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1

Prasser, Gavin Scott, and n/a. "A Study of Commonwealth Public Inquiries." Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060811.160901.

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This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.
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2

Barnes, Helen, and n/a. "The work attitudes and job perceptions of Commonwealth Government Libraians : with descriptive data on Commonwealth Government librarianship as an occupation." University of Canberra. School of Information, Language and Culture Studies, 1987. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060607.154822.

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This study has three major purposes: to describe systematically the practice of librarianship in Australian Commonwealth Government departments and agencies from the perspective of librarians employed in that environment; to relate the characteristics of government librarianship to librarians' perceptions of and attitudes to their work; and to assess the extent to which the work of Commonwealth Government librarians needs to be redesigned to improve the level of job satisfaction they experience. A subsidiary purpose is to test the job characteristics theory of work motivation on a population of librarians. Information was gathered by a survey questionnaire on a range of variables relating to librarians and their perceptions of different aspects of their jobs. The primary instrument for gathering data on perceptions was the complete form of the Job Diagnostic Survey. The population under investigation comprised those Commonwealth Government department and agency librarians employed on a full-time, permanent basis under the Public Service Act 1922. and located in Canberra. Because the population was small but diverse, it was decided to survey the total population rather than a random or stratified sample. One hundred and eight usable responses were received which represented a response rate of 83 percent. The results of the survey were analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. Frequency distributions and Pearson's Product-Moment Correlations were calculated to determine the percentage of respondents who selected each option and the strength of relationships between pairs of variables. The study found that Commonwealth Government department and agency librarians in Australia are highly satisfied with their work generally, and with the environment in which it is performed. None of the null hypotheses relating to Commonwealth Government librarians and job satisfaction were rejected. All but one of the null hypotheses retating to the application of the job characteristics model to Commonwealth Government librarians are rejected. The study concludes by identifying issues and areas for further research in public sector librarianship.
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Castleman, Beverley Dawn, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982." Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.

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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared. From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments. This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods. The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.
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4

Harvey, Matthew. "Constituting a Commonwealth for Europe and beyond." Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5642.

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5

Pillay, Sareesha. "Legislative prescriptions affecting persons with disabilities: a comparison of selected commonwealth countries." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14510.

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Among the diverse citizenry that comprise Commonwealth countries are persons affected by disabilities and who remain vulnerable and under-represented. In light of the challenges of under-representation and the stigmatisation of persons with disabilities globally, the democratic principles of the Commonwealth of Nations have been placed under scrutiny. Thus the constitutionality and fairness of governmental policies and national legislation are criticised for their degree of reflection and representation of the social and political rights of persons with disabilities. This thesis will critically analyse the national legislative and policy frameworks affecting persons with disabilities in selected Commonwealth countries. Comparisons will be made between these selected countries, namely Canada, India, Kenya and South Africa. The Commonwealth and subscription to the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities will serve as a standardised platform for comparisons. Comparisons of the legislative prescriptions of the respective countries will be instrumental highlighting the challenges in the representation of the rights and freedoms of persons with disabilities globally and in improving and strengthening legislative prescription affecting persons with disabilities. The varying levels of development amongst countries and the lack of appropriate infrastructure continue to be detrimental to the effective representation of persons with disabilities and the ability of national governments to develop strong and effective legislative and policy frameworks remains compromised. It is thus essential that attention is directed to the challenges facing countries so that appropriate actions and remediation can improve the vulnerabilities linked to persons with disabilities. This study adopts a theoretical and case law approach. It firstly provides a conceptual framework for disability. The conceptual framework comprises the perspectives on disability that have justified the approaches to persons with disabilities. Theories and values and the international legal framework relevant to persons with disabilities will be provided. The theories and values provide a traditional framework and play an instrumental role in guiding actions toward the effective development of public policy and prescription of legislation. The selected countries will be analysed as separate cases. The countries will be analysed individually prior to the comparative component to acknowledge the strengths, weaknesses and challenges facing each country in relation to its own structure and level of development. The findings are based on themes which emerge from the analysis of the legislation and policies affecting persons with disabilities in the selected countries. The findings are presented in a comparative format owing to the comparative nature of the study. Recommendations that flow from the comparative analysis and findings are proposed in the final chapter. The adoption of the proposed recommendations can strengthen legislative prescriptions affecting persons with disabilities both nationally and internationally and improve the representation of the rights and freedom of persons with disabilities in the global context.
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Welsh, Mary, and n/a. "Promoting quality schooling in Australia : Commonwealth Government policy-making for schools (1987-1996)." University of Canberra. Education, 2000. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061110.123723.

