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1

Broome, Richard. "Columbanus: Life and Legacy." Peritia 31 (January 2020): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.124479.

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Flechner, Roy. "Dagán, Columbanus, and the Gregorian mission." Peritia 19 (January 2005): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.570.

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Lapidge, Michael. "Columbanus and the Antiphonary of Bangor." Peritia 4 (January 1985): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.99.

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4

Stanton, Robert. "Columbanus, Letter 1: Translation and Commentary." Journal of Medieval Latin 03 (January 1993): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.303995.

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5

Leso, Tommaso. "Columbanus in Europe: the evidence from theEpistulae." Early Medieval Europe 21, no. 4 (October 10, 2013): 358–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12023.

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6

O’Hara, Alexander. "Columbanus and Jonas of Bobbio: New Textual Witnesses." Peritia 22-23 (January 2011): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.1.103286.

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7

Heath, Christopher. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe." Al-Masāq 31, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1662600.

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8

Aist, Rodney. "Pilgrimage In The Celtic Christian Tradition." Perichoresis 15, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2017-0001.

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Abstract This papers explores the diversity of pilgrim expressions in the Celtic Christian sources, focusing largely upon scriptural and theological images-namely, the image of Jerusalem, the example of Abraham, and journey as a metaphor for the earthly life. Discussion on Celtic interest in Jerusalem will focus on the text, De locis sanctis, by Adomnán of Iona (d. 704). Central to Abrahamic pilgrimage is the ideal of being a stranger, foreigner, exile and alien in the world. Columbanus (d. 615) and Columba (d. 597) are both described as pilgrims in the tradition of Abraham. The life of Patrick raises the question of the relationship between Abrahamic pilgrimage and the missionary life. The phenomenon of the seafaring monks, most famously St Brendan, will also be discussed through the lens of Abraham, while the corresponding text, The Voyage of St Brendan, will lead to a short discussion of liturgy as a form of pilgrimage. Finally, the lifelong journey of the Christian life-expressed through the metaphors of road and journey in the writings of Columbanus-will be discussed.
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9

Bracken, Damian. "Authority and duty: Columbanus and the primacy of Rome." Peritia 16 (January 2002): 168–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.486.

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10

O’Hara, Alexander. "Columbanus ad Locum: The Establishment of the Monastic Foundations." Peritia 26 (January 2015): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.108318.

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11

Bray, Dorothy Ann. "MICHAEL LAPIDGE, ed. Columbanus: Studies on the Latin Writings." Journal of Medieval Latin 09 (January 1999): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304123.

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12

GRAY, PATRICK T. R., and MICHAEL W. HERREN. "COLUMBANUS AND THE THREE CHAPTERS CONTROVERSY—A NEW APPROACH." Journal of Theological Studies 45, no. 1 (1994): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/45.1.160.

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13

Marron, Emmet. "The communities of St Columbanus: Irish monasteries on the continent?" Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature 118C, no. 1 (2018): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ria.2018.0005.

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14

Dunn, Marilyn. "Columbanus, charisma and the revolt of the monks of Bobbio." Peritia 20 (January 2008): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.624.

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15

Biggs, F. M. "A Further Quotation of Columbanus in Alchfrid's Letter to Hyglac." Notes and Queries 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjj106.

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16

Emmet Marron. "The communities of St Columbanus: Irish monasteries on the continent?" Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature 118C (2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/priac.2018.118.06.

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17

Coombe, Margaret. "Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus, by Alexander O’Hara." English Historical Review 135, no. 573 (April 2020): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa038.

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18

Balzaretti, Ross. "Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The Abiding Legacy of Columbanus." Catholic Historical Review 96, no. 1 (2010): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0603.

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19

Wadden, Patrick. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe, ed. Alexander O’Hara." English Historical Review 135, no. 572 (December 12, 2019): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez388.

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20

Hart, Timothy C. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe ed. by Alexander O'Hara." Journal of Late Antiquity 13, no. 2 (2020): 453–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2020.0031.

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21

Bisagni, Jacopo. "A New Citation from a Work of Columbanus in BnF lat. 6400b." Peritia 24-25 (January 2014): 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.102742.

