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1
PFAU, MICHAEL WALTON. "INOCULATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184179.
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This study examined attack and inoculation message strategies in political campaign communication. A total of 341 initial and followup treatment interviews and 392 control interviews were completed among potential voters in a U.S. Senate campaign during October 1986. The study hypothesized that character attack messages directed to supporters of opposing candidates exert more influence than issue attack messages. This prediction was not supported. Contrary to prediction, the results indicated that, during the latter stages of a political campaign featuring known candidates, issue attack messages exert more persuasive impact than character attack messages. However, the primary purpose of this investigation was to apply McGuire's inoculation theory to political campaign communication. The study hypothesized that political campaign messages can be designed to inoculate supporters of candidates against the subsequent attack messages of opposing candidates. This prediction was supported. In addition, the results supported the hypothesis that inoculation confers more resistance to subsequent attack messages among strong political party identifiers as opposed to weak identifiers, nonidentifiers and crossovers. Contrary to prediction, however, the study found that inoculation confers more resistance among Democrat party loyalists as opposed to Republican party loyalists. The results of this investigation extend the scope of inoculation theory to new domain, and at the same time, suggest a new strategic approach for candidates in political campaigns.
2
Zuercher, Robert J. "Campaigning for Judicial Office, 2012." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/comm_etds/32.
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Concerns over the way in which judicial campaigns are conducted have been voiced since the 1970s. Judicial elections are thought to have become rough and tumble contests, featuring increasing campaign expenditures and controversial campaign speech. With the widespread deregulation of judicial candidate campaign speech in the early 2000s, scholars have become increasingly concerned with how judicial candidates campaign. This dissertation examines the role of the media in judicial elections, campaign communication methods used by candidates, how candidates develop campaign messages, controversial campaign speech, the consequences of campaigning, and candidates’ attitudes toward judicial selection reform. Data gathered from a survey of judicial candidates who ran for election in 2012 (n = 490) and follow-up interviews with candidates (n = 35) were used to address the research questions posed by this investigation. Findings reveal a number of areas of concern with judicial elections beyond campaign speech, including lack of media coverage, lack of access to adequate communication channels, and concerns over external group involvement in judicial elections. Controversial speech is rare in judicial campaigns and few candidates favor strong speech regulations, which are viewed as barriers between the office and the public.
3
Banwart, Mary. "Women's Campaign Rhetoric: A Case Study of the 1998 Northup Congressional Campaign." TopSCHOLAR®, 1999. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/741.
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As more women seek election to national political offices, and as political spot ads continue to play a vital role as a major medium through which campaigns present their candidate, this qualitative analysis examines the image-building strategies one female candidate employed in her spot ads and the potential for such strategies to overcome gender-culture constraints. This study answers four research questions: 1. What rhetorical strategies does Northup employ to build an image in her televised campaign spot ads, 2. Do these strategies fulfill the six dimensions employed by this thesis to fulfill the voter's image prototype of a candidate, 3. Do Northup's rhetorical strategies provide a fitting response to the rhetorical situation of her 1998 congressional reelection campaign, and 4. Or, does Northup, through her image building strategies, alter the rhetorical situation such that the original constraints are modified and the requirements of the fitting response thus shift to a newly created rhetorical situation? In order to respond to these questions, I utilize Bitzer's rhetorical situation construct to identify the multiple exigences, audiences, and constraints to which Northup must respond through her discourse. Additionally, I employ a candidate prototype that consists of the dimensions of competence, reliability, integrity, charisma, observable features, and consubstantiality, to identify Northup's image-building strategies. Not only do I argue that Northup's image building strategies fulfill the six dimensions of the candidate prototype but that two rhetorical situations evolve to which Northup must respond. Based on the fitting response criteria discussed, she provides correctives to the actual exigences and upholds the audience's expectations that she respond appropriately in both the cultural and institutional senses.
4
Allrich, Helen Boynton Lois A. "The heart truth campaign a communication audit /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,916.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of [sic] in The School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
5
Jiggins, Stephen, and n/a. "Propaganda and public information campaigns : a case study of the 1991 Australian census communication campaign." University of Canberra. Communication, Media & Tourism, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060801.162048.
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Jowett and O'Donnell observe that 'there is a clear revival of interest in
the important role of propaganda in many aspects of modern life, not
necessarily related to international intrigue or military campaigns' (1992, p.
xi). This thesis has examined the 1991 Census communication
campaign (ABS 1991a) for evidence of propaganda intentions and
strategies.
Propaganda is clearly a pejorative term and its application to a particular
campaign could imply a covert attempt at manipulation by the authority
behind the campaign�the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). As the
author was responsible for the development, implementation and
evaluation of the 1991 Census communication campaign and had
privileged access to a range of sources, a reader might expect detailed
references to internal files which reveal conscious decision-making to
mount a propaganda campaign. This is not the case. An analysis of
the 150 working files associated with the campaign revealed no support
for such a hypothesis; there was no evidence of decision-making with the
intent of implementing propaganda strategies. Similarly, during interviews
with senior ABS managers, these managers categorically rejected the
notion that the Bureau conducted a propaganda campaign and pointed
to the fact that all procedures were cleared through both the Federal
Parliament and the Privacy Commissioner.
The hypothesis explored by this thesis is that despite this lack of
conscious direction, propaganda processes are evident in the way the
ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The
perspective of the thesis is closely aligned to that of Altheide and Johnson
who locate propaganda as the bridge between 'organisational image
and reality' (1980, p. 4). Altheide and Johnson regard propaganda as an
insidious phenomena based on impression-management through the
'rigorous pursuit of scientifically valid procedures and standards' (1980, p.
229). The end result of this impression-management is that certain 'facts'
are presented to the exclusion of all others. This thesis argues that
impression-management strategies are evident in the way the ABS
conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The
processes of impression-management are subtle and do not reside in
such sources as internal files. The process operates through the
internalised ethos and corporate values inculcated in the minds of senior
staff within the Bureau and is best conceptualised as a mindset, reflected
in outcomes. I have used the term mindset to cover the process of
converting abstract values into specific guides for action�fora discussion
of this process see Hall (1977, pp. 69 - 83).
This mindset is well-illustrated by the issue of compulsion�the obligation
to complete a census form. At one level the ABS procedures are
impeccable: cleared through the federal parliament and the Privacy
Commissioner�and it is this form of discourse that is documented in
internal files. The procedures do not, however, enable respondents to
make an informed decision about whether the census is compulsory and
about the ramifications for non-compliance. The mindset operating here is
based on the value of the census to the ABS�the census is good for the
ABS�it generates revenue and legitimises the role of the organisation.
The thesis presents data which establishes that there is a significant gap
between the organisational image of the census (in the corporate mind of
the ABS) and that perceived by householders. The mindset of the ABS
is clearly evident in the procedures adopted on this issue.
The main finding of this thesis is that many of the processes underlying
the development of the 1991 Census communication campaign were
subtle environmental influences. These reflected the internal dynamics of
the ABS, and its ability as an institution to control the communication
environment through addressing the needs of other major organisations,
such as the media, and the release of selective information to specific
target audiences. In this context, institutional dynamics, more than
decisions by individual managers, influenced the conduct of the campaign.
The process of propaganda, therefore, is implicit in the 1991 Census
rather than explicit�a distinction, in terms of process, drawn by Pearlin
and Rosenberg (1954) in their examination of propaganda techniques in
institutional advertising.
It should also be acknowledged that whilst the author did have privileged
access to information, there is no information contained in this thesis that
would not be publicly available. The majority of primary sources are
reports published by the ABS or papers delivered by Bureau staff at a
range of fora. Permission was sought from the ABS for assistance in
obtaining access to information and this was readily granted.
6
Shrensky, Ruth, and n/a. "The ontology of communication: a reconcepualisation of the nature of communication through a critique of mass media public communication campaigns." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050601.163735.