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Promoting the quality of school education has been an issue of international, national and local significance in Australia over the past three decades. Since 1973 the pursuit of quality in school education has been embedded in the rhetoric of educational discourse and framed by the wider policy context. This study focuses on the Commonwealth (federal) government's policy agenda to promote the quality of schooling between 1987 and 1996. During this ten year period, successive Labor governments sought to promote quality through a range of policy initiatives and funding programs. Through extensive documentary research, fifty semi-structured interviews and one focus group with elite policy makers and stakeholders, the study examines how the Commonwealth government's 'quality agenda' was constructed and perceived. An analysis of relevant government reports and ministerial statements provides documentary evidence of this agenda, both in terms of stated policy intentions and the actual policy initiatives and funding programs set in place in the period 1987-1996. Set against this analysis are elite informants' perspectives on Commonwealth policy-making in this period - how quality was conceptualised as a policy construct and as a policy solution, the influences on Commonwealth policies for schools, whether there was a 'quality agenda' and how that agenda was constructed and implemented. Informants generally perceived quality as a diffuse, but all-encompassing concept which had symbolic and substantive value as a policy construct. In the context of Commonwealth schools' policies, quality was closely associated with promoting equity, outcomes, accountability, national consistency in schooling and teacher quality. Promoting the quality of 'teaching and learning' in Australian schools took on particular significance in the 1990s through a number of national policy initiatives brokered by the Commonwealth government. An exploration of policy processes through interview data reveals the multi-layered nature of policy-making in this period, involving key individuals, intergovernmental and national forums. In particular, it highlights the importance of a strong, reformist Commonwealth Minister (John Dawkins), a number of 'policy brokers' within and outside government and national collaboration in constructing and maintaining the Commonwealth's 'quality agenda' for schools. While several Australian education ii policy analysts have described policy-making in this period in terms of 'corporate federalism' (Lingard, 1991, 1998; Bartlett, Knight and Lingard, 1991; Lingard, O'Brien and Knight, 1993), a different perspective emerges from this study on policymaking at the national level. Despite unprecedented levels of national collaboration on matters related to schooling in this period, this research reveals an apparent ambivalence on the part of some elite policy makers towards the Commonwealth's policy agenda and its approach to schools' policy-making within the federal arena. Policy coherence emerged as a relevant issue in this study through analysis of interview data and a review of related Australian and international policy literature. Overall, informants perceived the Commonwealth's quality agenda to be relatively coherent in terms of policy intentions, but much less coherent in terms of policy implementation. Perceptions of Commonwealth domination, state parochialism, rivalry, delaying tactics and a general lack of trust and cooperation between policy players and stakeholders were cited as major obstacles to 'coherent' policy-making. An analysis of informants' views on policy-making in this period highlights features of coherent policy-making which have theoretical and practical significance in the Australian context. This research also demonstrates the benefits of going beyond the study of written policy texts to a richer analysis of recent policy history based on elite interviewing. The wide range of views offered by elite policy makers and stakeholders in this study both confirms and challenges established views about policy-making in the period 1987-1996. Elite interviewing lent itself to a grounded theory approach to data collection and analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). This approach was significant in that it allowed relevant issues to emerge in the process of research, rather than relying on 'up front' theoretical frameworks for the analysis of data.
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7

Lopes, Duarte Nuno. "The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in Quebec, 1932-1950 : a study." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65332.

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8

Price, Richard, and n/a. "Dual accountability in the Commonwealth primary industries statutory authorities." University of Canberra. Management, 1993. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061106.152937.

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During the 1980s some remarkable public administration reforms took place in the Commonwealth primary industries portfolio statutory research and marketing authorities. These reforms implemented dual accountability arrangements which legislated the requirement for the authorities to be held accountable directly to government and Parliament, as well as to industry and community bodies which held either a financial stake in the authorities or a stake in the outcomes of their activities. This dissertation discusses the nature of the dual accountability arrangements in the broader context of administrative and accountability theory, with particular emphasis on its place in the evolution of public enterprise and of more open, participatory and socially responsive public administration. It also considers the 1980s reforms in the historical context of Australian primary industry institutionalisation and agrarian socialism. The dissertation concludes that dual accountability can strengthen an organisation's accountability while at the same time reduce the need for close administrative control. Dual accountability acknowledges that the fundamental processes of an organisation's accountability should apply in more than one direction, and that the decentralisation of these processes actually fills the voids left by removing control mechanisms. The dissertation also identifies variations in the application of dual accountability principles across primary industry authorities and suggests that there is potential for the principles to be applied to other areas of government administration.
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9

Quann-Youlden, Cathy, and n/a. "Commonwealth Higher Education Policies: Their Impacts on Autonomy and Research in Australian Universities." University of Canberra. Business & Government, 2008. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20081202.151704.

