Academic literature on the topic 'Committee for the Defence of the Revolution (Ghana)'

The Bank of Ghana (BoG) joined the Basel Consultative Group (BCG) of the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS) in 2021 and is proceeding with the implementation of the Basel III international regulatory framework for Ghanaian banks. The purpose of this study was to assess the perceived relationship between risk culture and aspects of operational risk management among Ghanaian banks. This study followed a positivist paradigm and made use of a survey among the risk management staff members of Ghanaian banks. The data were analysed using both descriptive and inferential statistics, such as the Mann–Whitney U test and a multiple regression model. This study found significant perceived relationships (at the 5% level of significance) between risk culture and monitoring and reporting procedures, the three lines of defence (3LOD), compliance, internal auditing, disclosure of operational risk information, and guidance from the banking regulator. The respondents reported the following challenges with their banks’ risk culture (in order of priority): training and development, communication, reporting and disclosure, roles and responsibilities, performance appraisal, and technological and environmental barriers. Recommendations for addressing these challenges are provided.

This article reviews the first twelve months of the civil disobedience movement in Myanmar following the 1 February 2021 coup d’état and its many dynamics and manifestations. Myanmar’s ‘Spring Revolution’ generated a shared sense of national unity—overcoming gender, ethnic, religious and class boundaries, but raising questions about the long-term sustainability of nonviolent civil resistance in a state where the military has for decades wielded political and economic power. Since the coup, Myanmar has been in turmoil, paralysed by instability which escalated after the military’s deadly crackdown on pro-democracy activists. The article charts the growth of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), its multiple methods of strategic resistance and non-cooperation, and the radicalisation of the resistance agenda. It analyses the formation of the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the creation of the interim National Unity Government (NUG), the founding of the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and the inauguration of the People’s Defence Force (PDF). It examines the implications for Myanmar when the crisis reached a more complex phase after the military’s open use of force and terror on the broader civilian population prompted the NUG to declare war on the junta, and to urge ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and newly formed anti-junta civilian militias (PDF) to attack the State Administration Council (SAC) as a terrorist organisation. The NUG now opposes the military junta by strategic and peaceful non-cooperation, armed resistance, and international diplomacy. This paper considers whether the predominantly nonviolent civil resistance movement’s struggle for federal democracy and inclusive governance is laying the foundations for eventual transition to a fully democratic future or whether the cycles of violence will continue as the military continues to control power by using intimidation and fear. It notes that the coup has destroyed the economy and expanded Myanmar’s human rights and humanitarian crises but has also provided the opportunity for Myanmar’s people to explore diverse visions of a free, federal, democratic and accountable Myanmar. It finally examines the possibilities for future peaceful nation building, reconciliation, and the healing of the trauma of civil war.

Ewolucja ideowa polskiej inteligencji opozycyjnej w latach 1968-1981
Rozprawa poświęcona jest szczegółowej analizie ewolucji ideowej głównego nurtu polskiej inteligencji opozycyjnej w okresie między Marcem ’68 a końcem rewolucji „Solidarności” (13 grudnia 1981 roku). Przed 1968 rokiem środowisko skupione wokół Jacka Kuronia i Karola Modzelewskiego reprezentowało najbardziej radykalny nurt popaździernikowego, marksistowskiego rewizjonizmu. Na skutek wydarzeń marcowych dotychczasowa tożsamość polityczna tej lewicowej grupy uległa nagłemu rozpadowi. Dla jej czołowych przedstawicieli rozpoczął się okres ideowych przewartościowań i poszukiwań. Jego skutkiem było przede wszystkim definitywne odejście od marksizmu, ale także wyraźne otwarcie na tradycję narodową oraz katolicyzm. Opozycyjna lewica przestała myśleć w kategoriach interesów i konfliktów klasowych, czego nie zmienił nawet wielki bunt na Wybrzeżu z lat 1970-1971. W drugiej połowie dekady w centrum jej dyskursu znalazło się pojęcie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego (przeciwstawianego „totalitarnej” władzy). W Sierpniu ’80 klasa robotnicza samodzielnie dała sygnał do wybuchu rewolucji społecznej. Najważniejsi przedstawiciele lewicy szybko włączyli się w ruch „Solidarności” – działając przede wszystkim w charakterze jej doradców czy ekspertów. Ich stosunek do rewolucyjnych przeobrażeń z lat 1980-1981, dokonujących się przede wszystkim pod presją radykalizującej się klasy robotniczej, pozostawał jednak ambiwalentny.
The primary aim of the dissertation is to analyse the ideological evolution of the main current of the Polish opposition intelligentsia between the events of March ’68 and the end of the revolution of Solidarnosc (1980-1981). Before 1968, the circle centred around Jacek Kuron and Karol Modzelewski represented the most radical current of Marxist revisionism. As a result of the March events, the political identity of this left-wing group suddenly disintegrated and, in case of its prominent representative, this meant the beginning of ideological transformations and explorations. They certainly resigned from treating Marxism as a useful set of theoretical tools that could help contemplation of the further practices of resistance; they opened up to the Polish national tradition, to Catholicism, and they stopped thinking in terms of class interests and conflicts. What is particularly striking is that this remained unchanged even after the great unrest of coastal workers in 1970-1971. In the second half of the decade, at the very centre of their discourse, the notion of civil society occurred (usually discursively opposed to the “totalitarian” regime). In August 1980, the working class spontaneously began the great social revolution. The most important representatives of the opposition left quickly became involved in the movement of Solidarnosc (as its advisors or experts). Nevertheless, in 1980-1981, their attitude toward the revolutionary transformation that took place, mainly under pressure from the ever more radical Polish working class, was mostly ambivalent.

Abstract The central purpose of the Terror was to institute the emergency and draconian measures necessary at a time of military crisis. By the end of 1793, the threat of civil war and invasion had at least been countered. However, decrees were passed by the Convention and Committee of Public Safety which went well beyond national defence and revealed a Jacobin vision of a regenerated society worthy of the grandeur of the Enlightenment and the Revolution. This was to be created, for example, by a secular and republican education system and a national programme of social welfare.

Abstract The navy had a vital role to play in the defence of the Commonwealth, but it was not in a healthy state when the republic was first established. The second Civil War and the execution of the king had, as has been seen, alienated many captains and crews. In addition to those who openly declared for Charles II and joined Prince Rupert, many others, while stopping short of changing sides, felt a strong dislike for the New Model Army and for sectaries and radicals in general. Warwick, the Lord Admiral, had been openly opposed to the king’s trial and the abolition of the Lords; moreover he was 61, old for his age and in poor health. He had to be removed, but it was scarcely less necessary to get rid of the excessive personal authority and patronage that attached to his office. The navy needed to be brought more closely under the control of parliament and the council, so before discharging Warwick the Rump enlarged the powers of its Navy Committee. It dealt with Warwick simply by repealing, in February 1649, the act that had appointed him Lord Admiral, and then leaving that office in abeyance. The actual command of the fleet was entrusted jointly to three Generals at Sea, Robert Blake, Richard Deane, and Edward Popham, all former army colonels. Warwick had served the parliament well in his time and he suffered no disgrace, though he was unable to save his brother Holland, who had fought for the king in 1648, from execution. Warwick withdrew from public life for some years, but he was to support Cromwell as Lord Protector. He carried the sword at his second investiture in 1657, and a grandson of his was to marry Cromwell’s youngest daughter.