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Conclusion. It is probably now appropriate to close a chapter in the history of
public communication campaigning. Weaknesses which have
usually been seen as instrumental can now be seen for what they
are: conceptual failures grounded in compromised ontologies and
false epistemologies. As I showed in the last chapter, even when
viewed within their own narrow empiricist frame, public
communication campaigns fail to satisfy a test of empirical efficacy.
But empirical failure reveals a deeper moral failure: the failure of
government to properly engage in a conversation with the citizens
to whom they are ultimately responsible. Whether public
communication campaigns are a symptom or a cause of this failure
lies beyond the scope of this thesis. But there can be little doubt that
the practice of these campaigns has encouraged the persistence of an
inappropriate relation between state and citizens.
The originators and managers of mass media public communication
campaigns conceive of and execute their creations as persuasive
devices aimed at the targets who have been selected to receive their
messages. But we do not see ourselves as targets (and there are
profound ethical reasons why we should not be treated as such),
neither do we engage with the mass media as message receivers. On
the contrary, as social beings, we become actively and creatively
involved with the communicative events which we attend to and
participate in; the mass media, like all other communication
opportunities, provide the means for generating new meanings,
new ways of understanding, new social realities. But people are
constrained from participating fully in public discussion about social
issues; the government's construal of individuals as targets and of
communication as transmitted messages does not provide the
discursive space for mutual interaction.
Governments should aim to encourage the active engagement of
citizens in public discussion by conceiving of and executing public
communication as part of a continuing conversation, not as
packaged commodities to be marketed and consumed, or as messages
to be received. It is time to encourage alternative practices-practices
which open up the possibility of productive conversations which
will help transform the relationship between citizens and state.
However, as I have argued in this thesis, changed practices must be
accompanied by profound changes in thinking, otherwise we
continue to reinvent the past. Communication practice is informed
by the ontology of communication which is itself embedded within
other ontologies and epistemologies. The dominant paradigm of
communication is at present in a state of crisis, caught between two
views of communication power. On the one hand it displays an
obsession with instrumental effectiveness on which it cannot
deliver. On the other hand-in an attempt to discard the
accumulated baggage of dualist philosophy and mechanistic models
of effective communication-it indulges in a humourless critique of
language which, as Robert Hughes astutely observes, is little more
than an enclave of abstract complaint (Hughes 1993:72). This thesis
has been an attempt to open up a space for a new ontology, within
which we might create new possibilities.
7
Sugar, Sara Alice. "Live, Breathe, Hike: a Campaign for the Buckeye Trail Association." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461336164.
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Hillman-Burcham, Tabitha M. "Socioeconomic Disparities in Campaign Exposure and Effects: The Case of VERB." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338476468.
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9
Davis, Vauna L. "We Need to Talk: Persuasive Communication in Fireproof Ministries' XXXchurch Anti-Pornography Campaign." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3247.
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The growing evidence of harm caused by pornography calls for interventions to counteract the influence of explicit sexual media. Fireproof Ministries conducts a major Christian anti-pornography campaign called XXXchurch. This case analysis of the campaign evaluated if the messages were appropriately designed in light of what persuasion research has discovered about motivating attitudinal and behavioral change. Theories about agenda setting, attitude accessibility, exemplars, evidence, cognitive dissonance, guilt, reactance, fear appeals, and self-efficacy were the basis of identifying the themes of the campaign, evaluating the credibility of XXXchurch, and assessing the theoretical foundation of the campaign. The study found three dominant objectives of the campaign: awareness, prevention, and recovery. XXXchurch has set the pornography agenda in many Christian churches, and also brings the issue to a wider public through news media; they have been featured in thousands of media publications and broadcasts. XXXchurch measures their own success by the stories and feedback they hear from their audience, the media attention they receive, and their increased acceptance by churches. The three main groups of themes in the messages of the campaign are prevention and recovery, the harm of pornography, and how God's purposes for life are impacted by pornography. These themes are essentially persuasive messages encouraging people to consider the negative consequence of using pornography and the benefits of resisting it. The attitudes influenced through these messages are the precursors to taking action to overcome pornography. The XXXchurch campaign establishes credibility with their audience through six elements: (a) prior experience or perceptions, (b) credentials, competence, and expertise (c) honesty and lack of bias, (d) similarity to the audience, (e) bold, confident delivery, and (f) plausible messages. Examples of self-efficacy, exemplars, and fear appeals were the most frequently found theories in the campaign messages. Persuasion theories functioned as useful tools for analyzing and understanding the campaign. Although the XXXchurch team did not design the campaign with these theories in mind, the theories strongly explain the foundation of the campaign. Taken as a whole, the campaign clearly demonstrates research-based principles, which suggest a prediction of successfully influencing attitudes and behavior.
10
Filer, Christine R. "Character Counts: Traits in Televised Political Campaign Advertisements." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311298.
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This study examines character traits in United States presidential campaign advertisements. It was predicted that Republican and Democratic trait content would be similar in appeal advertisements but would differ in attack and contrast advertisements. Additionally, it was expected that the traits most frequently conveyed in primary election advertisements would differ from those most frequently employed in general election advertisements. The conveyance of traits in conjunction with issues was examined. The hypotheses and research questions were tested on televised campaign ads from the 2008 and 2012 primary and general elections. Overall, both parties appeal to and attack specific character traits with similar frequencies. The traits used in primary election advertisements were much more positive than the traits used in general election advertisements. Campaigns combine issue content with specific traits in their ads. The findings of this study answer questions about how candidates build and shape their images through televised political advertisements.
11
Fryberger, Kelly Irene. "Bateman 2010 U.S. Census: Miami University." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1303232128.
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12
Pereira, Michelle Soares. "Cooperative in-home Power Line Communication: analyses based on a measurement campaign." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2015. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/245.
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Este trabalho aborda a análise de protocolos de cooperação para melhorar o desempenho de sistemas powerline communication (PLC). O estudo se baseia em um conjunto de dados de canais PLC in-home. As análises discutidas abordam a capacidade teórica do canal quando protocolos amplify-and-forward (AF) e decode-and-forward (DF) são considerados. Estudos similares são realizados a respeito da taxa máxima de dados adquirida quando Hermitian − symmetric orthogonal frequency division multiplexing (HS-OFDM) juntamente com as técnicas equal gain combining (EGC), selection combining (SC) and maximal ratio combining (MRC) são considerados. Além disso, são analisadas as influências da largura de banda de freqüência e da alocação ótima e uniforme da potência de transmissão. Os resultados obtidos mostram que a distância relativa entre os nós da fonte, relay e destino impactam severamente no desempenho do sistema. Os resultados numéricos revelam uma gama de potência de transmissão ótima e de frequência em que a melhoria pode ser verificada. Tambà c m observa-se que a vantagem do protocolo DF relacionada com a do protocolo AF termina quando o erro de detecção de símbolo no relay atinge um limiar. Adicionalmente, mostra-se que as técnicas de combinação, MRC e SC apresentam resultados semelhantes. Embora MRC ofereça desempenho ligeiramente melhor, considerando a complexidade computacional, recomenda-se a técnica SC. Finalmente, uma análise de máxima taxa de dados adquirida, considerando HS-OFDM com equalização baseada nos critérios zero forcing e minimum mean square error, mostra que o primeiro oferece quase o mesmo desempenho que o último.
This work focuses on analyses of cooperative protocols to enhance the performance of in-home power line communication (PLC) systems based on a data set consisting of measurements of in-home PLC channels. The discussed analyses address theoretical channel capacity when amplify-and-forward (AF) and decode-and-forward (DF) protocols are considered. Similar investigations are performed for the maximum data rate attained by using Hermitian-symmetric orthogonal frequency division multiplexing (HS-OFDM) together with equal gain combining (EGC), selection combining (SC) and maximal ratio combining (MRC) techniques. Also, the influences of optimally and uniformly allocated transmission power and frequency bandwidth are analyzed. The attained results show that the relative distance among source, relay, and destination nodes severely impacts the system performance. Also, numerical results reveal a range of optimal transmission power and frequency bandwidth in which improvement can be verified. Moreover, it is observed that the advantage of the DF protocol related to AF one ends, when the symbol detection error achieves a threshold. Additionally, it is shown that among the combining techniques, MRC and SC present similar results with MRC offering slightly better performance, but considering computational complexity, a decision in favor of SC is recommended. Finally, a maximum data rate analysis of HS-OFDM with frequency domain equalizer based on zero forcing and minimum mean square error shows that the former scheme offers almost the same performance as the latter.