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22

Wooding, Jonathan. "Carol Richards: Columbanus: Poet, Preacher, Statesman, Saint. Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2010; pp. 217." Journal of Religious History 40, no. 1 (March 2016): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12284.

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23

Weis, William V. "Bobbio after Columbanus: Jonas of Bobbio's Hagiography and the Conflict over Spiritual Authority." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 53, no. 1 (2022): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2022.0000.

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24

Fiaich, Tomás Ó. "Irish Monks in Germany in the Late Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008603.

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Everyone has some acquaintance with the Irish missionaries and scholars who from the sixth until the ninth century abandoned their homeland to go on a peregrinata pro Christi nomine and left a lasting imprint on the history of many countries in Western Europe. They included St Columba of Iona, Apostle of Scotland († 597), St Aidan of Lindisfarne, Aposde of Northern England († 651), St Columbanus of Luxeuil and Bobbio († 615), St Gall, after whom Sankt Gallen in Switzerland is named († c. 630), St Fursey († 650) and St Fiachra († 670) of northeast France, St Feuillen († 652) of Belgium, St Kilian and his companions of Würzburg († 689), St Fergal or Virgilius of Salzburg († 784), whose twelfth centenary was celebrated four years ago, and several others.
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25

O'HARA, ALEXANDER. "Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The Abiding Legacy of Columbanus - By Michael Richter." Early Medieval Europe 17, no. 4 (October 20, 2009): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2009.00286_9.x.

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26

McKee, Eamonn. "Church-state relations and the development of Irish health policy: the mother-and-child scheme, 1944–53." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 98 (November 1986): 159–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140002647x.

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The singularity of the apparent clash of church and state in 1951 and its easy resolution in 1953 should alert us to the dangers of accepting the perception of events as the reality This paper attempts to explain the complexity of factors that gave rise to the appearance of conflict. The evolution of health policy, the relationship of de Valera and Archbishop McQuaid, the intricate politicking of the first inter-party government, the role of the Knights of St Columbanus, the lobbying of the Private Practitioners’ Group of the Irish Medical Association and the medical profession’s influence with the catholic church and the Irish government — these are some of the factors entangled in the controversy The crisis of 1951, however, provides the touchstone by which one can judge the relevance of any record, and the reader should bear; in mind that the confusion of influences covered here relates ultimately to the illusion of conflict. We must go back to the seminal period, the Emergency — the period of the Second World War — to begin to unravel perception from reality
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27

Hermans, Erik. "Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus: Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century by Alexander O'Hara." Journal of Late Antiquity 12, no. 2 (2019): 560–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2019.0030.

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28

VANDERPUTTEN, STEVEN. "‘COLUMBANUS WORE A SINGLE COWL, NOT A DOUBLE ONE’: THE VITA DEICOLI AND THE LEGACY OF COLUMBANIAN MONASTICISM AT THE TURN OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM." Traditio 76 (2021): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2021.10.

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This article analyses the Life of St. Deicolus of Lure, a monastery in the Alsace region of east France, written by the cleric Theodoric in the 970s or 980s. It argues that the text contains a notable amount of information on the existence, methodology, and limitations of an ill-understood aspect of monastic integration around the year 1000. Relying on an analysis of the narrative's second prologue as well as scattered comments elsewhere in the text, it reconstructs three phenomena. The first is attempts to (re-)establish a Luxeuil-centered imagined community of institutions with a shared Columbanian legacy through the creation and circulation of hagiographic narratives. A second is the co-creation across institutional boundaries of texts and manuscripts that were designed to facilitate these integration attempts. And the third phenomenon is the limits of this integration effort, which did not tempt those involved to propose the establishment of a distinct ‘neo-Columbanian’ observance. As such, the Life represents an attempt to reconcile the legacy of Columbanus and his real or alleged followers as celebrated at late tenth-century Luxeuil and Lure with a contemporary understanding of reformed Benedictine identity.
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29

Williard, Hope. "Wood, Ian, and Alexander O’Hara, Jonas of Bobbio: Life of Columbanus, Life of John of Réomé, and Life of Vedast." History: Reviews of New Books 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2021.1854077.

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30

Cedro, Carlo. "Columbanus and Gennadius: Easter Lunar Limits in the Letter to Gregory i Copied from the Liber Ecclesiasticorum Dogmatum." Peritia 32 (January 2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.127814.

