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1
Maryniv, Ivanna. "The European Union security policy." Law and innovations, no. 1 (29) (March 31, 2020): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-1(29)-13.
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Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.
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Adashys, Liudmyla, and Polina Trostianska. "The evolution of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 5, no. 5 (December 30, 2020): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-5-36-41.
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The article analyzes the stages of formation of the common foreign and security policy of the Eu-ropean Union. The main events and decisions of world leaders that influenced the formation of the general idea of the world community about the common foreign and security policy are considered. The paper focuses on the constant desire of the European community to agree on the creation of a single effective mechanism for a common foreign and security policy of the EU. Although, in the initial stages of integration, the countries of the «European six» failed to initiate integration in the defense and political spheres. Integration continued to develop in other areas, and European countries and their leaders took new steps to converge in the regulation of the common security policy. The positive and negative consequences of each step of the evolution and formation of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union, as well as the reaction of EU member states and other leading countries to them are highlighted. The current global events that have a significant impact on the mechanism of implementation of EU security policy are analyzed. The opinions of scientists and practitioners, European and world leaders on the implementation of common foreign and security policy are studied. It has been proved that Ukraine, as the leader of the Eastern Partnership, needs to improve its status, use security issues to work out joint decisions on a closer military partnership between it and the EU countries.
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Dr. Muhammad Tariq, Amjad Ali Khan, and Ejaz Khan. "An overview of the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union." sjesr 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss4-2020(394-399).
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The European Union comprises 27 countries that aim at carving out a separate foreign and security policy for their unification and singleness. The whole union is a symbol of unity and cohesiveness for which the theory of bargain provides the basic framework. This article focuses on the elements of the European Union's external policy, the principles and policy of the European Union, the foreign policy, security strategy, and the common foreign and security policy coupled with the defense strategy of the European Union. It also aims at describing the coherence and consensus of the EU on all important measures with particular reference to foreign and security policy and importance in the world as a global actor.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Definition and Typology of European Union Missions." Reality of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201911.
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In view of the contemporary challenges and threats, European Union’s efforts in the area of civil and military capacity building are extremely important. As an international organization having a high impact on third countries, the European Union plays a key role in conflict prevention and crisis response. In external governance EU has two sectoral policies at its disposal: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The CFSP is responsible for resolving conflicts and fostering international understanding using diplomacy and giving respect for international rules. The CSDP is responsible for carrying out civilian and military missions as well as for diffusing rules, which affect, in various respects, the improvement of security management in third countries through their incorporation. By adopting today’s global approach, both military and civilian, to crisis management and continuing to strengthen its capacity for action and analytical tools, the European Union is becoming a major security vector at international level, and its Common Security and Defense Policy expeditionary missions are the tangible proof.
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Tikhova, VLADLENA V. "DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (1945-1992)." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-1-58-3-12.
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Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.
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Timakova, O. A. "Roadmap for Stronger Security and Defence of Europe: EU “Strategic Compass” Implementation Prospects." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 3, 2022): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-151-167.
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The European Union continues to develop the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Adopted in March 2022, the EU’s “Strategic Compass for Security and Defense” in the next decade should become a roadmap for the development of the EU’s ambitions, stated in the 2003 and 2016 EU Strategies. The Strategic Compass offers a list of measures to strengthen the defense component in EU policy. They are concentrated in four main areas: crisis management, resilience, capacity building and partnerships. A significant innovation is the proposal to apply the qualified majority voting procedure on certain issues of foreign policy, security and defense policy. As part of the new EU Strategy, it is proposed to create a group of Rapid deployment forces and increase investment in the defense sector. The innovation will also be the holding of EU exercises and the EU Security and Defense Partnership Forum. Specific action plans for the announced initiatives should be developed by the end of 2022, and their implementation is scheduled for 2030. The Strategic Compass was perceived ambiguously — the key points of criticism are the inability of the Union to ensure its own strategic autonomy. In the context of the changed geopolitical situation in Europe, which coincided with the publication of the new Strategy, the EU countries continued to follow the lead of US policy. The emphasis in Compass on the complementarity of the foreign and security and defense policy of the EU in relation to the Alliance confirms that the countries of Europe will tend to rely on the usual institutions of NATO as opposed to the creation of new structures of the European Union. In addition, significant disagreements in the perception of threats by EU member states, as well as the general amorphousness of the Union’s foreign policy initiatives, remain a problem. It is likely that a significant breakthrough in the creation of effective institutions of European foreign policy, security and defense policy will not be achieved, but the acquisition of new powers by the European Commission will strengthen supranational control over the policies of EU member states in these areas.
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Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.
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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.
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The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Pavlenko, Valerii. "Military and Political Integration of the Scandinavian Countries in the European Security Architecture after the Second World War." European Historical Studies, no. 8 (2017): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.39-52.
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The Article examines the military and political integration of Scandinavia in the European security architecture after 1945 and analyzes the historical experience of the countries of the North Europe in the late 1940s-1960s in the security space issues. Particular attention is paid to the close link between the military and political rapprochement with the processes of the economic, technological and political integration in the Western European region. It is emphasized that the economic basis of common interests encourages the EU member states all the time to seek peaceful means to resolve possible disputes. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of alternative approaches to the European security that the North European countries have used in their foreign policy. The role and place of these countries in the sphere of the European security during the late 1940s-1960s was determined. The influence of the USA and the USSR on the formation of the foreign policy of the Scandinavian countries, especially the pressure of the Soviet Union on Finland in its attempts to get a neutral state status, has been shown. The reasons for the failure to implement the military and political cooperation projects in the form of the Scandinavian Defense Alliance have been revealed.