13
Harrison, Paula. "Campaign Apologia as Process: Dan Quayle's Defense of his National Guard Service." TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2436.
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This thesis contains an analysis of apologia from the 1988 national presidential campaign which resulted from Republican vice-presidential candidate Dan Quayle's disclosure that he served in the National Guard during the Vietnam War. Quayle's revelation created a "gaffe sequence" played out in the media over a period of approximately two weeks. The rhetorical situation dictated the use of an eclectic methodology to evaluate apologia generated in response to media questions about Quayle's avoidance of active military service.
Quayle's defense included minimalizing the issue through avoidance and denial during staged and spontaneous contact with the media, and also the rhetorical support of other Republicans. Ultimately, he overcame the issue by turning questions about his competence and character into questions about the media's ethos. Notwithstanding, the media's investigation of the relatively unknown Quayle pointed to the larger issue of his qualifications for national office. Although Quayle's strategy was successful, the initial gaffe raised questions about Quayle's ethos which persist to this day.
The study yielded three important insights about apologia: (1) apologia is not a single response, nor responses given in a single setting; (2) not only does apologia repair an ethos, it can also help construct an ethos in cases where the public knows little or nothing about a political figure; (3) apologia includes the rhetorical support of others. Additionally, critics must continue refining existing methodologies as they seek to understand rhetorical phenomena.
14
Jugaste, Artur. "Communicating Georgia : Georgia's information campaign in the 2008 war with Russia." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-59081.
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During the 2008 South Ossetia war, Georgia and Russia fought what the English-language media called "a public relations war“. This was an interesting example of modern information warfare where governments allied with public relations agencies battled for symbolic power on the media field. This study investigates the information campaign that the Georgian government launched to promote their framing of the conflict in the English-language media. First-hand information about the campaign strategies and techniques is gathered by interviewing the people who worked as PR consultants for the Georgian government during the war in 2008. The eventual PR output is mapped and press release texts are compared with articles from The New York Times and The Washington Post in a framing analysis. The results indicate that Georgia won the PR war as the coverage in the U.S. newspapers clearly supported Georgia's framing. This outcome is attributed to the Georgian side's media management activities that skillfully anticipated the needs of the foreign correspondents covering the conflict. However, the study points out that the supportive coverage was not the result of Georgia's information campaign only. Other factors have to be taken into account, most notably the U.S. administration's strong backing of the Georgian leadership that shaped the tone of the articles written about the war. Future research should look at how the war was covered in countries with less explicit political support for Georgia, as well as investigate the PR efforts on the Russian side during and after the war.
15
Sutton, Matthew Luke. "A candidate's use of aggressive communication and the electorates' response predicting presidential election outcomes /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4053.
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Till, Anilla. "Conceptualising Nonviolent Environmental Communication : Examining NVEC features in an Environmental Social Change Campaign." Thesis, Jönköping University, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53491.
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The dominant approach of communicating climate change and environmental issues is through threats, shock and fear. However, several studies have examined the effects of threatening communication and found that the expected behaviour change only occurs in rare cases. As an alternative to threatening communication, I suggest using nonviolent communication for communicating sustainability threats. Conceptualising nonviolent environmental communication (NVEC) suggests that people are more likely to adopt and perform pro-environmental behaviour when messages about environmental issues are transferred via nonviolent communication. A meta-analysis is conducted to create the intersection between nonviolent forms of communication and environmental communication, which creates the theoretical framework of NVEC. Afterwards an analytical framework is created, which is used in the explorative content analysis. For this pilot experiment, the Eat Planet Based campaign of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) has been chosen. The results show the characteristics of nonviolent environmental communication in theory and in practice, and highlight questions about the underlying power relations, contrasting threats and the denial of responsibility in the climate change discourse.
17
Larrosa, Fuentes Juan S. "Communication and the Body Politic: Hillary Clinton’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in Philadelphia’s Latino Community." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/507196.
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Media & CommunicationPh.D.
This dissertation contains a qualitative case study of how Hillary Clinton, the Democratic candidate, and her staff, created communication systems to contact Latinos during the 2016 presidential campaign and how these systems operated in Northeast Philadelphia. Three research questions guided these observations: How was political communication produced, disseminated, and decoded through interpersonal, mass, and digital communication by the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents during the 2016 presidential campaign? What were the functions, norms, and values that structured the political communication systems among the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents? What were the power relations that informed the interactions between the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents in the political communication system? For this dissertation, I devised the Political Communication Systems Model, a toolkit to observe and theorize on political communication. Under the grounded theory umbrella, two methods were used to collect data. First, Clinton’s mediated campaign communication was monitored. Second, I worked as a volunteer in a field operations office that Clinton opened in Philadelphia and performed a participant observation. Clinton built a political communication machine to produce a campaign that used a hybrid media system. She hired a large staff to design and execute an "air war" (i.e., radio and TV ads and journalistic coverage), a digital campaign (i.e., distribution of information through websites, blogs, social media, newsletters and text messages), and a "ground game" (i.e., canvassing, phone banking, and online messaging). The Latino campaign was designed to promote liberal values such as globalism, cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, and diversity, values that shaped her economic and political proposals. The ground game had three main objectives in Northeast Philadelphia: register new voters, create strategies to persuade undecided voters to support Hillary Clinton, and organize the "Get Out the Vote" (GOTV), which consists of convincing people to get out their houses, go to the polling station, and vote. A substantial part of the dissertation focuses on describing and analyzing the ground game in Northeast Philadelphia and offers two significant findings. First, political communication systems need material infrastructures operate. Clinton built a material infrastructure to communicate with residents. This infrastructure was made, primarily, of human bodies that were able to move around the territory and use other communicative technologies smartphones, tablets, and computers. Second, human bodies were also used as symbolic devices. Clinton recruited staffers and volunteers whose bodies embodied values such as diversity, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, and globalism. The biographies and trajectories of these individuals projected these values, because they were persons from different parts of Latin America, with diverse cultural and educational backgrounds, and with different experiences of being a U.S. citizen or resident. Finally, the dissertation offers two main contributions. On the one hand, the dissertation expands the Political Communication Systems Model and suggests that the human body is the primary material unit in political communication infrastructures. On the other, this work illustrates how qualitative research can be employed for researching political communication in general, and presidential campaigns in particular.
Temple University--Theses
18
Peterson, Lottie Elizabeth. "A Rhetorical Analysis of Campaign Songs in Modern Elections." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2018. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6718.
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Since the U.S. presidential election of 1800, candidates have selected campaign songs to underscore their political platforms. The literature on politics and music suggests that in modern campaigns, the significance of music rests not in the song itself but in the artist behind the song and the image associated with that particular artist. This analysis sought to convey how the very process of selecting a campaign song is a profound rhetorical act, and that songs chosen even in modern elections have a specific meaning and purpose tied to the political contexts in which they are embedded. Using an adaptation of Sellnow and Sellnow's "Illusion of Life" rhetorical perspective, which analyzes whether the musical score and lyrics of a single song form a congruent or incongruent relationship, this study analyzed the official campaign songs for both Republican and Democratic candidates for the 1972-2016 elections. The adaptation provided the opportunity to examine the intersection of music, rhetoric and politics, and explore evolving patterns and trends in campaign music.The primary findings of this research indicated that both Republican and Democratic candidates have predominantly made use of congruity in their campaign songs, with that congruity only increasing over time — a surprising result considering congruity can often diminish listener appeal. The song analyses also indicated that in general, Republican candidates tend to utilize songs that are positive and patriotic in nature, while their Democratic opponents incorporate songs that offer a critique of the nation. Additionally, findings also revealed a transition that began taking place in the 1970s to hit full stride in the 21st century, as campaign songs shifted from being a direct endorsement of candidates to focusing on universal themes that could appeal to both sides of the political spectrum.
