research argues that cyber norms are very important for state or non-state actors in maintaining the stability of the cyber world.
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Koc-Michalska, Karolina, and Darren G. Lilleker. "Evolving In Step or Poles Apart?" International Journal of E-Politics 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014010103.
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Comparative studies are rare in the study of online communication campaigning. The authors chose two cases, Poland and France, to describe the two campaigns for the Parliamentary elections. Content analysis allowed the authors to detect online communication strategies and parties' attempt to reach different audiences. Web-cartography illustrates the parties' network connections. The authors find strong cross-country and resource-based differences for the more interactive and engaging features (Web 2.0), which are not that powerful for explaining audience-targeting strategies. Overall a sales strategy and a focus on marketing dominated over e-representation (exhibiting the parties' political record). In both countries social media platforms are well incorporated into online strategies. Facebook dominates in Poland, Twitter in France. Web cartography gives a counterintuitive picture of the Polish parties' network being much more personalized but also of more ghettoing within the supporting environment.
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Philippov, Vasiliy Rudolfovich. "Paris vs. Beijing: Confrontation on the African Continent." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-84-96.
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The subject of this study is the competitive relations in the political and economic spheres that have developed on the African continent in the 21st century between the French Republic and the People’s Republic of China. The author focuses on the main conflict-generating factors that caused the latent confrontation between the two countries that arose in the face of a changing geopolitical situation in the world in general and in Africa in particular. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the work is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. Using the method of historical reconstruction allowed the author to trace the dynamics of relations between France and China over the past two decades. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade; analytical materials published on the pages of French and Russian mass media were used. The author concludes that the basis of the conflict between Paris and Beijing lies in the desire of the Champs Elysees not only to preserve the political, economic and military-strategic preferences of France in the countries that were formerly colonies of the French Empire, but also to protect French interests in the English-speaking countries of East Africa. The rapid growth of China’s influence on the African continent, the ever more obvious expansion of the Heavenly Empire into the economies of African countries, forces France to change the paradigm of its foreign policy. If the predecessors of E. Macron, denying in words the policy of “Françafrique”, relied on the use of military force and covert operations of the French security services then the current head of the Fifth Republic in his relations with African countries prefers to use his resources on “soft power” politics. The experience gained by E. Macron during his first (not very successful) African tour in 2017 prompted him to change the tone of communication with the leaders of African countries from patronically arrogant to friendly and trusting.
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Pearson, Timothy G. "“Il sera important de me mander le détail de toutes choses” Knowledge and Transatlantic Communication from the Sulpician Mission in Canada, 1668–1680." French Colonial History 12 (May 1, 2011): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938209.
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Abstract Missionnaires en Nouvelle-France, les prêtres de la Compagnie de Saint-Sulpice ont produit énormément d’informations et une importante correspondance, échangée entre le Canada et la France sous le régime français. Cet article poursuit un double but: il s’agit de montrer, d’une part, comment cette institution religieuse a collecté et disséminé des connaissances sur la colonie et, d’autre part, de démontrer comment le supérieur général, Louis Tronson (1676-1699), a utilisé son réseau en Nouvelle-France afin de gagner en faveur et en influence à la cour de France. Ainsi à travers le cas de la mission sulpicienne de Kenté, située sur la côte nord du Lac Ontario, se révèle sous un jour nouveau le rôle joué par les institutions religieuses comme celle de Saint-Sulpice dans la formation et l’administration d’un Atlantique français au dix-septième siècle.
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Lebedeva, T. Yu, L. V. Minaeva, and A. D. Krivonosov. "COVID-19 Pandemic as a Factor for the Paradigm Shift in International Communications. Book Review of ‘Pandémie médiatique. Com de crise/crise de com’ by S. Fouks." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-223-240.
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The review examines a new book ‘Media pandemic. Crisis communication / communication crisis’ (‘Pandémie médiatique. Com de crise / crise de com’) by the executive vice-president of the Havas Group Stephan Fouks, which was published in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. Building on his rich and unique practical experience as a head of a large media organization, a consultant at international organizations and a presidential campaign manager, the author assesses the role of media communications in the context of the coronavirus outbreak. The book under review is addressed primarily to experts in International Relations. It covers a wide range of issues including the causes of the crisis, which led to a paradigm shift in international communications, and specifi cs of the communication policies in France and some other European states. The author concludes that these policies refl ect a general crisis of the ruling elites (political establishment). Here the author continues to further elaborate on the ideas of his previous book — ‘The New Elites: portrait of a generation that will ignore’ (‘Les Nouvelles Elites: portrait d’une génération 1ui s’ignore’).The author provides a critical analysis of the key elements of communication strategies during the COVID-19 pandemic, from the ruling elites to the expert community, and delineates methods and the role of international communication in the future. The reviewers emphasize that the monograph by Stefan Fouks goes beyond the traditional formats of communication studies, which tended to focus either on the various crises, or on the organization of media structures in diff erent states, public-private partnership, and corporate communications, and thus were too narrow in scope. In ‘Media-pandemic’ the author stresses multidimensional nature of international communications and argues that their paradigmatic shift was brought by both the development of digital technologies and anthropogenic factors in the form of the global COVID-19 pandemic.
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Laberge, Yves. "De la propagande à la communication politique : perspectives sur l'opinion publique en France, au Québec, aux États-Unis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 519–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070709.
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Lynda Lee Kaid (ed.), Handbook of Political Communication Research, Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2004, xviii + 541 p.Dominique Wolton (dir.), La Télévision au pouvoir. Omniprésente, irritante, irremplaçable. Paris, Universalis, 2004, 195 p.Anne-Marie Gingras (dir.), La communication politique: État des savoirs, enjeux et perspectives, Québec, Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2003, 295 p.
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Charmarkeh, Houssein. "Le rôle d’internet et de la télévision dans l’adaptation des réfugiés en France." ALTERNATIVE FRANCOPHONE 1, no. 6 (May 30, 2013): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/af19642.
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Le nombre de réfugiés dans le monde ne cesse d’augmenter. Le Haut commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés estime le nombre record de déplacés forcés en 2011 à 43,7 millions. En France, plus de 57 000 ont introduit une demande de protection à l’Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides. Les Somaliens constituent en France l’un des groupes en constante augmentation en raison de la crise humanitaire, politique et sécuritaire qui secoue leur pays. De nombreuses études ont été menées dans le cadre de l’accueil des réfugiés en France et de la fragilisation du droit d’asile. Les recherches s’intéressant à analyser les usages des technologies de l’information et de la communication (TIC) tels que internet et la télévision par les réfugiés restent embryonnaires. Cette présente recherche tente de combler cet écart en contribuant à l’analyse des usages d’internet et de la télévision par les réfugiés Somaliens pendant leur installation en France.
Abstract
The number of refugees on a global scale is increasing. In fact, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that in 2011 there were 43.7 million forcibly displaced persons reaching a worldwide record. In France, more than 57 thousand persons applied for protection to the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons. Somalis are among the refugee groups on the rise in France due to the humanitarian, political and security crises that shook their country. Numerous studies have been conducted in the context of the reception of refugees in France and the weakening of the right to asylum. This study aims to analyze the uses of Information Technology and Communication (ICT), in particular Internet and television, by refugees as such studies remains limited. This research study strives to fill this gap by contributing to the analysis of the usage of the Internet and television by Somali refugees during their settlement in France.