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Wolf, Reinhard, and Sven Bernhard Gareis. "Home Alone? The US Pivot to Asia and Its Implications for the EUs Common Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Special Issue (October 1, 2016): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016038.
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With the signing of the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in 2015 and President Obama’s visits to Asian states in 2014 the long-proclaimed US pivot to the Asia-Pacific has gained momentum. The US move is of strategic significance and poses new challenges to Europe while also opening new opportunities: Though the transatlantic ties will probably remain strong, the Europeans cannot rule out further significant reductions in the US engagement on the ‘old continent’ as a consequence of a possible deterioration of the situation in Asia. Europe will therefore have to make stronger efforts with respect to its own security. A European Union that takes the necessary measures to overcome its foreign policy divisions would become better situated to maintain peace and stability in its area of influence. To achieve this, Europe needs to effect a paradigm shift that renders its Common Foreign and Security Policy more concise and coherent and thus enhances its actorness in International Relations. This might even include the establishment of common European armed forces. Without deeper defence integration European countries might well end up as an assembly of marginalized political dwarfs.
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Kolarski, Ljiljana. "THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 23, no. 2/2022 (December 12, 2022): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.5.
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The war in Ukraine represents a turning point in international relations that significantly affects the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. By taking place on European soil and mainly between Russia and Ukraine, it really indirectly affects several countries united in two important entities, the European Union and NATO. In this paper, we will deal with the analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the countries of the Western Balkans, which are in a significant geopolitical position and have developed relations with Russia in the fields of foreign policy, security, and energy. The work aims to contribute to the understanding of the implications that are happening and that may arise in the domain of internal and foreign policy of the Western Balkan countries, and especially regional relations, as a consequence of the war in Ukraine. In the first part of the paper, attention is paid to a theoretical explanation of war and realism in international relations which could be implied to this war. Furthermore, a brief overview of the political events that led to the Russian invasion of Ukraine will be presented in order to understand the next chapter, which is dedicated to considering the response of each Western Balkan state to the beginning of the war and the events that came as a result of it.
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Medović, Vladimir. "Stabilization and association treaties in the law of the European Union." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 76, no. 9 (2004): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv0402003m.
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The European Communities did not cease to exist after the foundation of the European Union by the Treaty of Mastricht in 1992. In fact, they act as pillars on which the European Union stands, together with the Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters and Common Foreign and Security Policy. The European Union does not have the status of a legal entity or a capacity to enter into treaties with third countries or international organization. In both foreign and domestic proceedings it relies upon the institutions and instruments of the European Communities. The European Communities are autonomous in relation to the European Union and act in accordance with the rules contained in the foundation Treaties, which, however, make a constituent part of the Treaty on European Union. The foundation Treaties of the European Communities provide for a possibility for the Communities to enter into international treaties with third countries or international organizations. Stabilization and Association Treaties belong to the category of Association Treaties defined in Article 310 of the Treaty on European Union. Considering that these treaties regulate certain fields which belong to competence of the member states, the member states are usually parties to these treaties along with the European Communities. International treaties entered into between the European Communities and third countries are binding upon the Community institutions and upon member states. International treaties entered in this way are considered a part of Community law. Member states are bound to recognize such effects to these treaties as are provided in the Community law itself.
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Hoogeveen, Femke, and Wilbur Perlot. "The EU's Policies of Security of Energy Supply Towards the Middle East and Caspian Region: Major Power Politics?" Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207847.
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AbstractVast reserves of fossil fuels make the Greater Middle East (GME) region the centre of attention in terms of security of supply considerations of all major energy-consuming countries, most notably of the United States (US), China, India, and of the European Union (EU). Although energy security is on the EU's agenda, the supranational nature of the EU inhibits it to pursue an external energy security policy in the same way as other consuming countries. Its power, mandate, and in many ways preparedness to execute a common foreign policy towards the GME, let alone as specific as a common foreign energy strategy, are limited. This article seeks to answer the questions of what role the EU wants to play in the GME region in relation to objectives of energy security, what role it can play in this respect, and whether the EU's Middle East politics can be regarded as major power politics.
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Gajic, Dejan. "Development of armed forces in the European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304339g.
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After the end of World War II leaders of the West European countries had realised the necessity to create new security frameworks, thus making the security of the continent the concern of the Europeans themselves. However, immediately after it had been formed the North Atlantic Alliance, as a trans-Atlantic defence shield against the danger from the "communist East", became the central security component in Europe. Just after the end of the Cold War and disappearance of the "danger from the East" the European leaders initiated the process of creation of the new European defence system. The system would be designed in such a way not to jeopardise the position of the NATO, improving at the same time the security and stability in the continent. In the first part of the article the author considers the course of European integration in the second half of the last century that proceeded through creation of institutions preceding the establishment of the European Union. During the period of creation of this specific form of action performed by the European states at the internal and international levels, the deficiency of integration in the military field was notable. In that regard, the author stresses the role of the Western European Union as an alliance for collective defence of West European countries. The second part of the paper discusses the shaping of the EU security component through the provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which are included in the EU agreements. The Maastricht Treaty defined the Common Foreign and Security Policy as an instrument to reach agreement by member states in the defence field. The Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the role of this mechanism expanding the authorities resulting from it. The Treaty of Nice supplements the existing mechanism by a new military and political structure that should help implement the decisions made by the European Union institutions in the military field. In the third part of the article, the author presents the facts concerning the establishment and internal organisation of the Eurocorps. The creation of this military formation took place in early 1990s and was initiated by the two states of "the old Europe" - Germany and France. The authors also emphasises that the establishment of this formation is the first step towards creation of the armed forces in Europe. The fourth part of the paper treats the Rapid Reaction Force that was established by the Helsinki Agreement (1999). It became operative in early 2003 and its basic aim is to prevent the outbreak of crises in the region and to improve stability in Europe. In spite of the opinions that the establishment of such a force is the skeleton for creation of the European armed forces, the author thinks that, at least in the near future, they will not be a rival to the NATO. In his opinion, their possible military missions will be carried out only when the alliance takes no interest in being engaged in them.