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Abdullah, Tawfiq O. "A Content Analysis of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton's Campaign Speeches and Framing of the 2016 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13420149.
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The study investigated the existence of some generic and non-generic media frames in the campaign speeches of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton using content analysis. The comparison of the two political actors in their usage of frames in their campaign speeches revealed that Donald Trump exploited economic consequence, conflict, morality, attribution of responsibility, and negative campaign frames more than Hillary Clinton. Hillary Clinton did not socially exclude any minority group within and outside the United States of America. Both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton are equal in their utilization of the human interest frame, positive campaign, and mixed campaign. If campaign speeches were moderators of candidates’ electoral victory, negative campaign is, therefore, a facilitating factor in affecting voters' behavior considering the success of Trump in the polls. Nevertheless, the commonness of mixed campaign to both the political candidates indicates that a discrete use of any of the generic frames by political actors and communicators may not be a certainty for changing voters’ behavior. Instead, scholars and professionals should treat frames as discretional communication tools applicable and dependent on the context of a social environment in which many factors exist and determine the choice of frames in communicating between the speech actors and the audiences.
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Åhrgren, Johan. "Glokala kampanjer mot fattigdom : Kommunikationsstrategier bakom statliga Världens Chans och ideella Utrota Fattigdomen Nu." Thesis, Uppsala University, Media and Communication, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7504.
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Purpose/Aim: The purpose is to describe, analyze and compare the two communication campaigns Världens Chans and Utrota Fattigdomen Nu, and discuss how and to what extent communication campaigns in Sweden can be used to reduce global poverty. The theoretical framework is mainly based on communications strategies and other relevant aspects of the planning process of campaigns.
Material/Method: Within the qualitative case study as an overall method, the main material to the two cases is obtained through five qualitative interviews with the premier representatives of the campaigns.
Main results: Världens Chans can be seen as an information campaign by the government which purpose is to contribute to the fulfilment of the millennium goals by drawing the attention of the public to their existence. Utrota Fattigdomen Nu, on the other hand, is an influence campaign by the civil society which purpose is to exterminate poverty by putting a pressure on power holders and to change the attitudes and the behaviours among the public. Both campaigns are based on a network with lots of different actors, functioning as opinion makers. Furthermore, communication campaigns are important tools in the fight against poverty.
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MIchaelsen, Abigail. "Brand Obama: How Barack Obama Revolutionized Political Campaign Marketing in the 2008 Presidential Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/990.
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In 2008, President Barack Obama was named Advertising Age’s marketer of the year, the first time a politician won such an award. While presidential candidates have always employed marketing tactics in order to communicate their platform and persuade voters to support them, candidate Obama’s marketing campaign completely revolutionized the field. Through an innovative marketing strategy, candidate Barack Obama transformed himself from a mere political unknown in 2004 to a worldwide sensation by the time the general election started in 2008. His calls for “hope and change” and “post-partisanship” captured the hearts of Americans frustrated with failed Bush policy and constant gridlock in Washington. His inspirational speeches and words inspired a nation ready for a fresh and modern leader prepared to tackle twenty-first century problems. And, his innovative use of online and social media tools allowed millions of supporters to easily get involved in the campaign, igniting a movement never seen before in American elections. This paper analyzes how Barack Obama transformed political campaign marketing, utilizing both traditional and new ways to communicate and engage with the masses. This is accomplished by first illustrating a general framework for political marketing. Then, I examine the history of political campaign marketing, with a special emphasis on how technology has transformed the field over time. Lastly, I analyze how online and social media tools helped Obama win the election and how the internet has transformed the nature of political elections.
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Eastlick, Anne C. "Genre criticism : an application of BP's image restoration campaign to the crisis communication genre." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/767.
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Within two months of its emergence, the BP Gulf Oil spill had become the worst environmental disaster in United States history. However, for those studying public relations the oil spill brought more than ecological disaster, by providing a case study of crisis communication. Although there were a number of crisis responses from BP throughout the course of the oil spill, the primary crisis response crafted by BP was an image restoration campaign which premiered in early June 2010. This campaign, though it exhibits qualities of a standard crisis response, was wildly unpopular with the United States Government and citizenry. This rhetorical analysis attempts to uncover the reasons behind the campaign's failure through an application of the genre model of criticism. By defining the crisis communication genre and applying it to the artifact, the current study uncovers the reasons behind the failure of the campaign. Through this discussion, this analysis identifies that BP did not address all necessary exigencies, nor did it consider the influence a rhetor can have on a message. An explanation for the failure of BP' s campaign provided a plethora of implications to the fields of public . relations and rhetorical criticism, while beginning a discussion to help define the crisis communication genre.
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Insulander, Ella, and Henrik Larsson. "Creating a campaign to reduce mental health stigma amongst students." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Medie- och Informationsteknik, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-130017.
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Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur stigmatisering kring psykisk ohälsa kan reduceras bland universitets- studenter genom en social marknadsföringskampanj. I studiens första del undersöks vilka riktlinjer som finns för utformning av en social marknadsföringskampanj, vidare undersöks vilka strategier som är effektivast för att minska stigmatisering kring psykisk ohälsa. Med utgångspunkt i studiens första del utforskar författarna hur den sociala marknadsföringskampanjen skulle kunna utformas för att besvara forskningsfrågan. Inom ramen för studien har en kampanj utformats som kretsar kring sloganen Face it ur tre olika perspektiv. Kampanjen består av de tre stegen Sätt ett ansikte på det, Inse det och Möt det och har ut- formats med målsättningen att studenter ska komma i direkt eller indirekt kontakt med personer drabbade av psykisk ohälsa vilka de kan relatera till. En kampanj med dessa egenskaper har potential att minska stigmatisering kring psykisk ohälsa bland universitetsstudenter.
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Long, Kristen Hope. "Public relations and branding in health communication programs a case study of a successful campaign /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3577.
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Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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delBueno, Lois Ann. "ADVERTISING BUDGET REDUCTION IMPACTS ON EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION: A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS : Evaluation of Virginia State Parks 1994 Advertising Campaign." VCU Scholars Compass, 1994. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4521.
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A descriptive analysis to determine the communication effects of a reduced advertising budget, this study evaluated the 1994 Virginia State Parks advertising campaign. The campaign's objective was to provide Virginians more information about the parks, which in the previous 1992 Virginia Outdoor Survey, was said to be needed.
The author sought to answer questions relative to the overall effect of reducing the advertising budget, as well as the amount and nature of awareness resulting from it.
In order to measure these relationships, the author collected data into two random seven-day periods to compare 1994 versus 1993 for awareness, cost-effectiveness and effectiveness of media for relating information about Virginia State Parks.
Results showed that more advertising (larger budget) does not absolutely correspond to more awareness. Also the scope of this measurement is insufficient to determine whether eliminating an entire medium's advertising (effect of reduced budget) has any noticeable effect regarding awareness. Evident from data in the random seven day periods is the fact that cable television advertising produced substantially more awareness than newspaper advertising.
For this situation (the nature of the product being advertised and budget), cable television is most cost effective, especially for the level of awareness it results in. To measure the impact of using different media, a future campaign would need to replace from newspapers advertising with radio. Also, further study is necessary to determine how the information imparted to Virginians via the advertising is used to discover whether it is actually effective.
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Bernard, Nicholas Andrew. "Appealing to the YouTube Voter: An Analysis of Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential Campaign Advertisements on YouTube." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1259685061.
