Academic literature on the topic 'Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries'

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Journal articles on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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Maryniv, Ivanna. "The European Union security policy." Law and innovations, no. 1 (29) (March 31, 2020): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-1(29)-13.

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Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.
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Adashys, Liudmyla, and Polina Trostianska. "The evolution of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 5, no. 5 (December 30, 2020): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-5-36-41.

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The article analyzes the stages of formation of the common foreign and security policy of the Eu-ropean Union. The main events and decisions of world leaders that influenced the formation of the general idea of the world community about the common foreign and security policy are considered. The paper focuses on the constant desire of the European community to agree on the creation of a single effective mechanism for a common foreign and security policy of the EU. Although, in the initial stages of integration, the countries of the «European six» failed to initiate integration in the defense and political spheres. Integration continued to develop in other areas, and European countries and their leaders took new steps to converge in the regulation of the common security policy. The positive and negative consequences of each step of the evolution and formation of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union, as well as the reaction of EU member states and other leading countries to them are highlighted. The current global events that have a significant impact on the mechanism of implementation of EU security policy are analyzed. The opinions of scientists and practitioners, European and world leaders on the implementation of common foreign and security policy are studied. It has been proved that Ukraine, as the leader of the Eastern Partnership, needs to improve its status, use security issues to work out joint decisions on a closer military partnership between it and the EU countries.
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Dr. Muhammad Tariq, Amjad Ali Khan, and Ejaz Khan. "An overview of the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union." sjesr 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss4-2020(394-399).

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The European Union comprises 27 countries that aim at carving out a separate foreign and security policy for their unification and singleness. The whole union is a symbol of unity and cohesiveness for which the theory of bargain provides the basic framework. This article focuses on the elements of the European Union's external policy, the principles and policy of the European Union, the foreign policy, security strategy, and the common foreign and security policy coupled with the defense strategy of the European Union. It also aims at describing the coherence and consensus of the EU on all important measures with particular reference to foreign and security policy and importance in the world as a global actor.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.

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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Definition and Typology of European Union Missions." Reality of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201911.

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In view of the contemporary challenges and threats, European Union’s efforts in the area of civil and military capacity building are extremely important. As an international organization having a high impact on third countries, the European Union plays a key role in conflict prevention and crisis response. In external governance EU has two sectoral policies at its disposal: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The CFSP is responsible for resolving conflicts and fostering international understanding using diplomacy and giving respect for international rules. The CSDP is responsible for carrying out civilian and military missions as well as for diffusing rules, which affect, in various respects, the improvement of security management in third countries through their incorporation. By adopting today’s global approach, both military and civilian, to crisis management and continuing to strengthen its capacity for action and analytical tools, the European Union is becoming a major security vector at international level, and its Common Security and Defense Policy expeditionary missions are the tangible proof.
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Tikhova, VLADLENA V. "DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (1945-1992)." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-1-58-3-12.

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Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.
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Timakova, O. A. "Roadmap for Stronger Security and Defence of Europe: EU “Strategic Compass” Implementation Prospects." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 3, 2022): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-151-167.

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The European Union continues to develop the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Adopted in March 2022, the EU’s “Strategic Compass for Security and Defense” in the next decade should become a roadmap for the development of the EU’s ambitions, stated in the 2003 and 2016 EU Strategies. The Strategic Compass offers a list of measures to strengthen the defense component in EU policy. They are concentrated in four main areas: crisis management, resilience, capacity building and partnerships. A significant innovation is the proposal to apply the qualified majority voting procedure on certain issues of foreign policy, security and defense policy. As part of the new EU Strategy, it is proposed to create a group of Rapid deployment forces and increase investment in the defense sector. The innovation will also be the holding of EU exercises and the EU Security and Defense Partnership Forum. Specific action plans for the announced initiatives should be developed by the end of 2022, and their implementation is scheduled for 2030. The Strategic Compass was perceived ambiguously — the key points of criticism are the inability of the Union to ensure its own strategic autonomy. In the context of the changed geopolitical situation in Europe, which coincided with the publication of the new Strategy, the EU countries continued to follow the lead of US policy. The emphasis in Compass on the complementarity of the foreign and security and defense policy of the EU in relation to the Alliance confirms that the countries of Europe will tend to rely on the usual institutions of NATO as opposed to the creation of new structures of the European Union. In addition, significant disagreements in the perception of threats by EU member states, as well as the general amorphousness of the Union’s foreign policy initiatives, remain a problem. It is likely that a significant breakthrough in the creation of effective institutions of European foreign policy, security and defense policy will not be achieved, but the acquisition of new powers by the European Commission will strengthen supranational control over the policies of EU member states in these areas.
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Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.