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In recent years, the Australian Government's (Commonwealth) relationship to universities has become one of greater involvement as political circles recognise the escalation in the significance of higher education as a key determinant in Australia's economic, social, cultural, and intellectual development. The increasing role of the Commonwealth in Australian universities is largely a consequence of this recognition, but it is also due in part to changes in the way governments approach the public sector and publicly funded institutions. Both the literature and extensive Commonwealth reports provide an array of details in relation to: what the Commonwealth wants from its universities; why it wants it; what it is doing to ensure that it gets what it wants; and the results of its actions-at least from the perspective of the Commonwealth. But what is missing is how universities themselves perceive the impact of the Commonwealth's increasing involvement in universities. Although academics and managers in Australian universities have much to say about how current and proposed Commonwealth policies affect their working environment they are not given much of a venue to opine. As such there is a lack of literature on how universities perceive the impact of this increasing involvement. This dissertation aims to fill the gap by providing a forum that addresses universities' perceptions of how Commonwealth policies affect their universities. Specifically, this dissertation sets out to discover if and how Commonwealth policies change universities and focuses on how policies influence autonomy and research in Australian universities through the responses of those who work in the offices of the deputy vice chancellors of research in twelve Australian universities. One of the most significant findings of the thesis is that the Commonwealth's increasing involvement in universities is viewed by respondents as a consequence of the Commonwealth's mistrust of Australian universities. Furthermore, the Commonwealth is seen as lacking expertise in areas relating to universities-their needs, history, purpose, mission, and how they best relate to and contribute to society-and their need for autonomy. This dissertation offers some insights into perspectives whereby policies built on the Commonwealth's mistrust and lack of expertise in university matters negatively influence autonomy and research productivity in Australian universities. The results indicate decreased productivity which leads to further mistrust that appears to decrease productivity even morea cycle that respondents fear might be a self-propelling downward spiral. Eight hypotheses and one overarching proposition emerge from the findings. In addition, nine areas are identified as adding to the overall understanding of the affect that Commonwealth policies have on university autonomy and research productivity in Australian universities.
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10

Jamaluddin, Jazliza. "The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) : the United Kingdom and the Rhodesian problem, 1966-79." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.716672.

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Using original archival materials from the Commonwealth Secretariat and the UK National Archives, as well as private paper collections, this thesis examines the experience of the Commonwealth summits (CPMM/CHOGM) in dealing with the Rhodesia problem from 1966 until 1979. In doing so it pays particular attention to the role of the British government and the work of the Commonwealth Secretariat. Rhodesia emerged as a major international and a Commonwealth problem after Ian Smith, the leader of the Rhodesia Front announced a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in November 1965. Britain refused to acknowledge the independence of Rhodesia without a constitutional conference and majority rule. The British government fixed on economic sanctions as the main policy to end the rebellion without intensifying the armed struggle, but this moderate approach provoked outrage from many African Commonwealth leaders. Ghana and Tanzania even broke off diplomatic relations with Britain while others threatened to leave the Commonwealth. Rhodesia remained on the agenda of Commonwealth meetings until the CHOGM in Lusaka in 1979; this paved the way to a Constitutional Conference at Lancaster House, which resulted in a settlement. Somehow the system of Commonwealth summits had survived a long-running and highly-charged crisis. In exploring how this came about, the thesis particularly argues that members' national interests, including those of Britain and the African Commonwealth, combined to make agreement between them, rather than a rift, highly desirable. Furthermore, Commonwealth summits continued to evolve throughout the period, in ways that made common understanding easier to achieve.
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11

Podguski, Richard P. "A study of the reinvention efforts of county labor relations within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1999. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1999.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2956. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves [1-3]. Includes bibliographical references 119-121.
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Monro, Dugald. "The results of federalism an examination of housing and disability services /." Connect to full text, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/493.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002.
Title from title screen (viewed 15 April 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, School of Economics and Politics, Faculty of Economics and Business. Degree awarded 2002; thesis submitted 2001. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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13

Bishop, Jennifer Jane. "Precious metals, coinage, and 'commonwealth' in mid-Tudor England." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708796.

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14

Osogo, Ambani John. "Oval slides in triangular spaces? Anchoring national human rights institutions in 'tripartite' Commonwealth Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1200.

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"Montesquieu, in L'Esprit des Lois, 1748, divided the functions of state into: the legislative power, the executive power, and the power of judging. Indeed, three constitutional organs have invariably dominated state power. These are: the executive, the leigslative and the judiciary. According to Montesquieu, the state is said to be at 'equilibrium' when the three organs are independent of each other, with each carrying out its functions without interference. Ideally, the legislative organ ought to make laws, the executive to implement them, and the judiciary to adjudicate over disputes arising out of the day-to-day operations of the state. This attempt at dispersing state power is not arbitrary. It has got ends. One cardinal end in this regrad is the protection of fundamental human rights. It has been argued that where the three organs of state are allowed operatational autonomy, individuals stand to enjoy relatively profound liberty. Where state functions are entrusted with one person or organ, the tyranny of that person or organ is certain to overwhelm the realisation of fundamental freedoms and liberties. ... Both Montesquieu and Lock had tremendous faith in the tripartite government structure in so far as the protection of liberties was concerned. Informed by this philosophy, most democratic constitutions have weaved state power in almost similar terms envisioned by Montesquieu. Thus far, the 1787 Constitution of the United States of America (USA) could be ranked as one with the clearest distinction of state functions. Contemporary practice, however, appears to be in favour of complementing these traditional state organs, a sign, perhaps, that the conventional three organs of state per se have increasingly proved inadequate; at least in the sphere of human rights protection. There is a move, or rather, wave towards the establishment of independent national human rights institutions (NHRIs) to reinforce the bulwark of human rights protection mechanisms at state level, and the wave, arguably, is most pronounced in Africa. ... The current investigation will be completed in four distinct chapters. The current chapter serves well to introduce the study. The second chapter constitutes a comprehensive study of the conceptual foundations of national human rights institutions (NHRIs). The essence, structure and nature of NHRIs is also explored. The third chapter proposes to analyse the doctrine of separation of powers from a philosophical and later, from a practical point of view as it manifests itself in the Commonwealth tradition. The tripartite government configuration is discussed with the ramification of NHRIs in mind. It is instructive that without assessing the parent concept (the rule of law) a discussion on separation of powers remains orphaned. The fourth chapter shall first allude to the new challenges to human rights enforcement. It shall then discuss how these challenges and the development of NHRIs cry for a new thinking on the original tripartite system. The final section is an attempt at supplying a panacea to the challenges accentuated by the preceding part." -- Introduction.
Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii Ashie Kotey at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Turner, Patricia, and n/a. "From paternalism to participation : the role of the Commonwealth in the administration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs policy." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061109.161356.