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Page, Marguerite. "VISUAL NARRATIVES IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 2020: A BATTLE OF BELIEFS, VALUES, & IDEOLOGIES." OpenSIUC, 2021. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1915.
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All human communication is narrative in nature (Fisher, 1987) and should adhere to narrative rationality and value-laden idealistic-moralistic or materialistic Master Analogues to be accepted by audiences (Fisher, 1985). This study examined the persuasive nature of the visual narratives presented by the 2020 presidential candidate’s official Facebook posts as well as examine how the candidates’ rhetorical visions create referential points in constructing the viewers’ own identities as supporters (Messaris, 1997). As Foss, Foss, & Trapp (2002) contend, “a basic function of the media is the creation of representations or simulations – reproduced versions of reality” (p. 313). The version of reality being presented on each candidate’s official Facebook page creates narratives as means of influence and cultivating group identity.
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Anjuli, Borgonha. "Communicating Antibiotic Resistance to the Public: How effective was Public Health England’s 2018 ‘Keep Antibiotics Working’ campaign TV advertisement at increasing public understanding of antibiotic resistance and motivating a change in antibiotic seeking behaviours?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21079.
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Antibiotic resistance is one of the greatest global threats we face today. Human overuse ofantibiotics is a contributing factor and major behaviour change around antibioticconsumption is needed, but several challenges exist in communicating antibiotic resistanceto the public. In 2018 the UK Government relaunched a national television advertisement aspart of the ‘Keep Antibiotics Working’ campaign which aimed to raise awareness of antibioticresistance and reduce public demand for antibiotics. This study evaluates what role theframing of antibiotic resistance in the advertisement played in increasing publicunderstanding of antibiotic resistance and motivating behaviour change. The study isgrounded in behaviour change and health communication theory from the field ofCommunication for Development, and health and social psychology theory, reflecting theneed for multidisciplinary approaches to addressing antibiotic resistance. A textual analysisidentified how the issue was framed in the advertisement and surveys and interviews wereconducted with members of the target audience groups to analyse what effect theadvertisement had on their understanding of, and attitude towards antibiotic resistance.The findings show that the framing of antibiotic resistance in the TV advertisement led to anincrease in misunderstandings of what becomes resistant to antibiotics. The advertisementwas helpful in highlighting the vulnerability of antibiotics and for creating a new social normaround being a responsible antibiotic user, however was interpreted as childish byparticipants. It did not communicate the severity of antibiotic resistance or specific risk ofantibiotic overuse to the audience, or accurately reflect the audience’s existing knowledge ofantibiotic resistance and current behaviours. As the severity of antibiotic resistance was notconveyed, the advertisement did not motivate a change in antibiotic seeking behaviours orattitude amongst the majority of participants. The findings did highlight knowledge gapsamongst study participants including the importance of completing a course of antibiotics asprescribed, and that it is the bacteria itself, not the person, that develops resistance, andhopes this research can inform the development of future campaigns.
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Record, Rachael A. "Increasing Compliance with a Tobacco-Free Policy via a Campus Campaign." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/comm_etds/30.
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The implementation of a tobacco-free policy is the leading recommendation among health institutes for reducing the harms associated with tobacco exposure–for both smokers and nonsmokers–on college campuses. Despite the health benefits associated with tobacco-free policies, compliance with these policies remains a serious challenge on college campuses. Interventions aimed at increasing smokers’ willingness to comply with tobacco-free policies are essential for improving public health.
Guided by the theory of planned behavior (TPB), the purpose of this study was to (a) investigate the factors associated with tobacco-free policy compliance among undergraduate students and (b) design and evaluate a theory-based campaign aimed at increasing compliance with a tobacco-free campus policy. To achieve these aims the current study was conducted in two phases. Phase One was a qualitative investigation that analyzed focus group data related to messaging strategies for increasing tobacco-free policy compliance. Phase Two was a quantitative investigation that used survey data to explore variables associated with tobacco-free policy compliance and to test the effectiveness of a campus-wide print-based campaign.
Results from Phase One suggest various ways to target the TPB variables in messages in order to improve tobacco-free policy compliance. Results from Phase Two suggest the psychological variables and the physical variable of nicotine dependence are not related to tobacco-free policy compliance behaviors; however, social variables, quit attempts, and daily cigarette use are predictors of compliance behaviors. Similarly, the TPB variables had mixed results for relating to tobacco-free policy compliance behaviors. In addition, the campaign materials were supported as effectively improving tobacco-free policy compliance behaviors, both through individual level survey reports of compliance and observed compliance behaviors on campus. Although the campaign materials were designed around the TPB variables and were supported for improving compliance behaviors, above average campaign exposure was only found to improve normative beliefs from pre- to post-intervention. In addition to theoretical and practical implications offered from this study regarding tobacco-free policy compliance behaviors, this study also provides critical insight into the current compliance behaviors on the University of Kentucky’s campus.
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Moscato, Derek. "Plains Spoken: A Framing Analysis of Bold Nebraska's Campaign Against the Keystone XL Pipeline." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22780.
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This dissertation focuses on the use of strategic communication in the context of contemporary environmental activism. It examines the case of Bold Nebraska, a grassroots advocacy group opposing the construction of TransCanada’s Keystone XL oil pipeline in the state of Nebraska. Such an analysis of activist communication informs several areas of research, including public relations theory and practice, social movement theory, and environmental communication. To understand the construction of strategic communication within such activism, this study employs a movement framing analysis, a media framing analysis, and a rhetorical analysis. A quantitative framing analysis of Bold Nebraska’s website communication against the pipeline during the five-year period of 2011 to 2015 assesses how activists craft and project strategic messages. A framing analysis of Bold Nebraska’s national media coverage during the same timeframe highlights the relationship between activist framing and mainstream news coverage. Finally, a rhetorical analysis of Bold Nebraska’s 2014 Harvest the Hope concert is provided to understand the role of rhetorical appeals in building an environmental activism metanarrative or master frame.
Taken together, these three approaches provide both a more holistic means to considering environmental activism campaigns in the context of strategic communication, and fill in the gaps for understanding the interplay of social movement organizations, public relations, and persuasion. This study brings a framework of strategic advocacy framing to the realm of environmental politics, and builds upon this framework by considering the dynamic of populism in activism. It also explores the role of strategic communication in evolving a movement organization’s metanarrative as it toggles between short- and long-term goals. Finally, it identifies a civic environmental persuasion built upon the attributes of narrative, hyperlocalization, engagement, and bipartisanship in order to build broad support and influence public policy.
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Hadji, Mutambuli James. "An evaluation of the government communication and information system's communication strategy: a case study of the 16 days of activism campaign in Soshanguve." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1004900.
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United Nation's (UN) millennium development goal number three is aimed at eliminating gender inequality and empowering women. Gender-based violence is recognised as a global public health and human rights problem that leads to high rates of morbidity and mortality, including sexually transmitted infections, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance dependence and suicide. In responding to this international public health and human rights concern, the South African government has adopted numerous public health communication strategies to highlight the plight of women and children. One of the campaigns that are conducted in South Africa is the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children (16 Days of Activism Campaign). This campaign was introduced in 1999 but the literature review reveals that to date, no studies have focused on its evaluation. As such, the purpose of this study is to evaluate the 16 Days of Activism Campaign with special reference to the Soshanguve community in Gauteng province. This study builds on two theories, namely the excellence theory and the diffusion of innovation theory. Mixed research methods (also called triangulation) was used whereby in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from the Government Communication and Information System and the Department of Women, Children and People with Disability to establish the promotion strategies used in the campaign and the methods used to assess the effectiveness of the campaign. Furthermore, a self-administered questionnaire survey was conducted within the Soshanguve community to evaluate the promotion strategies and assess the impact of the campaign.This study revealed a high level of reliance on the television, radio and newspapers in the communication strategies. Both government departments acknowledged that they do not have a tool to evaluate the effectiveness of the campaign from the receivers‟ perspective. The Soshanguve community felt that in essence the campaign is relevant but not on time. The residents viewed the study as an important part of creating awareness about the campaign and they believed the campaign helped them to know what to do when faced with gender-based violence so that they can assist those who are affected by it.