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Janků, Martin. "The Lisbon Treaty and Changes in the Legal Rules on the Common Commercial Policy." EU agrarian Law 6, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eual-2017-0002.
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Abstract The EU Lisbon Treaty 2007 (LT) brings some changes for the common commercial policy (CCP) and the decision-making processes related to it. CCP is newly included in the one area with all the external activities of the EU, with foreign and security policy, international environmental policy, development aid and economic, financial and technical cooperation with third countries. The fundamental areas of the CCP have been expanded to include foreign direct investment, services and trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights. The EU’s exclusive competence for external negotiation of agreements in areas of exclusive competence and internal CCP regarding their implementation were confirmed. The changes affect the role of the European Parliament and also the functioning of the European Council, the Council, and competences of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service. Together with these changes, there will be also changes in procedures within the European Union. A number of aspects of the decision-making process are not yet entirely clarified, and only the practice of the participation of the EU Member States and the European Parliament in the formation of the common commercial policy will bring more meaningful conclusions. The changes brought by the LT will affect not only the extent of the influence of EU Member States on the common commercial policy, but they can also affect the position of the EU in the context of international trade, particularly in the area of negotiating commitments and rules of multilateral and bilateral trade and investment agreements.
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Grieco, Joseph M. "The Maastricht Treaty, Economic and Monetary Union and the neo-realist research programme." Review of International Studies 21, no. 1 (January 1995): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117504.
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With the Treaty on European Union, or the Maastricht Treaty, into force in November 1993, the member-states of the European Community (EC) appeared to be embarking on a far-reaching enterprise to enhance the authority of Community institutions. Continuing a process that had begun with the Single European Act (SEA), into force in 1987, Maastricht increased the powers of the European Parliament. It established mechanisms whereby EC countries were to seek to improve policy coordination in such diverse areas as social affairs, high technology, border controls, immigration, and anti-crime efforts. It committed the EC members to work toward the establishment of a common foreign and security policy. Most importantly, it laid out a path and timetable for qualified EC members to achieve Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) by the end of the 1990s.
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Spernbauer, Martina. "EULEX Kosovo: The Difficult Deployment and Challenging Implementation of the Most Comprehensive Civilian EU Operation to Date." German Law Journal 11, no. 7-8 (August 1, 2010): 769–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018836.
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While the European Union (EU) has been finding itself increasingly involved in providing security in its “near abroad,” the proposal of a “Stabilisation and Association Process for Countries of South-Eastern Europe” has marked the commencement of a nearly all-encompassing commitment to progress in the countries of the Western Balkans. In this context, Kosovo—for which the European perspective of the Western Balkans has been declared open—provides a text book example covering all aspects of external assistance as well as security and defense policies. Among the latter, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in the territory of Kosovo (EULEX Kosovo) is indeed characterized by a number of extraordinary factors and circumstances. It is not only EULEX Kosovo's unparalleled European and local staff size or its partly executive mandate that set this EU mission apart from other civilian missions of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) which have thus far been deployed to the Western Balkans. Unsurprisingly, the complexity of the mission has generated difficulty in comprehending its deployment, mandate and implementation. Yet, against the backdrop of the 2003 Security Strategy which makes the credibility of the EU's foreign policy dependent on its achievements in the Balkans, a clear understanding of EULEX Kosovo appears paramount.
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Drieskens, Edith, and Bart Kerremans. "Verdeeldheid en vertraagde vooruitgang : de Europese Unie in 2003." Res Publica 46, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2004): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v46i2-3.18469.
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In 2003, the completion of the eastern enlargement process dominated European Union activities. Without doubt, for the ten countries that joined the European Union on 1 May 2004, the signing of the Treaty of Accession on 16 May 2003 at the foot of the Akropolis was the high point. A few weeks later, Valéry Giscard D'Estaing presented the draft constitution at the European Council of Thessaloniki. Yet, in the spring of 2003, the European Union was mainly in the news as a divided European Union. In the weeks before the military intervention in lraq, on the European continent, a split became visible between the 'old' and 'new' Europe. However, when looking back, the lraq debacle seems to have given a new impulse to the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, witness the security strategies approved in December 2003. The compliance with the rules of the Stability and Crowth Pact, the increasing exchange rate of the euro, and the evaluation of the internal market programme were on the European economic agenda in 2003. In the autumn, the European Union did not succeed preventing the Cancun Ministerial Conference from breaking down.
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Makul, Anes, and Adem Olovčić. "We Are (Not) a Family? Analysis of Argumentation in Favor of Eu Enlargement in the Western Balkans after the 2003 and 2018 Summits." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 1(18) (March 4, 2022): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.1.333.
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This paper aims to investigate the change in EU rhetoric on enlargement to the Western Balkans using analysis and comparison of the arguments of EU officials and strategic documents, which are closely related to the Union's enlargement policy to the Western Balkans, after the European Council summits on the enlargement of the Union, in 2003 and 2018. Following the fundamental tendency to enlarge the Union in the context of the common foreign and security policy, European officials articulated this differently in the context of the two summits. While during and after the first Summit, the European Union was presented in various discursive representations as a highly successful political community capable of attracting countries to adapt to its strict rules and norms to achieve the possibility of integration; during the second Summit, in 2018, the importance of the accession of the Western Balkan countries to the Union was persistently emphasized. In this way, the patronizing discourse present in rhetorical representations during and after the first Summit was replaced by the discourse according to which the European Union insists on the accession of these countries to the Union, regardless of the complete fulfillment of previously set normative criteria. The reason for that is the growing influence of China in the Western Balkans and the growing Russian appetite for power and political action in this region.