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16

Bickel, Kevin L. "Creating an electronic government a comparison of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's world wide Web portal initiatives with Washington state's portal development programs /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 2002. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 2002.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2931. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaf. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 72-76).
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Ramsay, Janet Kay. "The Making of Domestic Violence Policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985: An Analytical Narrative of Feminist Policy Activism." University of Sydney. Discipline of Government and International Relations, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.

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This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.
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18

Ramsay, Janet. "The making of domestic violence policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985 an analytical narrative of feminist policy activism /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Title from title screen (viewed 21 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2005; thesis submitted 2004. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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19

Hyland, Margaret, and n/a. "Task overlap of librarians and library technicians : a study comparing the duties of librarians class one and library technicians grades two and three in special libraries in Commonwealth Government Departments and Statutory Authorities in the Australian Capital Territory." University of Canberra. Communication, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060801.120814.

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The present study attempted to measure the overlap of tasks being performed by Librarians Class One and Library Technicians Grades Two and Three in special libraries located in Commonwealth Government Departments and Statutory Authorities in the ACT. Overlap was also measured between the two groups in libraries with six or more staff, since size of library could have affected the results; and between graduates (those employees with university or college of advanced education degrees or graduate diplomas in library and information science), and nongraduates (those without such qualifications). To measure the overlap, a task list questionnaire was devised based on task lists utilised in other research studies or which had been the outcome of professional workshops. Work level guidelines and position classification standards developed by pertinent Australian employing authorities and the Library Association of Australia were also used. Results suggested that there may be considerable overlap in work being performed by Librarians Class One and Library Technicians Grades Two and Three in the nominated libraries. Of the eight functional areas of library work into which the task list questionnaire was divided, only two areas, Reference, and Current Awareness and User Services, resulted in proportions of the groups tested being assigned the tasks in significantly different proportions. For the six other functional areas, representing 125 of the 160 tasks Librarians Class One and Library Technicians Grades Two and Three performed the same tasks in similar proportions. Testing for size of library and qualifications of respondents made very little difference to these results. Conclusions drawn from the present study are limited because the questionnaire ignored the level of importance and the time occupied in completing these tasks. Other constraints occurred in relation to conclusions which could be made. The questionnaire methodology as utilised by the present study is more likely to evoke responses to what is there; and it does not identify what should be done or how well tasks are performed. The study is limited to special libraries within Commonwealth Government Departments and Statutory Authorities and is confined to three levels of staff only, Librarians Class One and Library Technicians Grades Two and Three. Despite these limitations, it seems clear that the levels of staff included in the present study are often assigned tasks on the basis of what tasks have to be done, rather than with regard to matching level of task to level of position within the boundaries of the work level guidelines; and this situation is also true of the larger libraries with six or more staff. These results have implications for those involved in educating professional librarians and library technicians, for the interpretation given by the profession to the meaning of professionalism and for staff relations between librarians and library technicians. Debate by the profession concerning the roles of librarians and library technicians is an issue demanding urgent attention.
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Luker, Trish, and LukerT@law anu edu au. "THE RHETORIC OF RECONCILIATION: EVIDENCE AND JUDICIAL SUBJECTIVITY IN CUBILLO v COMMONWEALTH." La Trobe University. School of Law, 2006. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20080305.105209.

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In August 2000, Justice O�Loughlin of the Federal Court of Australia handed down the decision in Cubillo v Commonwealth in which Lorna Cubillo and Peter Gunner took action against the Commonwealth Government, arguing that it was vicariously liable for their removal from their families and communities as children and subsequent detentions in the Northern Territory during the 1940s and 1950s. The case is the landmark decision in relation to legal action taken by members of the Stolen Generations. Using the decision in Cubillo as a key site of contestation, my thesis provides a critique of legal positivism as the dominant jurisprudential discourse operating within the Anglo-Australian legal system. I argue that the function of legal positivism as the principal paradigm and source of authority for the decision serves to ensure that the debate concerning reconciliation in Australia operates rhetorically to maintain whiteness at the centre of political and discursive power. Specifically concerned with the performative function of legal discourse, the thesis is an interrogation of the interface of law and language, of rhetoric, and the semiotics of legal discourse. The dominant theory of evidence law is a rationalist and empiricist epistemology in which oral testimony and documentary evidence are regarded as mediating the relationship between proof and truth. I argue that by attributing primacy to principles of rationality, objectivity and narrative coherence, and by privileging that which is visually represented, the decision serves an ideological purpose which diminishes the significance of race in the construction of knowledge. Legal positivism identifies the knowing subject and the object of knowledge as discrete entities. However, I argue that in Cubillo, Justice O�Loughlin inscribes himself into the text of the judgment and in doing so, reveals the way in which textual and corporeal specificities undermine the pretence of objective judgment and therefore the source of judicial authority.
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Nielson, Pam, and n/a. "A comparative analysis of English as a second language programs and services in government school systems in Australian states and territories and the nexus with Commonwealth funding." University of Canberra. Education, 1988. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060824.132257.