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Dahlberg, Anna, and Elsa Forslund. "Tolv år av professionalisering : En kvalitativ studie av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering av valaffischer." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-71111.
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Valaffischer är ett gammalt traditionellt medium för politiska partier att nå ut med sin kommunikation med. Men trots de nya tillvägagångssätten att nå ut med sin kommunikation tack vare digitaliseringen, är valaffischer fortfarande ett aktuellt medium trots att de har använts under så pass lång tid. Sverigedemokraterna är ett relativt “ungt” parti. De blirintressanta att studera då de har sina rötter i nazismen och därifrån har de snabbt vuxit till att bli Sveriges tredje största parti. Studien redovisar en analys av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering och hur deras utveckling av valaffischer sett ut under valrörelserna 2006, 2010, 2014 och 2018. Totalt har det analyserats femton valaffischer som ingått i Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjer under de fyra senaste valrörelserna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad professionaliseringen av politiken har haft för betydelse för Sverigedemokraternas visuella politiska kommunikation, i form av deras valaffischer. Därav formades frågeställningar för att svara påsyftet: “Hur har Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation genom valaffischer förändrats från2006 till 2018?” och “Hur har professionaliseringen av visuell politisk kommunikation tagit form i Sverigedemokraternas valaffischer?” Valaffischerna i denna studie utgår från en kvalitativ textanalys och med fokus på ett parti. Den kvalitativa textanalysen utgår från en semiotisk analys, där den analysmodell som använts är en sammansättning av 5 teman, 14 kategorier och 1 underkategori. Valaffischerna i studien har framförallt analyserat med hjälp av tidigare forskning av Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson och Orla Vigsø (2014), som ofta ses som referenser i samband med studier av valaffischer. Teorierna politisk kommunikation och professionalisering ligger till grunden för denna studie. Resultatet av analysen har applicerats på fyra tidsperioder i valaffischernas utveckling och slutsatsen visar på att Sverigedemokraterna har genomgått en förändring i professionaliseringen av valaffischer mellan åren 2006 och 2018, fast under kortare tid än de fyra tidsperioderna. Det är en förändring som anpassats i takt med utvecklingen i samhället, bland annat i form av den digitala utvecklingen och utvecklingen av specialistyrken inom marknadsföring och visuell kommunikation. Förändringen av Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation i valaffischer har bland att visats i att de har gått från att använda tydliga budskap och starka åsikter, till att deras budskap har blivit mer och mer abstrakt och att de inte längre behöver argumentera för sin sak. Deras åsikter har normaliserats till den grad att de inte längre behöver övertyga väljarna på samma sätt genom sina valaffischer.Election posters are an old traditional medium for political parties to reach out with their communication. Despite the new approaches to reach out with political communication thanks to digitalization, election posters are still a relevant medium despite having been used for a long time. Sverigedemokraterna are a relatively "young" party. They became interesting for this study as they have their roots in nazism and therefrom quickly grew to become Sweden's third largest party. This study presents an analysis of Sverigedemokraterna’s professionalization of electionposters during the electoral campaigns 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. A total of fifteen electionposters were analyzed, all of which were included in Sverigedemokraterna’s electioncampaigns during four different electoral movements. The purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of professionalization of politics for Sverigedemokraterna’s visualpolitical communication, in form of their election posters. From this, questions at issue were formulated to answer the purpose: How has the communication through election posters from Sverigdemokraterna changed from 2006 to 2018? and How has the professionalization of visual political communication shown in Sverigedemokraternas election posters? The election posters in this study are processed on the basis of a qualitative textanalysis and with focus on one party. The qualitative textanalysis is based on a semiotic analysis, where a analysis model is used. The analysis model is a composition of 5 themes, 14 categories and 1 subcategory. The results of the study have primarily been analyzed with the help of previous research by Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson and Orla Vigsø (2014), who are often seen as references in connection with studies of election posters. The theories of political communication and professionalization form the basis of this study. The result of the analysis has been applied to a four time period in the development of the election posters and the conclusion shows that Sverigedemokraterna has gone through a change in the professionalization of election posters between 2006 and 2018, though for shorter periods than the four time periods of election posters. It is a change that has been adapted in line with developments in society, including in the form of digital development and the development of specialist professions in marketing and visual communication. The professionalization has also shown through the normalization of the party. The change inSverigedemokraterna’s communication in election posters has among other things been shown in their use of clear messages and strong opinions in their election posters to that their message has become more and more abstract and that they no longer need to argue for their cause. Their opinions have been normalized to the point that they no longer need to convince voters and other parties with their election posters.
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Pambou, Renestine Itoumba. "A comparison of public relations principles applied by political parties in campaign communication during a democratic election." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/3093.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Relations Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017In popular opinion political public relations practitioners have long been regarded as spin doctors. Their lane of actions is mostly viewed as propaganda and they are perceived as spin doctors who manipulate power-relations. The pervasive role of public relations in political campaigns cannot be denied as political actors rely on communication to reach their key stakeholders. While it can be used as an important tool that can mediate in these power relations, the facts remain in the case of this study that the political party campaign communication was rather reactive than strategic. The answer lays in the accurate application of the strategic nature and role of public relations. I believe that there is a strategic public relations role that is evident and has to be played in political party campaign communication. As a matter of fact, public relations strives to ensure an effective and efficient communication on behalf of its organisation. The purpose of this study was to explore the application of public relations principles in political parties’ campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, in the context of three other political parties in a regional newspaper during the build-up to the 2014 South African general elections. Four distinct political parties were at the centre of this research, namely African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters and Agang. Particular attention was given to the elite parties, African National Congress, and Democratic Alliance; the main environment of the study. It is true that political parties ‘communication with stakeholders reflects in essence public relations. Managing communication to promote the organisational agenda is to talk about issues important to both the public and the political party. This suggests that an effective political organisation will act on a two-way operation to build a common political position that influences public attitudes. Hence, a comparative case study was used as the strategy of inquiry. I conducted a content analysis of the political party campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, covered in the Cape Times newspaper; as well as their election manifesto, to identify the public relations principles and strategies that were used. The daily newspapers were surveyed from January 8 to May 7, 2014. An overall of one hundred and forty-four related newspapers articles were analysed and formed the data for analysis. A close reading and counting of frequencies of varieties of themes in the newspaper revealed that the Democratic Alliance, as well as the African National congress, took a tactical and responsive approach, rather than a strategic and proactive approach, to their political party campaign communication. News coverage indicated that there was extensive counterpunching to other political parties ‘statuses, but very little promotion or management of the issues included in their election manifesto. Nkandla was the most controversial issue covered in the pre-election media coverage; while the proposed merger with AGANG; and the subsequent fall out was damaging to both political parties ‘reputation and relationship with voters. Therefore, more research on this topic needs to be undertaken, as public relations is crucial in translating public opinions to the organisation. In the political scope, this can serve as an attempt to adjust the socio-political environment to suit the political principles, as well as to help the political principles adjust to the environment by creating the right balance to mutual benefit an organisation and its publics that further ensures a real participatory democracy. Further studies should be done to investigate whether, the advocacy of the two-way symmetrical, as a way to central route to persuasion, along with the dialogical approach can impact on more effective decisions making, and ultimately create a more dynamic public sphere that seeks the resolution of socio-political conflicts. This new knowledge will lead to guidelines for public relations practitioners and can provide useful insights for political communication specialists.
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Urfer, Hannah. "The Care for the Colonies Campaign: Raising Awareness about Colony Collapse Disorder in Honey Bees." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1430746848.
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Foster, Callie Smith. "Twitter as a Platform for Engaging Political Dialogue| A Dialogic Theory Content Analysis of Donald Trump's General Election Campaign Twitter Feed." Thesis, The University of Alabama, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10277489.