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Mashkara-Choknadiy, Viktoriya, and Yuriy Mayboroda. "TRADE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNDER THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." Three Seas Economic Journal 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2021-1-9.
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The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.
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Esplugues Mota, Carlos. "La propuesta de reglamento estableciendo un marco para la evaluación de las inversiones extranjeras directas en la Unión Europea de septiembre de 2017 = Proposal for a regulation establishing a framework for screening of foreign direct investments into the European Union of september’17." CUADERNOS DE DERECHO TRANSNACIONAL 10, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cdt.2018.4120.
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Resumen: Las inversiones extranjeras han aumentado de forma constante en las últimas décadas. Sin embargo, la crisis financiera y el protagonismo de algunas economías emergentes, esencialmente China, están afectando a su vitalidad. No puede hablarse todavía un cambio de tendencia, pero sí se constata una actitud de creciente prevención, cuando no de rechazo, hacia ellas. La introducción de mecanismos de control de las inversiones extranjeras refleja este cambio de actitud. La situación alcanza una particular relevancia en el seno de la UE debido, entre otros extremos al estado embrionario de la política de inversiones común La Propuesta de Reglamento de 2017 estableciendo un marco para la evaluación de las inversiones extranjeras directas en UE cumple la doble función de poner de manifiesto la relevancia del tema y de aportar un primer texto para el debate.Palabras clave: Inversiones extranjeras directas, control de inversiones extranjeras, seguridad nacional, política común europea de inversiones, mecanismos de control de inversiones extranjeras.Abstract: Foreign investment flows have increased steadily in the last decades, although the financial crisis and the role played by certain emerging economies, mainly PRC, are negatively influencing them. A change of trend is not ascertainable yet, but some backlash against foreign direct investment exists in particular countries. The development of mechanisms of control of foreign investment shows this change of attitude. The situation is especially relevant in the European Union because of the embryonic condition of the Common Investment Policy. The publication of the Proposal for a Regulation establishing a framework for screening of foreign direct investments into the European Union reflects the relevance of the topic at the same time that offers a first text for debate.Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment, Control of Foreign Direct Investment, National Security, Common Commercial and Investment Policy, Screening systems of evaluation of foreign direct investment.
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Chihaia, Mihai Sebastian. "Nordic states contribution to peace and security." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i2_5.
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Over the past years, the Nordic countries have gained a powerful voice on the stage of international affairs; in this context, this article will explore their contribution to peace and security in the sphere of the European Union. In the past 20 years, the Nordic States (in this case I refer only to Sweden, Denmark and Finland) have gradually aligned to the collective EU foreign policy while at the same time investing in reinforcing their influence in international affairs. One of their core beliefs was that peace building involves a broad range of instruments (besides military) that encompasses crises prevention and civilian capabilities. In a world characterized by complex security issues that involve multiple aspects ranging from migration and poverty to climate change, development has started to go hand in hand with security. The Nordic countries have proved several times that they have a powerful voice and can bring an added value on issues related to security and development. The paper will refer to their recent contributions and attempt to measure their influence and the consequences of their actions at international and EU level. Furthermore, the paper will also analyze contributions of the Nordic states to EU crisis management capabilities including the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) operations, emphasizing how these contributions align with their foreign policies as well as assess whether they had an impact.
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Potapov, D. "The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2020): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2020-4-76-93.
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The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.
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Baltag, Dorina. "eu External Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of eu Diplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010035.
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Summary The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eu delegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eu diplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the eu and cooperating with eu member states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eu delegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eu diplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the eu in these countries.
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Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.
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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.
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Yumatov, K. V. "European Union Policy in the South Caucasus after the Karabakh War of 2020." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-26-34.
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The article focuses on the transformation of the European Union’s policy in the South Caucasus after the NagornoKarabakh war of 2020. Before the war, the foreign and security policy in the region had depended on the OSCE Minsk Group, Georgia’s role in the Russian-Georgian confrontation, and the Eastern Partnership program for the South Caucasus. After Azerbaijan won the Nagorno-Karabakh war with Turkey’s support, the previous line of policy stopped being effective. It failed to unite the countries of the South Caucasus, to remove the Russian Federation from the region, and to make the European Union a real mediator in the conflict zone. The democratization of the local political regimes also failed, despite the proEuropean position of Georgia and the velvet revolution in Armenia. As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 2020, Russian and Turkish troops entered the South Caucasus, and Russia, Turkey, and Iran started acting as peace mediators. The European Union failed to strengthen the role of the OSCE Minsk Group and the mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership in the region. Ever since 2020, it has been trying to develop a common policy for all ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts in the postSoviet space. The European Union keeps failing in its competition and partnership with Russia, while Turkey is getting more active and independent in the region. Thus, the European Union will have to develop a new model of influence in the South Caucasus and the whole post-Soviet space. In the current global confrontation, it is very important to find an international actor able and willing to interact with all parties. The European Union seems to be the one, and its actions in resolving regional conflicts require a detailed research.
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PIDORYCHEVA, Iryna. "SCIENTIFIC-TECHNOLOGICAL AND INNOVATIVE COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION: PERSPECTIVES AND STRATEGIC DIRECTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT." Economy of Ukraine 2022, no. 2 (March 12, 2022): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2022.02.050.