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The study investigates the nature and extent of provision of English as a Second Language (ESL) programs and services for students of non-English speaking background (NESB) in government school systems in the six Australian states and two territories and the interrelationship of state/territorial education authority provision and levels of commonwealth funding. The study further examines perceptions of state/territorial service providers of where the onus of responsibility for ESL provision lies. The study is limited to examination of ESL provision at the school level in government education systems only and does not address services for adult NESB learners or provision in the non-government sector. The study is set in the context of the impact of commonwealth immigration policies on the nature of Australia's multicultural society and on the evolution of provision of appropriate programs and services for NESB students in Australian government schools. The major findings to emerge from this study which bear on the issues identified in the literature and which are of significance for the future of ESL service delivery are: · the existence of overall commonality of definition of NESB students and identification of such students for ESL programs on the basis of need, but a degree of variation in procedures used by state and territorial systems which falls short of standard practice and renders comparative measurement of perceived shortfalls in provision difficult; · variation in definition of intensive programs which renders comparison of provision difficult; · strong commonality in overall provision of both programs and services across all schooling sectors, with limited local variation in service delivery; an increasing commitment in all systems to the mainstreaming of ESL provision through language across the curriculum programs aimed at complementing specialist ESL provision by enabling mainstream teachers to accept responsibility for the language needs of NESB learners; · variation in degrees of dependence on commonwealth funding for provision of programs and services ranging from almost total dependence on commonwealth funding in two systems to significant local education authority provision in four systems; · commonality of opinion among local service providers of the commonwealth's responsibility for some degree of funding of ESL provision, but variations in perceptions of the extent of the commonwealth's responsibility in this area; · commonality of experience of initial identification of need at the local level, but dependence on commonwealth intervention to approach adequate provision to meet identified need; · a degree of tension between on the one hand, recognition of individual differences among systems and the concomitant need, or desire, for state/territorial autonomy in service delivery; and on the other hand, recognition of commonality of purpose and provision and the concomitant need for some standardisation of practice in the interests of efficiency and accountability of service delivery. The study concludes with an examination of the implications of these findings for policy for future ESL service delivery.
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22

Hopper, Alvin W. L., and n/a. "A critical examination of Australian constitutional law relating to territories and to places acquired by the Commonwealth (including a comparison with United States Law)." University of Canberra. Law, 2005. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060427.091040.

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This thesis examines the constitutional position in relation to those geographical areas over which the Commonwealth has sole power. These are the Territories, and Commonwealth places (over which, however, the States may retain some vestigial power). The thesis seeks to give a comprehensive account of the constitutional law concerning these heads of power. The thesis traces the tortuous history of the case law on the Territories, with its many instances of inconsistent decisions and dicta. In the words of a High Court Judge, Sir Douglas Menzies, the cases have "not resulted in a coherent body of doctrine". The problems have been particularly acute in regard to the exercise of judicial power, and they are compounded by the silence of the Constitution on some major issues concerning the Territories, such as the relationship between the 'Territories' power and the Constitution as a whole. The thesis' main contention is that, contrary to predominant doctrine, the constitutional position of the Territories and of Commonwealth places is federal, not 'disparate'. In this connection, several tenets are advanced: first, that the Constitution must be interpreted as a whole�that is, as a single instrument; secondly, that the Territories are an integral part of Australia, and their inhabitants, while not enjoying all the constitutional benefits of State residents, are full members of the Australian community; and thirdly, that there is no constitutional distinction to be drawn between different classes of Territory�thus, despite some contrary suggestions, there is no distinction between 'internal' and 'external' Territories or between Territories acquired from the States and Territories otherwise acquired. The thesis explores the particular difficulties, notably in the judicial sphere, that arise from the relevant case law, and it critically examines the cases against the text of the Constitution, as well as against the yardstick of those tenets. With regard to the Territories, the thesis analyses the constitutional topics of executive power and self-government. It considers particular issues concerning each of the three self-governing Territories, including the special status of the Australian Capital Territory as the federal "seat of government". In addition, the thesis looks at the constitutional position in the United States concerning Territories, federal enclaves and the American seat of government (the District of Columbia). The thesis draws a comparison between the American position and the corresponding position in Australia, and it critically considers the judicial interpretation, in both countries, of the constitutional grant to the federal legislature of exclusive, or sole, power over such geographical areas. This process assists an evaluation of the Australian position. The thesis concludes that, in some respects, the Australian case law has gone seriously astray, especially in treating the 'Territories' power as more or less separate from the rest of the Constitution. This judicial approach has led to a convoluted and confusing situation. Despite a degree of amelioration as a result of some more recent cases, the corrective process is by no means complete. The courts are hampered in their development of a "coherent body of doctrine" by the random way in which cases come before them, and it is unlikely that the position can be fully retrieved solely by judicial decisions. The thesis therefore proposes various reforms, and it sets out, in an appendix, proposed amendments of the Constitution. In addition to expounding and criticising the case law on the constitutional topics under discussion, the thesis reviews and, where appropriate, cites from the relevant legal literature. The thesis considers the Australian case law as decided down to the end of 2004.
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23