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The Internet and social media are tools that possess the ability to make communicating with celebrities, politicians and all types of important figures an actual possibility. This content analysis explores the use of then- presidential candidate Donald Trump’s use of Twitter to communicate with his followers. A random sample of tweets was selected following the time period after the Republican National Convention to a week after the general election. The study relies on Kent and Taylor’s (2001) principle strategies of how to create effective relationship building through dialogue. There is very little research available concerning political candidates and dialogic theory on social media. However, what is found in this study remains consistent with that of similar studies on dialogic theory and celebrities and organizations’ use of social media. Social media as a tool for building effective relationships through the use of dialogic principles is severely under-utilized. Despite the lack of dialogic principles, Trump’s followers remained highly engaged into his tweeting habits, especially with tweets that attacked an individual or the media. The findings prove that these types of tweets were published most often thus lending credence to assert that the aggressive rhetoric was popular amongst his followers.
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Berdine, Alexis A. "Click for the Campus Store: Development of an Online Public Relations Campaign for the AU Campus Store." Ashland University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auhonors1431338897.
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Curry, Alexander Lawrence. "The Intersection of Politics and Sports." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3296.
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Candidates for public office expend a tremendous amount of time, energy, and financial resources in the hopes of connecting with voters. And because voters differ in their levels of political involvement, candidates need to utilize various avenues to make these connections with the electorate. One way that candidates convey their personal values and characteristics is by showcasing themselves as being involved in and knowledgeable about sports. This thesis utilized an experimental design to analyze whether a candidate's involvement in sports actually has an impact on how voters evaluate the candidate's image. Results indicated that voters' gender, as well as their levels of political knowledge, helps predict how they will evaluate a political candidate's image.
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Smidt, Corwin Donald. "The spinning message how news media coverage and voter persuasion shape campaign agenda /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217332406.
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Dahlberg, Anna, and Elsa Forslund. "Tolv år av professionalisering : En kvalitativ studie av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering av valaffischer." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för geografi, medier och kommunikation (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-71210.
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Valaffischer är ett gammalt traditionellt medium för politiska partier att nå ut med sin kommunikation med. Men trots de nya tillvägagångssätten att nå ut med sin kommunikation tack vare digitaliseringen, är valaffischer fortfarande ett aktuellt medium trots att de har använts under så pass lång tid. Sverigedemokraterna är ett relativt “ungt” parti. De blirintressanta att studera då de har sina rötter i nazismen och därifrån har de snabbt vuxit till att bli Sveriges tredje största parti. Studien redovisar en analys av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering och hur deras utveckling av valaffischer sett ut under valrörelserna 2006, 2010, 2014 och 2018. Totalt har det analyserats femton valaffischer som ingått i Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjer under de fyra senaste valrörelserna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad professionaliseringen av politiken har haft för betydelse för Sverigedemokraternas visuella politiska kommunikation, i form av deras valaffischer. Därav formades frågeställningar för att svara påsyftet: “Hur har Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation genom valaffischer förändrats från2006 till 2018?” och “Hur har professionaliseringen av visuell politisk kommunikation tagit form i Sverigedemokraternas valaffischer?” Valaffischerna i denna studie utgår från en kvalitativ textanalys och med fokus på ett parti. Den kvalitativa textanalysen utgår från en semiotisk analys, där den analysmodell som använts är en sammansättning av 5 teman, 14 kategorier och 1 underkategori. Valaffischerna i studien har framförallt analyserat med hjälp av tidigare forskning av Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson och Orla Vigsø (2014), som ofta ses som referenser i samband med studier av valaffischer. Teorierna politisk kommunikation och professionalisering ligger till grunden för denna studie. Resultatet av analysen har applicerats på fyra tidsperioder i valaffischernas utveckling och slutsatsen visar på att Sverigedemokraterna har genomgått en förändring i professionaliseringen av valaffischer mellan åren 2006 och 2018, fast under kortare tid än de fyra tidsperioderna. Det är en förändring som anpassats i takt med utvecklingen i samhället, bland annat i form av den digitala utvecklingen och utvecklingen av specialistyrken inom marknadsföring och visuell kommunikation. Förändringen av Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation i valaffischer har bland att visats i att de har gått från att använda tydliga budskap och starka åsikter, till att deras budskap har blivit mer och mer abstrakt och att de inte längre behöver argumentera för sin sak. Deras åsikter har normaliserats till den grad att de inte längre behöver övertyga väljarna på samma sätt genom sina valaffischer.Election posters are an old traditional medium for political parties to reach out with their communication. Despite the new approaches to reach out with political communication thanks to digitalization, election posters are still a relevant medium despite having been used for a long time. Sverigedemokraterna are a relatively "young" party. They became interesting for this study as they have their roots in nazism and therefrom quickly grew to become Sweden's third largest party. This study presents an analysis of Sverigedemokraterna’s professionalization of electionposters during the electoral campaigns 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. A total of fifteen electionposters were analyzed, all of which were included in Sverigedemokraterna’s electioncampaigns during four different electoral movements. The purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of professionalization of politics for Sverigedemokraterna’s visualpolitical communication, in form of their election posters. From this, questions at issue were formulated to answer the purpose: How has the communication through election posters from Sverigdemokraterna changed from 2006 to 2018? and How has the professionalization of visual political communication shown in Sverigedemokraternas election posters? The election posters in this study are processed on the basis of a qualitative textanalysis and with focus on one party. The qualitative textanalysis is based on a semiotic analysis, where a analysis model is used. The analysis model is a composition of 5 themes, 14 categories and 1 subcategory. The results of the study have primarily been analyzed with the help of previous research by Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson and Orla Vigsø (2014), who are often seen as references in connection with studies of election posters. The theories of political communication and professionalization form the basis of this study. The result of the analysis has been applied to a four time period in the development of the election posters and the conclusion shows that Sverigedemokraterna has gone through a change in the professionalization of election posters between 2006 and 2018, though for shorter periods than the four time periods of election posters. It is a change that has been adapted in line with developments in society, including in the form of digital development and the development of specialist professions in marketing and visual communication. The professionalization has also shown through the normalization of the party. The change inSverigedemokraterna’s communication in election posters has among other things been shown in their use of clear messages and strong opinions in their election posters to that their message has become more and more abstract and that they no longer need to argue for their cause. Their opinions have been normalized to the point that they no longer need to convince voters and other parties with their election posters.
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Dako-Gyeke, Phyllis. "Examining the Meaning-Making of Hiv/Aids Media Campaign Messages: A Feminist Ethnography in Ghana." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1250358866.
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Park, Hun Myoung. "How does information and communication technology affect civic engagement? an analysis focusing on electronic government and campaign websites /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3274260.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 3141. Title from dissertation home page (viewed April 8, 2008). Adviser: James L. Perry.
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Wadsworth, Anne Johnston. "Incumbent and challenger strategies in presidential communication : a content analysis of television campaign ads from 1952 to 1984 /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1986.
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Alaminos-Fernández, Antonio. "An ideological conflict: the information about refugees in the European mass media versus the UNHCR communication campaign "Dilemmas"." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22222.