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In the conditions of normality 2.0, cardinal technological transformations taking place in the world economy under the influence of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the deepening of international cooperation that will promote sustainable development of countries becomes a priority. At the heart of Ukraine's strategic foreign policy course is the European integration, which involves the development of relations with the European Union and its member states in many areas of common interest. One of these areas is science and technology and innovation, which is key in terms of ensuring the competitiveness and technological security of countries in the long run. The peculiarities of the EU's innovation policy in the context of the implementation of its new strategic course on building a climate-neutral, greener, digital, resilient and democratic Europe are studied. The approaches that are the basis of modern EU innovation policy are identified: the approach of smart specialization and the approach to mission-oriented innovation. Particular attention is paid to the latter, the essence of missions and mission-oriented innovation policy is highlighted, their role in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals is shown. Strategic priority areas of scientific-technological and innovation cooperation between Ukraine and the EU are identified, taking into account national and global challenges, potentials and achievements of domestic science, new strategic goals of the European Union and features of European innovation policy. The expediency and prospects of cooperation between the parties in four of the selected areas, which provide for the development of cooperation in the following areas: first, security, defense-technical and defense-industrial cooperation; second, health and pharmacology, biotechnology and genomics; third, agriculture and the food industry, in particular organic farming and precision farming; fourth, digitization and development of digital technologies. The institutional principles of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in these areas are summarized and proposals are provided to strengthen the scientific, technological and innovation-industrial potential of Ukraine as a prerequisite for its effective integration into the European Research Area.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Charfi, Mohamed. "The European Parliament and the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: Between Interests and Values." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 4 (December 1, 2017): 493–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017037.
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Several analyses exist on the relations between the European Union (EU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. However, the role played by the European Parliament (EP) in these relations remains little explored. This study helps to fill this gap through an analysis of the main instruments used by the parliamentarians and the actors involved during 2004–2016. We argue that, despite the fact that EU foreign policy continues to be fundamentally the prerogative of EU Member States, the EP has instituted various instruments that influence it. The analysis shows a real interest on the part of the EP in the GCC countries, particularly after 2010, although this has not significantly contributed to the promotion of EUGCC relations. The EP’s discourse has been dominated by issues of human rights and security, with a marginal place reserved for the promotion of trade relations and the conclusion of free trade agreement (FTA). We conclude that in order to promote the relations between the two sides, the EP could adopt a more realistic approach based on common interests and challenges. For the GCC countries, a more active parliamentary diplomacy would be beneficial in order to assert their positions and to have a more balanced relationship with the EP.
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Bonaiuti, Chiara. "Article: Arms Transfers and Human Rights: Assessing the Impact and Enforcement of the EU Common Position on Arms Exports in a Multilevel Analysis." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 4 (October 1, 2022): 463–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022035.
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Arms export control measures are an important tool to defend the universality of human rights, democracy and to prevent conflicts. The European Union (EU) has a long tradition in striving towards these goals.One of the most important outcomes regarding such is the 2008 Council Common Position (CP) defining Common Rules Governing Control of Exports of Military Technology and Equipment Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This article focuses on the implementation and effectiveness of this CP. In particular, it investigates whether EU countries have applied and enforced human rights principles in arms export practices following the approval of the CP or whether a promarket and pro-export approach have prevailed. In this way, it fills a lack of organic analysis on the impact of the CP. Secondly, for the first time, it compares EU-level regulation impact with that at the global level, in order to assess the ‘net value’ of the EU regulation at the international level also from a diachronic perspective. Lastly, a comparison with the national level offer suggestions for mutual reinforcing. By using quantitative methods, the research aims to offer empirical evidence concerning the EU arms export control regimes and their effectiveness and to contribute to the present debate about the means at the EU’s disposal to defend the universality of human rights and promote democracy. EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, human rights, arms trade, arms exports control and disarmament, normative power, democracy, autocracy, sanctions, arms embargo
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Yakovleva, Anna. "Cybersecurity and its Legal Regulation (Foreign and Russian Experience)." Sociopolitical Sciences 11, no. 4 (August 28, 2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-4-70-81.
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Unmanageable and not well regulated nature of cyberspace, both on the national and the international level, is a serious problem for all governments of the world, therefore, the issue of ensuring cybersecurity in the cyberspace comes to the fore, and there is a need for regulatory documents to govern it. In this article, using the example of regulations of the European Union (the EU Cybersecurity Strategy, announced by the EU Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on 16 December 2020), the USA (the National Cybersecurity Strategy of the United States of America, 2018), the Republic of Kazakhstan (Concept of Cybersecurity (“Cyber Shield Kazakhstan”), 2017) and the Russian Federation (Draft Concept of the Cybersecurity Strategy of the Russian Federation, 2014) the main characteristics of legal regulation of cybersecurity issues are examined. The analysis of the main documents in the field of cybersecurity of the EU, the USA and the Republic of Kazakhstan showed that their emergence and significant modifications are caused by the fact that the entire world is undergoing a transition to a digital economy. In Russia, the implementation of the national project “Digital Economy” (2019) has also begun. However, within its framework, the federal project “Information Security” is being promoted. This is explained by the fact that Russia adopts a broader approach to “information security”, while other countries use the term cybersecurity in their regulations. The paper suggests that the national understanding of cybersecurity and its key priorities differ significantly, but the issues that they treat are common: building a state level management system in the field of cybersecurity; determination of the necessary cybersecurity policy and establishing the corresponding mechanism regarding the problems of ensuring the cybersecurity of national information infrastructures and a clear definition of the roles in its implementation. The divergence in various cybersecurity visions is one of the main reasons that lead to a deadlock that prevents productive discussion of cybersecurity and the setting of norms at the international level.
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Kosevich, E. "EU – Latin America: Institutions for Cooperation and Latin Americans' Trust in Them." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 2 (2023): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-2-114-129.