Foster, Ian D., and n/a. "The establishment of the Christmas Island Area School: a public policy analysis." University of Canberra. Education, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050711.124419.

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In 1974 the Australian Government decided that from 1975 all education on its Territory of Christmas Island, Indian Ocean, would be integrated into a single service. It further decided that all schools would be staffed by Australian teachers from its recent1y established Commonwealth Teaching Service and would implement a curriculum closely reflecting those on the Australian mainland. These were decisive shifts from the previous system of separating the 'Asian' education system from the 'European' (Australian) system. This thesis sets out to find the reasons for these decisions and the expectations, or objectives, of those who made them. The changes to education had many Impacts on the Christmas Island community - both intended or unintended. These impacts are used to assist in evaluations of the policy objectives. The thesis uses the methodology of public policy analysis to examine the links between the government's education policy and its other broader policies regarding the Island. It thus examines operational decisions in the context of strategic considerations. The mid 1970s saw rapid changes in many Australian Government policies. Its new Christmas Island policies were responses to a range of complex, interrelated problems which emerged in the early 1970s - only 15 years after it assumed sovereignty. At the centre of these policy responses was Resettlement. The government's education decisions are examined in the light of the objectives and implications of its Resettlement policy as well as other inputs to the policy problem.
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24

Woodford, Benjamin. "Reactions to the growth of monarchical power in the Cromwellian Protectorate." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609343.

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25

Guilluy, Thibault. "Du "self-government" des Dominions à la dévolution : recherches sur l'apparition et l'évolution de la Constitution britannique." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020006.

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L’objet de cette étude est d’identifier une constitution « britannique » distincte de la constitution anglaise. Si le langage commun tend trop souvent à confondre une partie pour le tout, l’Angleterre pour le Royaume-Uni, cet écueil n’épargne pas les juristes. La notion de constitution britannique vise précisément à rendre compte de la manière dont le droit constitutionnel a pu appréhender et saisir la tension fondamentale qui l’anime entre deux exigences en apparence contraires, l’unité et la diversité. Depuis les lois de dévolution adoptées à la fin du XXe siècle, l’Ecosse, le Pays de Galles et l’Irlande du Nord disposent d’institutions de gouvernement autonomes, soumises théoriquement à la souveraineté du Parlement de Westminster. Le corps de lois, règles et principes qui régissent cet arrangement institutionnel permettent d’identifier un cadre constitutionnel spécifiquement britannique. Mais celui-ci n’est pas pour autant né à la fin du XXe siècle. Il nous semble en effet que cette constitution britannique trouve ses sources et son origine dans les relations qui ont pu s’établir entre le Royaume-Uni et certaines de ses colonies dotées d’un statut particulier et d’un gouvernement autonome, les Dominions. C’est dans ce cadre historique et intellectuel qu’a pu apparaître une manière spécifiquement britannique d’organiser cette tension entre l’unité et la diversité. Celle-ci puise d’ailleurs dans les ressources propres du constitutionnalisme britannique, qui résulte d’un entrelacement ingénieux de règles et principes juridiques et de pratiques institutionnalisées, les conventions de la constitution. Cette rencontre entre le droit et les conventions dessine un droit constitutionnel original et peut-être fédéral
This study aims at identifying a « British » constitution distinct from the English constitution. If popular language tends to confuse one part with the whole, England with the United Kingdom, so do jurists. The concept of a British constitution aims at capturing the way in which constitutional law may have grasped the fundamental tension between two seemingly antagonist ideas, unity and diversity. Since the devolution Acts have been enacted in the end of the XXth century, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland enjoy responsible government, under the asserted sovereignty of the Parliament of Westminster. The body of statutes, rules and principles that govern this institutional arrangement thus form a specifically British constitutional framework. But this framework was not necessarily born in the end of the XXth century. We intend to show that this British constitution can be traced back to the constitutional relations established between the United Kingdom and some of her colonies, the Dominions. It is within this historical and intellectual framework that may have appeared a specifically British way of dealing with this tension between unity and diversity. It seems to have resorted to the resources of British constitutionalism, which is produced by the ingenious imbrication of legal rules and principles and of institutionalized practices, i.e. the conventions of the Constitution. This confluence of law and conventions sketches a constitutional law that is both original and possibly federal
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26

Williams, Mark. "The King's Irishmen : the roles, impact and experiences of the Irish in the exiled Court of Charles II, 1649-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669983.