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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.

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The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.

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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.

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This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
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Kaya, Taylan Ozgur. "The Common Foreign And Security Policy: The European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605077/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.
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Melis, Demetrios George. "The executive role of the European Commission in the external relations of the European Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323863.

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Pomorska, Karolina. "Poland and the common foreign and security policy of the European Union : from adaptation to Europeanisation?" Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8029.

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Practitioners and academics clearly established that participation in the EU system of foreign policy-making transforms national foreign policies. Whilst there have been detailed studies of the impact of participation in EU foreign policy on the original fifteen member states there are, as yet, few academic studies that have thoroughly investigated the impact of progressive integration in the area of EU foreign and security policy on the new (i.e. those who joined since 2004) member states. This thesis aims to address this deficit by focusing on the impact of Poland's participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines the processes of 'downloading', as it is argued here that involvement in CFSP has had a direct effect on both the procedures of foreign policy-making in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and, on the substance of Polish foreign policy as well as the impact of 'uploading' from member states to the EU level and 'crossloading' between EU member states. The thesis addresses the relevant conceptual issues and provides an outline of the academic debate regarding Europeanisation and foreign policy. It identifies three mechanisms that are responsible for change: conditionality, socialisation and learning. It suggests that a member state first adapts its national foreign policy to bring it in line with the EU's acquis politique and introduces basic changes in its institutional procedures in order to effectively participate in the EU's CFSP. Only later, does socialisation and learning result in changes to how national foreign policy is made, which then facilitates both changes to the substance of national policy and the uploading of national preferences to the EU level. A two-phase model of change is introduced which identifies April 2003, when Poland first became an active observer within the EU, as the date when Europeanisation began. The thesis provides a brief explanation of the transformation of Polish foreign policy after 1989, in order to provide contextual background for the four substantive chapters which follow: one procedural on the changes in the Polish MFA and three related to policy substance. The latter three chapters examine the Europeanisation of policy towards Poland's East European neighbours in general and policies towards Ukraine and Belarus in particular. The thesis concludes with a set of methodological and conceptual observations followed by analysis of the empirical findings.
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De, Witt Douglas L. "Polish foreign and security policy : dilemmas of multi-national integration and alliance cohesion, 1989-2005." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDeWitt.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, John Leslie. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available online.
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Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.

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Schickler, Bonnie. "The relationship between the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Balkans." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1138.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Panagopoulos, Ilias. "Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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Jonsson, Tim. "Towards a Common Identity? : A qualitative case study on the European Union's motivations for the 'Common Foreign and Security Policy'." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384004.

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The purpose and main thesis of this study is to analyze the motivations for the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over time. By examining annual reports from the Office of the High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the CFSP, ranging from 2009-2017, the aim is to investigate whether the EUs increased security cooperation is motivated by arguments expressing a common European identity, or by arguments supporting pragmatic cooperation between member states. Theoretically, this study relies on the perspectives Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism to interpret the results and to contribute to the research fields of international relations and in particular European Union studies. Hypothetically, the reports were expected to either favor common identity arguments or pragmatic arguments over a course of time. The results show there was no clear change in motivation in either direction. In conclusion, no empirical evidence of further EU integration was discovered. Ideas of future research and the implications of the result are discussed at the close of the study.
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Books on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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Becker-Alon, Shira. The communitarian dimension of the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2011.

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Reinhardt, Rummel, ed. Toward political union: Planning a common foreign and security policy in the European Community. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

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Spence, Arnhild. Enlargement of the European Union: A step towards a common foreign and security policy. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 1994.

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Leo, Dreapir, ed. New Europe, new century, old imperialism: EU common foreign and security policy. Merseyside [England]: Campaign Against Euro-Federalism, 2000.

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The High Representative for the EU foreign and security policy: Review and prospects. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2011.

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Cameron, Fraser. The foreign and security policy of the European Union: Past, present and future. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999.

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David, Allen. The common foreign and security policy of the European Union. Harlow: Longman UK, 2000.