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Relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean have been rather unstable. Despite several significant successes achieved in the framework of the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean Summits (EU–LAC), in fact, in the late 1990s they entered a period of stagnation. The vision of the key tasks of multilateral cooperation between the European Union and LAC was different. For the EU interaction with Latin America was important, both from the point of view of greater consolidation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and from the point of view of its greater involvement in the world agenda already in the positions of a prominent actor, broadcasting its authority outside the traditional sphere of influence. For LAC, relations with Europe were considered as a mechanism capable of activating, first, intra-regional processes. This article discusses the development of cooperation between the European Union and Latin America, which is traditionally special for both regions, at the present stage. Despite the different vision of the main goals and objectives of interregional relations, the partnership between the EU and LAC are built around three main institutions of cooperation: political dialogue, assistance and trade. These three thematic vectors were identified at the I EU-LAC Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in 1999, as the basis for bilateral cooperation. The author examines in detail all three institutions of multilateral interaction, including their achievements and obstacles. The mechanisms of cooperation launched under the pressure of new global challenges are identified. A separate section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the results of public opinion polls, which sheds light on the attitude of Latin America towards the European Union and its regional policy. The author approaches the analysis of the EU-LAC cooperation model comprehensively and bilaterally: from the standpoint of common tasks in the international arena of both the EU and Latin American countries, considered in close connection with the ongoing global and regional latest processes.
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Kerremans, Bart. "Het moeilijke keren van een kolos de Europese Unie in 1995." Res Publica 38, no. 3-4 (December 31, 1996): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i3-4.18614.
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In 1995 the newly enlarged European Union has proved to be capable to handle its problems and to take decisions in a large array of issues. The EU tried to cope with unemployment, continued the preparation of the third stage of the Economic and Monetary Union, adopted its 1996 budget decisions relatively smoothly, and intensified its relations with different parts of the world. On the other hand however, enlargement itself is increasingly affecting the Union as it preparing itself for the upcoming accession of some of its Central European and Mediterranean neighbors. The northern member states look with some suspicion at the budgetary consequences and already show a lot of restraint in paying more to the EU-budget, for the sake of their southern counterparts. Some member states are looking for a balanced enlargement in which the eastern enlargement would be counterbalanced by a Mediterranean one, and for a balance in the financial support that is provided by the EU to third countries. The biggest issue is however, the institutional adaptation of the European Union to a new enlargement. The preparations of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conferencethat took place in 1995, have shown however, that this process will be a difficult one. With the 1995 enlargement, the European Union has increased the number ofmember states that perceive the process of European integration primarily as an economic one. This will make institutional adaptations more difficult and risks to paralyze the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the Union even more than it already did in the past few years. Stated differently, 1995 has left a number of question marks on the EU's future. Whether these will disappear soon, 1996 will show.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.)." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Borko, Yuri. "The Birth of the Soviet School of European Integration Studies. Part 2." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520204653.
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The first part of the article shows that in the mid-1960s some Soviet researchers of the European integration problems concluded that integration did not correspond to the Leninist-Stalinist theory of the general crisis of capitalism. On the contrary, it corresponded to some Western concepts of the custom union, the common market, and economic integration. A new approach to the European integration studies was offered by the Institute of World Economy and International Relation (IMEMO), established in 1956. For many decades IMEMO was serving as the focal point for the European integration studies, and was providing the Soviet leadership with analytical information. The number of inquiries from authorities increased significantly. Firstly, it can be explained by the achievements of integration. Secondly, it was due to the growth of economic cooperation between the USSR and the EEC. Thirdly, Moscow defined new foreign policy priorities towards Western countries including Europe. There were two turning-points of bilateral relations: with France – in 1966, and with Germany – in 1969. The Organization for security and cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was established during final session of the top-level Conference of European States in Helsinki in August 1975. Fourthly, experience of the EEC was relevant for the COMECON
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "PESCO – MORE SECURITY FOR EUROPE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (September 15, 2018): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.00.
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The end of this year, more precisely 13 December, will mark the first anniversary of the initiation of PESCO. The acronym PESCO is derived from the English name Permanent Security Cooperation. The objective of PESCO is to deepen defence cooperation of EU Member States (EU) in the development of common defence capabilities, joint projects and operational readiness as well as military contribution. In its early beginnings, the EU devoted most of its attention to the economic progress of its member states, which was a very logical goal in the decade following the end of World War II. Later on, the rudiments of security and defence appeared in the form of the Western European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy and the like. Until the start of war in the former Yugoslavia, the EU did not have a serious need or reason to particularly focus on security. Security policy was just one of the policies that had mainly been present on paper and in various debates. This became particularly obvious in the case of the intensive developments in the Balkans. This case very well tested the functioning of the EU and revealed the need for fundamental changes. One of the results was also an increased engagement in the field of international operations and missions: an observation mission in Georgia, a police and the rule of law mission in Kosovo, mission to assist in the aftermath of a tsunami in Indonesia, a counter-piracy mission in Somalia, and a mission protecting refugees in Mali. The second key milestone in the EU's security and defence engagement was the European migration crisis in 2015. Here, the lack of appropriate policies at the EU level became most evident. More precisely, it revealed the contradictory application of the policies within the EU to member states and their citizens, and to those other countries and their inhabitants who do not benefit from the high values, ethical standards and social advantages when they arrive in unimaginably large numbers. Before the important EU bodies met, consulted, decided and acted, many problems in different areas had been identified. One of the key issues was the security problem. However, there were still many other influences that gave rise to the creation of PESCO. They are discussed by the authors in this issue. Nevertheless, let me just mention that the EU has in some way found itself at a turning point due to the increasingly present Euroscepticism, which was also discussed at this year’s Strategic Forum at Bled.
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Siriski, Sofija. "The enlargement of the European Union and the challenges of the reform." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301007s.