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31

Malinky, John M. "Ordovician and Silurian hyoliths and gastropods reassigned from the Hyolitha from the Girvan district, Scotland." Journal of Paleontology 77, no. 4 (July 2003): 625–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000044383.

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Re-examination of type material of the hyolithids Hyolithes ardmillanensis Reed, 1909 from the lower Caradoc and H. candidus Reed, 1909 from the lower Ashgill suggests that these species are representatives of the genus Leolites Marek, 1967 to which they are referred with question. Hyolithes subcrispatus Reed, 1909 from the upper Ashgill, and H. sylvestris Reed, 1909 from the lower Llandovery are referred tentatively to Recilites Marek, 1967. These are the first occurrences of these genera outside of Bohemia, and the stratigraphic range of Recilites is extended considerably if H. sylvestris is in fact a representative of that genus. The orthothecid Hyolithes (Orthotheca) thraivensis Reed, 1909 from the upper Ashgill is now referred to the new genus Girvanolithes, to which the Caradocian H. (O.) subexcavatus Reed, 1909 is assigned with question. Girvanolithes thraivensis is exceptional because it is one of a small number of orthothecid species for which intestinal remains are known; equally remarkable is the fact that three such specimens were found, and these are the only hyolith intestines ever reported from Britain. The hyolithid species H. asteroideus Reed, 1909, H. columbanus Reed, 1909, H. girvanensis Reed, 1909, H. immemor Reed, 1909, H. multipunctatus Reed, 1909 and H. penkillensis Reed, 1909, and the orthothecid Hyolithes (Orthotheca) subornatus Reed, 1909 are here deemed unrecognizable owing to incomplete preservation. Ceratotheca? subuncata is reassigned to the gastropod genus Ecculiomphalus Portlock, 1843 with question.
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32

Cróinín, Dáibhí Ó. "Bobbio in the early Middle Ages: the abiding legacy of Columbanus. By Michael Richter. Pp 211, illus. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 2008. €55." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 145 (May 2010): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000109.

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33

Ireland, Colin A. "Where Was King Aldfrith of Northumbria Educated? An Exploration of Seventh-Century Insular Learning." Traditio 70 (2015): 29–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012332.

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The superior learning of King Aldfrith of Northumbria (685–704) was acknowledged in both Anglo-Saxon and Gaelic contemporary sources by such renowned scholars as Bede of Wearmouth-Jarrow, Aldhelm of Malmesbury, Adomnán of Iona, Stephen of Ripon, and Alcuin of York. Both Aldhelm and Adomnán knew him personally, and texts composed by these two scholars and presented to Aldfrith help delineate the breadth of his educational background. He was educated among the Gaels, and their records described him assapiens. By examining texts of other seventh-century Gaelicsapientes, and the comments of Aldhelm and Bede about Gaelic intellectual life and educational opportunities, we can expand our purview of the scope of his education. The nature of seventh-century schooling was peripatetic, and Aldfrith's dual heritage requires a broad search for locations. Many scholars accept Iona as the likely source of his learned background, but this essay will argue that, among other likely locations in Britain and Ireland, Bangor in Northern Ireland is best supported by surviving evidence. His benign reign is placed at the end of the first century of the Anglo-Saxon conversion, but his education benefited the kingdom of Northumbria through generations of Gaelic scholarship, as exemplified byperegrinisuch as Columba and Columbanus, andsapienteslike Laidcenn mac Baíth, Cummíne of Clonfert, Ailerán of Clonard, Cenn Fáelad mac Ailello, and Banbán of Kildare. Aldfrith's rule ushered in a period of cultural florescence in Northumbria that saw the first hagiography and earliest illuminated manuscripts produced in Anglo-Saxon England and that culminated in the extensive library authored by Bede (d. 735).
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34

Carella, Kristen. "Alexander O’Hara, ed., Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe. (Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity.) Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xx, 320; 4 maps. $85. ISBN: 978-0-1908-5796-7.Table of contents available online at https://global.oup.com/academic/product/columbanus-and-the-peoples-of-post-roman-europe-9780190857967." Speculum 95, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708196.