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The purpose of this research is to compare how the European mass media have presented the arrival of refugees to Europe, with an awareness campaign on this issue (Dilemmas). From this comparison several conclusions are obtained regarding the validity of the information provided by the mass media. In addition, I identify the key concepts to understand the logic followed by both the mass media and the communication for development campaign. In fact, the contradictions detected between the information of the mass media and the Dilemmas campaign seem to show an underlying ideological conflict, expressed in contradictory discourses.This research starts with the qualitative systematic review of several research reports that analyse the information that the European mass media offered about the arrival of refugees. The analysis of this information is carried out applying the concepts of Agenda setting and Frames. The two approaches have established the criteria used to systematize the comparison of the different research reports. After the analysis of the mass media, I analyze the UNHCR campaign on refugees, called "Dilemma". This communication campaign sought to raise awareness in Western societies about the refugee reality. The main objective is to know what concepts, elements and design are specific to this communication campaign, in contrast with the information about refugees that were reported by the media in the European Union. The structure of this research is as follows. After the introduction, the theories, models and methodologies used in this research are briefly presented: The Agenda Setting, Framing, as well as the methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis and Systematic review. The Systematic review will be used to integrate the research reports analyzing the information of the refugee crisis in the mass media. Second, the empirical part of the research is developed in four phases. In a first phase, the Systematic review methodology is used to integrate the research reports made in several European countries, analyzing the information on the refugee in the mass media. The Agenda Setting and Framing approaches are used in the Systematic review to systematize the findings of the research reports on the mass media. The conclusions of this first phase are used in a second phase to analyze the UNHCR campaign applying the Critical Discourse Analysis. To really understand the transcendence of the mass media information it is very important to compare its approach and its contents with those used by UNHCR. The contrast between the two allows greater ability to identify their specific characteristics. Finally, in the third and four phases some conclusions and reflections on the research outcomes are presented.
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Nilles, Tracy. "An Intraorganizational Study of Communication Effectiveness at United Way of America: How Effective is United Way of America National Corporate Leadership Staff at Communicating to Local United Way Campaign Professionals?" TopSCHOLAR®, 1996. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/813.
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The researcher examines communication effectiveness within the National Corporate Leadership program, which is a service provided by United Way of America. The UWA NCL program is designed to work with local United Ways to increase contributions at their locales. I attempted to determine whether or not the UWA NCL staff respond to telephone calls promptly, are helpful when contacted, and provide adequate levels of communication to local campaign professionals, and are perceived as beneficial. Local United Ways are classified by metro size (IXI) based on amount of funds raised and are grouped geographically into five regions of the country. For this study, only those local United Ways that raised more than $2 million were selected. Literature from previous research of United Way and other philanthropic organizations and research on gender and proximity are reviewed. One hundred and twenty-five local United Way campaign professionals were contacted through telephone interviews. The data were compiled and analyzed to determine whether proximity, region, size of the local organization, and gender, age, and tenure of the campaign professional affected respondents' satisfaction with UWA NCL services. Distance and region of the country were found to be irrelevant to the four dependent measures of communication effectiveness - promptness, helpfulness, level of communication, and benefit to the local organization. While correlations between size of the organization and communication effectiveness were low, there were significant differences between two of the five metro sizes on measures of helpfulness and level of communication. There were no significant differences in means on the dependent measures associated with gender, age, or the number of years the respondents had worked in the United Way system. Future research topics are suggested.
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Bai, Yu. "Tweets Win Votes: A Persuasive Communication Perspective on Donald Trump’s Twitter Use During the 2016 US Presidential Election Campaign." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325423.
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Twitter, a microblogging platform, has been increasingly used as a tool for political election campaigns. In an attempt to persuade people to vote for them, candidates and political parties worldwide have begun to incorporate Twitter in their campaigns to disseminate campaign information, promote themselves, and mobilize voters. In the 2016 U.S presidential election, Donald Trump had actively utilized Twitter to promote his campaign and convince voters to support him, which helped him earn a strong presence and huge popularity on Twitter. Eventually Trump even successfully got elected as the 45th US president. Although the rise of Twitter in political campaigns has been studied by researches from different disciplines, there have been very few studies focusing on Donald Trump or his communication performance on social media in the 2016 US presidential campaign. Besides, it is found that there is a lack of studying candidates’ social media use from the perspective of persuasive communication. In order to reveal how Donald Trump was making use of Twitter to influence audiences’ attitudes, this paper will present a content analysis of Donald Trump’s Twitter use from the perspective of persuasive communication. Specifically, the study will investigate the characteristics of messages demonstrated from Donald Trump’s tweets, and examine whether his messages placed an emphasis on certain aspects. The aim of this study is to offer insights into Donald Trump’s Twitter use, particularly about his persuasive communication on Twitter during the political election campaign.
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Levy, Reymond. "The Unity of Division: A Rhetorical Analysis of Selected Speeches from Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential Campaign." NSUWorks, 2010. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/writing_etd/23.
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Filimonov, Kirill. "“Nobody’s free until everybody’s free”: Rethinking feminist politics in the 2014 Swedish election campaign." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-256674.
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This study explores the hegemonic articulation of ‘feminist politics’ by the Swedish political party Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiativ) during 2014 national parliamentary election campaign. The analysis is carried out on two levels: the construction of the hegemonic project of feminist politics and the construction of an antagonist. Deploying the discourse-theoretical approach by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as well as the theories of radical democracy and intersectionality, it is shown how a new, broad collective feminist identity is produced by deconstructing womanhood as an identifiable and unproblematic category as well as expanding the signifying chain of feminism by including new social struggles into it. As a result, the feminist subject is conceptualized in radical-democratic terms as a citizen with equal rights, rather than an essentialized female subject. Two nodal points that fix the meaning of the hegemonic project of feminist politics are identified: one is human rights, which enables the expansion of the chain of equivalence, and the other is experience of oppression, which acknowledges differences existing within the movement and prevents it from muting marginalized voices. Discrimination, being the constitutive outside, both threatens and produces the subject: on the one hand, it violates human rights that underlie feminist politics; on the other hand, it produces the experience of oppression that gives a unique feminist perspective to each member of the collective identity. The hegemonic project thus emerges as dependent on the oppressive power of discrimination. The study suggests a critical discussion on how the constitutive outside – discrimination – empties the concept of feminism by a radical expansion of its meaning. The research furthermore explores the construction of the antagonist of the hegemonic project. Utilizing analytical concepts from the writings of Jacques Lacan and Slavoj Žižek, it is demonstrated how social structures and norms acquire agency and become the significant Other for the feminist identity. The thesis is concluded by a critical discussion on the fundamental impossibility of identification based on opposing oneself to something that can only be expressed with a signifier that ultimately lacks any signified.
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Opperman, Ansu. "The development of a co-ordinated communication campaign to enhance participation in netball: applicable to schools in Port Elizabeth." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19828.
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Public relations play an intricate role in communication development strategies within sport, especially netball. The objective of the research is to create a communication campaign incorporated in a public relations programme in aid of the development of netball in Port Elizabeth schools. The significance of the research is to create an understanding of the challenges faced by the learners to participate in netball and to develop the sport. The development of players at a young age is not up to standard when compared to countries where netball is already a professional sport. There is a lack of communication between the different stakeholders, namely the players, coaches and external publics. Qualitative research methods were implemented where primary and secondary data was used to conduct the research. Focus groups were utilised to gather primary data from netball players and coaches. These interviews proved that communication gaps do exist between the different stakeholders of school and netball. An introduction about netball will be discussed. Literature about public relations and communication will be presented. The research methodology will be presenting the research design and research methods used to conduct the research. Characteristics of the schools used in the interviews will be discussed. The research analysis, findings and discussions will present a guideline to be implemented by schools to enhance communication and therefore help develop netball. The research will then be concluded and summarised. Limitations to the study will be discussed as well as recommendations for further study on the topic. Communication plays an important role when trying to build mutual beneficial relationships between the various stakeholders. The results in this research bring to the conclusion that effective communication is needed to enhance and develop netball to ultimately become a professional sport.
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Mafoko, Emmanuel. "Process evaluation of the multiple concurrent partnerships “o icheke, break the chain” campaign for HIV prevention in Botswana from 2009 - 2012." University of Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3922.
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Magister Public Health - MPHThe aim of this study was to conduct an evaluation of the campaign implementation between 2009 and 2012, taking account of its implementation plan. This qualitative evaluation study employed a descriptive study design focusing on whether the programme components were being implemented as planned and whether any issues that have arisen, require attention. Key Informant Interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 12 respondents drawn from the study population of people who were directly involved with the campaign, and a documents review was also conducted.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.
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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.