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The successful conclusion of accession negotiations at the Copenhagen summit on December 13th 2002 means that ten countries will join the European Union in its biggest-ever enlargement. After eastward enlargement, the EU will contain 25 members and nearly half a billion people. The accession treaty will be signed at a special EU summit in Athens on April 16th, 2003. After that, the candidates and member-states will have about a year to ratify the treaty and to joint EU as planned on May 1st, 2004. This enlargement is quite an extraordinary challenge for all the parties involved. For the European Union, it is maybe the most ambitious endeavour in the whole history. The accession of ten new members makes it essential for the EU to reform its institutions, decision-making processes, as well as its policies for agriculture and regional aid. Meanwhile the successive challenge to European Common Foreign and Security Policy have highlighted its weaknesses. Newly formed Convention on the future of Europe is struggling with many fundamental questions and proposed a new constitutional treaty, which described the new European identity. The Convention makes several proposals to reshape Europe's institutions, according to several basic principles: the institution should become more effective - meaning that they have to be able to take decisions more speedily; EU institution tend to be cut off form national political systems and the national parliaments scold therefore become involved in the institutional workings of the EU; it is important to preserve the balance between the institutions dominated governments and the "Community" institutions; the structures of the institutions should be simplified. With just five months before the conclusion of the proceedings, and in parallel to the difficult exercise of drafting the new Constitutional treaty, a major effort is necessary to ensure that the various alternatives are explored, and that a final package can be agreed by a considerable majority of the member states.
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Podriez, Yulia, and Alexander Zhukov. "STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN CHINA, THE EU AND THE UNITED STATES IN THE FIELD OF ENERGY AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION (2000 - 2016)." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/067-076.
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The energy policy of the EU, China and the USA during 2000–2016 before the presidency of Donald Trump was analysed in the article. The common feature of the energy policy is its focus on strengthening integration processes to create a common energy policy, single market and sustainable development of countries. The EU’s energy policy is based on the priorities related to a guaranteed and secure supply of gas, oil and electricity. The author proposes six priority areas for cooperation: the formation of a single energy market, security of supply, diversification of energy resources, climate change issue, development of new technologies and formation of a common foreign policy as well as approaches to energy. In our opinion China adheres to the similar policy of reducing energy consumption and harmful emissions while increasing the share of «green energy», but it goes along with some differences, namely, China will continue to build nuclear power plants (NPP) and will not abandon coal-fired power plants (CFPP) for at least the next 20 years. Today, the European Union is one of China’s most important partners. In view of the above, the article also considers the process of trade and economic cooperation between the two parties. This study also presents the cooperation of American and Chinese companies in the energy sector, which differentiated the views of American analysts on the future of the relations between China and the USA. «Pessimists» believe that it is difficult for superpowers to coexist when their interests clash with vital natura l resources. According to them, it is almost impossible to avoid a future confrontation between China and the USA. «Optimists» are sure that the huge Chinese market is so vital to the American economy that the USA is interested in the Chinese economy to grow steadily, providing new opportunities for potential American investors.
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Đukić, Anđelija, Dejan Vuletić, and Miloš Milenković. "The relations between Russia and Turkey in the context of contemporary international events." Vojno delo 74, no. 1 (2022): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201001d.
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In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "30 YEARS OF SLOVENIA’S INDEPENDENCE AND ITS SECURITY PERSPECTIVE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, ISSUE VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/1 (May 14, 2021): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.1.00.
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Every year, the first issue of Contemporary Military Challenges is published in May. This year, May is particularly important for Slovenia and especially for the Slovenian Armed Forces. Thirty years have passed since the first training of Slovenian military recruits on Slovenian territory. The beginning of this training additionally enraged the then authorities, especially the Yugoslav People's Army, and led to what is today known as the Pekre events. The first victim of the independence process fell, and the tensions due to the events that followed grew. They escalated into an armed conflict and a war, which fortunately did not last long. The independence process, however, began much earlier, before May of 1991, and ended with the departure of the last soldier of the former Yugoslav army from Slovenia in October of the same year. The thirtieth anniversary of Slovenian independence is an important milestone in Slovenian history. Unfortunately, this year it will not be commemorated as it should be as the COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted us from socializing and celebration. It has also brought new circumstances and insights in many areas, where the resilience of the society and security should be particularly emphasized. The understanding and functioning of our national security system has been greatly influenced by the European migrant crisis in 2015, illegal migration, which is still underway, and the pandemic that has no end in sight. In the second semester of this year, Slovenia will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. All of the above brings challenges as well as opportunities. We have learned a lot from the above, one of the most important findings being that self-sufficiency and the ability to take care of oneself are good. In a situation where all countries, not just EU members, are facing problems, it is very useful to be autonomous and independent of others. The various mechanisms of the European Union, NATO and some other international security organizations operate on the principles of solidarity, assistance and burden-sharing. However, it is very hard to share when everybody is lacking in something. The challenge for the future is certainly to anticipate trends, especially in security, to prepare accordingly, to own as much of what you need for yourself and for the functioning of your country, and, if possible, help other countries as well. It is the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union that requires more investment in the security and defence of countries, as well as in strengthening our common resilience. This has been included in several directives and other documents of the European Union, continually pointed out by its representatives; yet, according to the facts there is still a steady decline in this area. Perhaps Slovenia's Presidency of the Council of the European Union is the right opportunity to pay more attention to this topic. This year, May is also important for the Contemporary Military Challenges. Following last year’s indexing of the publication in the Crossref database, all articles that are available from the Digital Library of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia will, as of May 2021, also be available from the Military and Government Collection of the EBSCO database and in Air University Library Index in Military Periodicals. This will enable a greater exchange of views, opinions and ideas between Slovenian and foreign authors in the security, defence and military domains. In the Slovenian Armed Forces, a Military Strategy of the Republic of Slovenia is being drafted, and the now retired Brigadier General Branimir Furlan is writing a book on military strategy. Hence, there will be more than enough opportunities for interesting military-related