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27

McConnell, James Robert. "Essex under Cromwell: Security and Local Governance in the Interregnum." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/686.

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In 1655, Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell's Council of State commissioned a group of army officers for the purpose of "securing the peace of the commonwealth." Under the authority of the Instrument of Government, a written constitution not sanctioned by Parliament, the Council sent army major-generals into the counties to raise new horse militias and to support them financially with a tax on Royalists which the army officers would also collect. In counties such as Essex--the focus of this study--the major-generals were assisted in their work by small groups of commissioners, mostly local men "well-affected" to the Interregnum government. In addition to their militia and tax duties, the men were instructed to see to the implementation and furtherance of a variety of central government policies. Barely a year after its inception, a bill sanctioning the scheme was voted down in January 1657 by a Parliament unconvinced that the work done by the major-generals was in the best interests of the nation. This thesis examines the development and inception of the major-generals initiative by the Council of State, the work the major-generals and their commissioners engaged in, and the nature and cause of the reaction to their efforts in the shires. In the years and centuries following the Stuart Restoration, the major-generals were frequently portrayed as agents of Cromwellian tyranny, and more recently scholars have argued that the officers were primarily concerned with the promulgation of a godly reformation. This study looks at the aims and work of the major-generals largely through an analysis of state papers and Essex administrative records, and it concludes that the Council and officers were preoccupied more with threats to order and stability than with morals. Additionally, by examining the court records and work of the justices of the peace in Essex, this study shows that in regard to improving order the major-generals' work was unremarkable for its efficacy and but little different than previous law- and statute-enforcement activity traditionally carried out by local administrators. Based on this assessment of the major-generals' efforts to improve order as both limited and completely un-revolutionary, this thesis argues that the strongly negative reaction to the major-generals by the parliamentary class was due more to the officers' and government's encroachment on gentry power and local privilege than either the abrogation of the liberties of the people or any modest efforts to foist godliness on the shires. Religion was a major issue during the English Civil Wars, but the demise of one of the Interregnum government's most ambitious attempts to improve security in the localities was rooted not in sectarian distempers but rather in the gentry's preoccupation with keeping central government from meddling in local matters or taxing anyone in their class without parliamentary approval.
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28

Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.

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29

Ducrocq, Myriam-Isabelle. "Le réalisme dans la pensée politique anglaise de la Grande Rébellion à la Glorieuse Révolution : à travers les oeuvres de Thomas Hobbes, James Harrington, Algernon Sydney et John Locke." Paris 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA030153.

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Cette thèse se propose d’opérer un rapprochement entre quatre penseurs emblématiques de la période qui va de la Grande Rébellion à la Glorieuse Révolution en Angleterre au dix-septième siècle : Thomas Hobbes, James Harrington, Algernon Sydney et John Locke. Ces penseurs au statut et à la postérité différents se caractérisent par de fortes divergences théoriques : théoricien de l’absolutisme pour Hobbes, partisans d’un régime de représentation populaire pour Harrington et Sydney, tenant d’une monarchie parlementaire pour Locke. Malgré ces divergences, on a pu dégager une perspective commune chez ces auteurs, marquée par le souci de prendre en compte les conditions réelles dans lesquelles s’exerce le pouvoir politique. Cette perspective commune, qualifiée de réaliste, s’articule autour de trois grands axes : tout d’abord elle se signale par une volonté de fonder l’organisation politique dans les principes de nature, tels qu’ils sont découverts par un examen historique des sociétés humaines, ainsi que par une démarche rationnelle ; elle les conduit ensuite à rechercher les conditions optimales de préservation de la République ainsi fondée ; enfin, elle les entraîne à prendre en compte l’intérêt de la République dans le traitement d’un certain nombre de questions politiques fondamentales qui se posaient alors. On conclura en établissant que ce réalisme les pousse à formuler des propositions similaires sur la nature et l’étendue du pouvoir qui doit être confié aux gouvernants, quel que soit le régime envisagé
The purport of this doctoral thesis is to bring in perspective four emblematic thinkers of the period of English history extending between The Great Rebellion and the Glorious Revolution : Thomas Hobbes, John Harrington, Algernon Sydney and John Locke. These authors, whose respective status and posterity widely differ, are divided by strong ideological differences : Hobbes was a proponent of absolutist government, Harrington and Sidney inclined in favour of a regime based on popular representation and John Locke was a partisan of parliamentary monarchy. Whatever their differences, these philosophers share a common attitude that consists in taking into account the real conditions presiding over the exercise of political power. This common perspective which has been described as political realism is founded on three main axes : the first one is the will to choose a foundation of all political organisations the principles of nature as evidenced by the historical study of human societies and rational analysis ; the second axis is to be found in their search for optimal conditions to ensure the preservation of the Commonwealth built on such foundation ; the third and last axis consists in taking into account the Commonwealth ‘s interest in the resolution of a certain number of fundamental political questions that prevailed during that period. We shall establish in conclusion that their common realism induces them to put forward similar propositions on the nature and extent of the power that political leaders must be entrusted with, whatever the chosen form of government may be
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30

Oakshott, Stephen Craig School of Information Library &amp Archives Studies UNSW. "The Association of Libarians in colleges of advanced education and the committee of Australian university librarians: The evolution of two higher education library groups, 1958-1997." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Information, Library and Archives Studies, 1998. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18238.