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35

Helvétius, Anne-Marie. "Jonas of Bobbio, Life of Columbanus, Life of John of Réomé, and Life of Vedast, trans. with introduction and commentary by Alexander O’Hara and Ian Wood." Journal of Medieval Monastic Studies 8 (January 2019): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jmms.5.117970.

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36

Ristuccia, Nathan J. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe. Edited by Alexander O'Hara. Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. xxiv + 320 pp. $90.00 cloth." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000748.

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37

Kynast, Birgit. "Alexander O’Hara, Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus. Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century. (Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity.) Oxford, Oxford University Press 2018." Historische Zeitschrift 310, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1028.

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38

Wood, Ian. "Michael Richter, Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The Abiding Legacy of Columbanus. Four Courts Press: Dublin, 2008. 232 pp. €55 hardback. ISBN 978 1 84682 103 5." Innes Review 63, no. 1 (May 2012): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2012.0034.

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39

Herren, Michael W. "Columbanus. Studies on the Latin writings. Edited by Michael Lapidge. (Studies in Celtic History, 17.) Pp. x+317. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. £49.50. 0 85115 667 3; 0261 9865." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 2 (April 1998): 329–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997295837.

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40

Lin, Sihong. "Alexander O'Hara: Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus: Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century . Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018; pp. xv + 322." Journal of Religious History 44, no. 2 (April 4, 2020): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12654.

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41

Cramp, Rosemary. "Book reviews - Michael Richter. Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: the abiding legacy of Columbanus. 212 pages, 12 figures. 2008. Dublin: Four Courts; 978-1-84682-103-5 hardback €55." Antiquity 85, no. 330 (November 2011): 1496–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00062347.

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42

Mattingly, Todd Matthew. "Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus: Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century. By AlexanderO'Hara. Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. 2018. xvi + 320 pp. £55. ISBN 9780190858001.Columbanus and the Peoples of Post‐Roman Europe. Edited by AlexanderO'Hara. Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. 2018. xxiv + 344 pp. £55. ISBN 9780190857967." Early Medieval Europe 28, no. 2 (May 2020): 322–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12402.

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43

Wood, Ian. "Columbanus's journeys." Antiquité Tardive 24 (January 2016): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.112626.

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44

Claussen, M. A. "Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus: Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century. By Alexander O'Hara. Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. xv + 322 pp. $85.00 hardcover." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 425–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964072000075x.

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45

Grigg, Julianna. "Psalm 44 and the Pictish king." Innes Review 64, no. 2 (November 2013): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2013.0054.

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Adomnán's Vita S. Columbae narrates a series of miracles relating to Columba's visit to the Pictish king. One such tale describes Columba's psalmody outside the Pictish king's fort, where the saint's thundering oration reduces the Picts to terror. An anomalous aspect of this miracle-tale is Columba's selection of Psalm 44; a psalm of laudation to a king on his marriage. It is proposed that the inclusion of this psalm points to an exegetical interpretation that argues against a simple reading of Pictish conversion and, instead, reveals the operation of Adomnán's diplomacy and clerical notions of ‘just’ kingship.
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46

Kastelik, Justyna. "Beda Czcigodny o klasztorach mieszanych na Wyspach Brytyjskich (Historia Ecclesiastica, III–IV w.)." Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (January 4, 2023): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4022.

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The system of double monasteries, or monasteries for both men and women, is as old as that of Christian monasticism itself. The double monastery in its simplest form was that organization said to have been founded in the fourth century by St. Pachomius, an Egyptian monk. This settlement soon became a proper nunnery under the control of the superior of the monks, who delegated elderly men to care for its discipline. Through the ages, double monasteries comprising communities of both men and women dwelling in contiguous establishments, united under the rule of one superior, and using one church in common for their liturgical offices. It’s cannot be stated with any certainty when the system found its way into the West. At the opening of the sixth century, double monasteries existed in Gaul. St. Caesarius of Arles persuaded his sister Caesaria to join him at Arles, to preside over the women who had gathered there to live in monastery under his guidance. Later the system of double monasteries in Gaul was widely propagated by St. Columbanus and his followers. The double monasteries seem always to have flourished wherever the fervor of the Irish missionaries penetrated. In a short time, British Isles were became covered with similar dual establishments, of which Whitby, Coldingham, Ely, Sheppey, Minster, Wimborne, Barking and Kildare are prominent examples. Abbesses ruled these houses.Bede Venerabilis in his work Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, gives much information about double monasteries and the most famous abbesses. Princesses, royal widows, sometimes reigning queens, began to found monasteries, where they lived on terms of equality with the daughters of ceorls and peasants. Bede writes that from the beginning of Christianity in England, the women, and particularly these royal women, were as active and persevering in furthering the Faith, as their men. Hild from Whitby, Aethelthryth (Etheldreda) from Ely, Aethelburh (Ethelburga) from Barking are the most luminous examples of powerful abbesses. A system of double monasteries was always an object of solicitude and strict legislation at the hands of ecclesiastical authority. Many synodal and conciliar decrees recognized its dangers, and ordered the strictest surveillance of all communications passing between monks and nuns. The Norman invasions of the eight and ninth centuries destroyed the double monasteries of British Isles and, when they were restored, it was for one sex only, instead of for a dual community.
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47