reading. The issues of our publication will contribute to this as well. In this issue, Pavel Vuk writes about the Evolution of the concept of strategy and its relating with the politics. He begins by explaining the historical aspect, when military leaders still consider the combat strategy to be a necessary concept, and gradually moves into the strategy as a way of shaping the public policy and reflecting the political will of the ruling elite. More on how successful countries are in implementing their strategies can be found in the article. Valerija Bernik writes about the Perspectives and challenges of Slovenian military education system. In her article, we learn a lot about the latest changes in the Slovenian Armed Forces in this regard. The author participated in the process of establishing the Higher Military Vocational School (NCO College) and acts as its Head. However, the establishment of the school is not the end, but the beginning of a new path and new opportunities for military education. In her article Activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces during the COVID-19 epidemic, Tanja Kremžar Kovač writes about the experiences of the Slovenian Armed Forces in these exceptional circumstances. The mission of international operations and missions continues despite the epidemic and the various restrictions on movement and travel bans. The armed forces must remain active and effective regardless of the various obstacles. Her article describes in detail how the Slovenian Armed Forces have managed to achieve this. Marjan Horvat focused on an ever-topical issue. Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces touches upon some new, as well as some already known topics. Leadership is an area that has never been sufficiently researched and which, despite continuous training and many years of practice, can never be mastered enough. Therefore, every effort dedicated to making progress in leadership is a good investment in every organization, especially in the Slovenian Armed Forces. The COVID-19 epidemic prevents us from properly commemorating the 30th anniversary of our country's independence this year, so we may do so on some other occasion. However, remembering important events and personalities is essential for a nation’s consciousness and patriotism. Jerica Pavšič and Zvezdan Markovič write about this in their article Forms of collective remembrance of General Maister, where they establish how we have been remembering this important figure, his actions and consequences that mainly reflect in the territorial integrity of our country.
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Alborova, Dina, Boris Koybaev, and Elena Galkina. "Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.11.
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Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.
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Jilkine, Vladimir Alekseevich. "Legal Basis for the Performance of International Obligations on Readmission in the Russian Federationand the Republic of Finla." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18481.
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Readmission agreements are international obligations affecting substantially the rights and freedoms of individuals and citizens. The increase in the number of victims of terrorist acts and the flow of migrants to Europe have revealed the urgent need to build a new migration policy common for the whole of Europe and to strengthen the counter- terrorism cooperation of intelligence services, including between Western countries and Russia, along with realization of international commitments on readmission. The act of signing the Readmission agreement as well as the executive protocol on the order of implementation of this agreement by the Russian Federation and the European Community has become a significant step in developing the mechanisms to counteract illegal migration. The sources used in the article include the fundamental legal documents in the sphere of securing human rights, the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Union directives, the national legislative acts of the Russian Federation and Finland, the readmission agreements and executive protocols. The article highlights the legal and conceptual aspects of the readmission institute and the relevant international agreements. The author has undertaken the analysis of the Russian and Finnish legislation on readmission, has suggested recommendations for further improvement of the regulatory legal and organizational framework in this area for efficient implementation of readmission agreements concluded by the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland, and at the same time, on the measures to respect human rights. Readmission, from the point of view of international practice, is only a technical mechanism used in realization of a decision to forcibly deport a foreign citizen or stateless person from the territory of a state. The world practice of combating illegal migration has shown high efficiency of readmission agreements making possible to deport migrants with unsettled legal status to the states of their citizenship or permanent residence within a limited time.
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Karpchuk, Nataliia. "European Union Security Policy: Historical Retrospection." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-01-14-22.
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The EU security policy is an inseparable part of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy elaborated within the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. Sucurity and defence issues are quite vulnerable for any state sovereignty that is why it took Member Statets rather long time to agree on principles, directions and priorities of their common security policy as well as on cooperation with the NATO. With the development of the European Community, in the sphere of security policy a number of structures were established and a number of principled documents were adopted. The article researches the evolution of the EU security policy influenced by external cgallenges and threats
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Fink-Hoozjer, Florika. "The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union." European Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (1994): 173–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.ejil.a035865.
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Fouwels, Martine. "The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and Human Rights." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 15, no. 3 (September 1997): 291–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405199701500303.
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The dispute between the European Union (EU) Member States which broke out over the EU resolution on human rights abuses in China during the 1997 session of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) in Geneva focused attention on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The present article offers a comprehensive review of the functioning of this institution in the field of the promotion and protection of human rights since the coming into force of the Treaty on European Union in November 1993. 1
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Koutrakos, Panos. "JUDICIAL REVIEW IN THE EU'S COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 67, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000380.
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AbstractThe EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was conceived of as an area ill-suited for full judicial review by the Court of Justice of the European Union. The Lisbon Treaty confers on the Court limited jurisdiction which the recent case law has interpreted in broad terms. This article will place this case law in the broader constitutional setting of the EU legal order and will provide a critical analysis of its implications for both the EU's and domestic courts. The analysis is structured on the basis of three main themes. The first is about the position of CFSP in the EU's constitutional architecture: the article will analyse the constitutional ambivalence that characterizes this position and how it is conveyed by the provisions of the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union governing the Court's jurisdiction. The second theme is about the recent case law, and the integrationist approach that the Court of Justice has adopted to the scope of its jurisdiction. The third theme is about national courts: the article will argue that recent case law has been too quick to dismiss them, and that primary law renders them an essential part of the judicial review system governing CFSP.