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A, Eliassen Kjell, ed. Foreign and security policy in the European Union. London: SAGE Publications, 1998.

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Wessel, Ramses A. The European Union's foreign and security policy: A legal institutional perspective. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1999.

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Centre, Conservative Political. The common foreign and security policy of the European Union: A report to the Foreign Secretary. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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Guyomarch, Alain, Howard Machin, and Ella Ritchie. "Common Foreign and Security Policy." In France in the European Union, 104–28. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26584-8_5.

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Holland, Martin. "The Common Foreign and Security Policy." In Developments in the European Union, 230–46. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27572-4_12.

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Peterson, John, and Elizabeth Bomberg. "The Common Foreign and Security Policy." In Decision-Making in the European Union, 228–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27507-6_10.

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Bickerton, Christopher J. "The Politics of Performance: ‘Turf Wars’ in Common Security and Defence Policy." In European Union Foreign Policy, 57–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302020_4.

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Strömvik, Maria. "Towards a Common Foreign and Security Policy." In How Unified Is the European Union?, 27–42. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-95855-0_3.

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Keukeleire, Stephan, and Tom Delreux. "The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)." In The Foreign Policy of the European Union, 156–71. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02576-0_8.

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Miskimmon, Alister. "Foreign and Security Policy in Austerity Europe: Budgetary Aspects of the Development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and Common Security and Defence Policy." In European Union Budget Reform, 151–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137004987_8.

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Keukeleire, Stephan, and Tom Delreux. "The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)." In The Foreign Policy of the European Union, 172–96. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02576-0_9.

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Youngs, Richard. "Foreign Policy and Energy Security: Markets, Pipelines, and Politics." In Toward a Common European Union Energy Policy, 41–60. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119819_3.

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Miskimmon, Alister. "Reforming the Common Foreign and Security Policy." In Germany and the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, 63–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591523_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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BUDZYŃSKA, Aleksandra. "THE ROLE OF DIPLOMACY IN THE COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of "Henri Coanda" Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2022.23.7.

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The aim of this article is to characterise the importance of diplomacy in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. In connection with such a defined objective the following research problems have also been formulated: 1) What is the genesis and meaning of the term diplomacy? 2) What is the significance and influence of diplomacy in the European Union?3) What is the European External Action Service and what significance does it have in in diplomacy? 4) What impact does the Common Foreign and Security Policy have on the European Union's integration service? The answers to the above questions clearly outline the importance of diplomacy in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. European Union. From the outset, it has influenced the European Union's action on the international stage, particularly at foreign policy level and in the operation of the European External Action Service. The effects of the diplomatic steps taken can be seen, for example, in the cooperation undertaken with the European Union's most important partners in the world. The method of analysis, synthesis and inference has been used to realise this aim and answer the research problems.
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Gabajova, Martina. "POPULISM AS A TOOL IN CREATION OF COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY OF EUROPEAN UNION." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.031.

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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Kot-Niewiadomska, Alicja, Krzysztof Galos, and Katarzyna Guzik. "SAFEGUARDING OF MINERAL DEPOSITS AS THE BASIS OF EUROPEAN UNION RAW MATERIALS SECURITY IN THE ERA OF UNSTABLE GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s03.046.

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The economic results of many dynamically developing European countries largely depend on the availability of mineral raw materials. For this reason, securing their supplies from import must be supported by a committed foreign policy as well as a sustainable raw materials policy in the field of their obtaining from domestic sources, both from mineral deposits, as well as secondary and waste sources. Raw material security must be based on the diversification of supply sources and minimizing supply risks. The results of analyses show that the European Union relies heavily on imported raw materials, especially in industries recognized as strategic (renewable Energy - wind & PV; grids, Li-ion batteries (LIB), electric vehicles (EVs), Robotics and defense). Moreover, most of the import sources are countries with high or very high risk of supply. Recently, these risks are higher due to unstable political situation in Eastern Europe. Taking into account above, the European Union should consider the possibility of further development of its own mining industry, based on its own resources. The raw material potential of European countries is significant, but recently problems related to the possibility of launching new mining projects have been increasing. Social, environmental and spatial conditions play a decisive role. In this context, particular attention should be paid to the properly implemented policy of mineral deposits safeguarding which provides access to primary sources of raw materials (deposits), thus reducing dependence from unstable import sources.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Reports on the topic "Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries"

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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