Stewart, Helen. "Columbans on Mission: Stories by Columban priests, sisters, lay missionaries and the lay men and women with whom they work, compiled by Peter Woodruff." Mission Studies 37, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341703.

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48

Melia, Daniel F. "Michael Richter, Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The Abiding Legacy of Columbanus. Dublin and Portland, Oreg.: Four Courts Press, 2008. Pp. 211 plus 6 black-and-white plates; 6 black-and-white figures. $65." Speculum 85, no. 1 (January 2010): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713409990546.

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49

Woodman, D. A. "Bobbio in the early Middle Ages. The abiding legacy of Columbanus. By Michel Richter. Pp. 211 incl. 6 figs+6 black-and-white plates. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008. £45. 978 1 84682 103 5." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 04 (October 2009): 773. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909990704.

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50

Kursawa, Wilhelm. "Sin as an Ailment of Soul and Repentance as the Process of Its Healing. The Pastoral Concept of Penitentials as a Way of Dealing with Sin, Repentance, and Forgiveness in the Insular Church of the Sixth to the Eighth Centuries." Perichoresis 15, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2017-0002.

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Abstract Although the advent of the Kingdom of God in Jesus contains as an intrinsic quality the opportunity for repentance (metanoia) as often as required, the Church of the first five-hundred years shows serious difficulties with the opportunity of conversion after a relapse in sinning after baptism. The Church allowed only one chance of repentance. Requirement for the reconciliation were a public confession and the acceptance of severe penances, especially after committing the mortal sin of apostasy, fornication or murder. As severe as this paenitentia canonica appears, its entire conception especially in the eastern part of the Church, the Oriental Church, is a remedial one: sin represents an ailment of the soul, the one, who received the confession, is called upon to meet the confessing person as a spiritual physician or soul-friend. Penance does not mean punishment, but healing like a salutary remedy. Nevertheless, the lack of privacy led to the unwanted practice of postponing repentance and even baptism on the deathbed. An alternative procedure of repentance arose from the sixth century onwards in the Irish Church as well as the Continental Church under the influence of Irish missionaries and the South-West-British and later the English Church (Insular Church). In treatises about repentance, called penitentials, ecclesiastical authorities of the sixth to the eight centuries wrote down regulations, how to deal with the different capital sins and minor trespasses committed by monks, clerics and laypeople. Church-representatives like Finnian, Columbanus, the anonymous author of the Ambrosianum, Cummean and Theodore developed a new conception of repentance that protected privacy and guaranteed a discrete, an affordable as well as a predictable penance, the paenitentia privata. They not only connected to the therapeutic aspect of repentance in the Oriental Church by adopting basic ideas of Basil of Caesarea and John Cassian, they also established an astonishing network in using their mutual interrelations. Here the earlier penitentials served as source for the later ones. But it is remarkable that the authors in no way appeared as simple copyists, but also as creative revisers, who took regard of the pastoral necessities of the entrusted flock. They appeared as engaged in the goal to improve their ecclesiastical as well as their civil life-circumstances to make it possible that the penitents of the different ecclesiastical estates could perform their conversion and become reconciled in a dignified way. The aim of the authors was to enable the confessors to do the healing dialogue qualitatively in a high standard; quantity was not their goal. The penitents should feel themselves healed, not punished.
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