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This thesis examines the history of Commonwealth Government higher education policy in Australia between 1958 and 1997 and its impact on the development of two groups of academic librarians: the Association of Librarians in Colleges in Advanced Education (ALCAE) and the Committee of Australian University Librarians (CAUL). Although university librarians had met occasionally since the late 1920s, it was only in 1965 that a more formal organisation, known as CAUL, was established to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information. ALCAE was set up in 1969 and played an important role helping develop a special concept of library service peculiar to the newly formed College of Advanced Education (CAE) sector. As well as examining the impact of Commonwealth Government higher education policy on ALCAE and CAUL, the thesis also explores the influence of other factors on these two groups, including the range of personalities that comprised them, and their relationship with their parent institutions and with other professional groups and organisations. The study focuses on how higher education policy and these other external and internal factors shaped the functions, aspirations, and internal dynamics of these two groups and how this resulted in each group evolving differently. The author argues that, because of the greater attention given to the special educational role of libraries in the CAE curriculum, the group of college librarians had the opportunity to participate in, and have some influence on, Commonwealth Government statutory bodies responsible for the coordination of policy and the distribution of funding for the CAE sector. The link between ALCAE and formal policy-making processes resulted in a more dynamic group than CAUL, with the university librarians being discouraged by their Vice-Chancellors from having contact with university funding bodies because of the desire of the universities to maintain a greater level of control over their affairs and resist interference from government. The circumstances of each group underwent a reversal over time as ALCAE's effectiveness began to diminish as a result of changes to the CAE sector and as member interest was transferred to other groups and organisations. Conversely, CAUL gradually became a more active group during the 1980s and early 1990s as a result of changes to higher education, the efforts of some university librarians, and changes in membership. This study is based principally on primary source material, with the story of ALCAE and CAUL being told through the use of a combination of original documentation (including minutes of meetings and correspondence) and interviews with members of each group and other key figures.
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31

Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.

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The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
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32

Lucas, D. Pulane. "Disruptive Transformations in Health Care: Technological Innovation and the Acute Care General Hospital." VCU Scholars Compass, 2013. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2996.

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Advances in medical technology have altered the need for certain types of surgery to be performed in traditional inpatient hospital settings. Less invasive surgical procedures allow a growing number of medical treatments to take place on an outpatient basis. Hospitals face growing competition from ambulatory surgery centers (ASCs). The competitive threats posed by ASCs are important, given that inpatient surgery has been the cornerstone of hospital services for over a century. Additional research is needed to understand how surgical volume shifts between and within acute care general hospitals (ACGHs) and ASCs. This study investigates how medical technology within the hospital industry is changing medical services delivery. The main purposes of this study are to (1) test Clayton M. Christensen’s theory of disruptive innovation in health care, and (2) examine the effects of disruptive innovation on appendectomy, cholecystectomy, and bariatric surgery (ACBS) utilization. Disruptive innovation theory contends that advanced technology combined with innovative business models—located outside of traditional product markets or delivery systems—will produce simplified, quality products and services at lower costs with broader accessibility. Consequently, new markets will emerge, and conventional industry leaders will experience a loss of market share to “non-traditional” new entrants into the marketplace. The underlying assumption of this work is that ASCs (innovative business models) have adopted laparoscopy (innovative technology) and their unification has initiated disruptive innovation within the hospital industry. The disruptive effects have spawned shifts in surgical volumes from open to laparoscopic procedures, from inpatient to ambulatory settings, and from hospitals to ASCs. The research hypothesizes that: (1) there will be larger increases in the percentage of laparoscopic ACBS performed than open ACBS procedures; (2) ambulatory ACBS will experience larger percent increases than inpatient ACBS procedures; and (3) ASCs will experience larger percent increases than ACGHs. The study tracks the utilization of open, laparoscopic, inpatient and ambulatory ACBS. The research questions that guide the inquiry are: 1. How has ACBS utilization changed over this time? 2. Do ACGHs and ASCs differ in the utilization of ACBS? 3. How do states differ in the utilization of ACBS? 4. Do study findings support disruptive innovation theory in the hospital industry? The quantitative study employs a panel design using hospital discharge data from 2004 and 2009. The unit of analysis is the facility. The sampling frame is comprised of ACGHs and ASCs in Florida and Wisconsin. The study employs exploratory and confirmatory data analysis. This work finds that disruptive innovation theory is an effective model for assessing the hospital industry. The model provides a useful framework for analyzing the interplay between ACGHs and ASCs. While study findings did not support the stated hypotheses, the impact of government interventions into the competitive marketplace supports the claims of disruptive innovation theory. Regulations that intervened in the hospital industry facilitated interactions between ASCs and ACGHs, reducing the number of ASCs performing ACBS and altering the trajectory of ACBS volume by shifting surgeries from ASCs to ACGHs.
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33

Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence." 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.

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"September 2002." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366) Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
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