Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial wealth extraction'
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1
Ricupero, Rodrigo. "A valorização da terra ou extração de riquezas: o discurso sobre o Brasil na primeira metade do século XVII." Temas Americanistas, no. 47 (2021): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/temas-americanistas.2021.i47.05.
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: A partir da análise das obras de Diogo de Campos Moreno, Ambrósio Fernandes Brandão (provável autor dos Diálogos das Grandezas do Brasil) e Frei Vicente do Salvador e de outras fontes, o artigo procura captar a percepção da época, primeiras décadas do século XVII, sobre a dinâmica colonial e caracterizar uma primeira tomada de consciência, expressa na contraposição entre a valorização da terra ou na defesa do Brasil, por um lado, e na ambição de extrair riquezas a serem usufruídas em Portugal, por outro. Tais comportamentos que com o tempo seriam associados, com mais ou menos razão, aos proprietários rurais e aos mercadores reinóis, acabariam conformando, nas palavras de Evaldo Cabral de Mello, o antagonismo fundamental da sociedade colonial.
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Nogues-Marco, Pilar. "Measuring Colonial Extraction: The East India Company’s Rule and the Drain of Wealth (1757–1858)." Capitalism: A Journal of History and Economics 2, no. 1 (2021): 154–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cap.2021.0004.
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Iyer, Vibha. "A Tangible Concept of Imperialism: Utsa Patnaik’s Estimates of Colonial Transfers From India." Indian Economic Journal 71, no. 1 (January 2023): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194662221146647.
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The earliest work on colonial transfers from India originated in the Drain of wealth theory of the nineteenth century nationalists Dadabhai Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. While the theory displays an implicit understanding of the linking of India’s internal budget and its external accounts to facilitate tax financed transfers to Britain—a feature unique to the colonial economy, it lacked the macroeconomic concepts to make explicit its details. Utsa Patnaik’s methodological framework over the last four decades on imperialism and colonial transfers in particular has contributed significantly towards revealing not only the precise mechanism of extraction of tax financed transfers from India but also formulating accurate estimates of the same. This article focuses on two of Patnaik’s methodological contributions. The first being the use of suitably modified modern macroeconomic concepts in a sovereign economy to lay bare the link between India’s tax revenues and trade surplus and second, the use of Council Bills as a proxy for India’s merchandise surplus which has helped overcome conceptual lacunae in the existing trade data and literature about the colonial period and enabled greater accuracy in the estimation of the transfers. JEL Codes: N01, N10, P16
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Ezeonu, Ifeanyi. "Capital Accumulation, Environmental Pollution, and Public Health Challenges in the Nigerian Petroleum Industry: Lessons on Market Criminology." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, no. 1-2 (March 30, 2020): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341549.
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Abstract Petroleum exploration activities started in Nigeria’s Niger Delta in the early twentieth century as part of the expansive process of primitive accumulation instituted by the British colonial administration to advance its economic interest. Since petroleum resources were discovered in commercial quantities in the region in 1956, transnational extraction corporations (including Shell, Chevron, and ExxonMobil) in collaboration with the emergent domestic compradors have plundered the resource wealth. While decades of crude oil and gas production in the region have enormously enriched the captors of the petroleum industry, the host communities have suffered debilitating economic and health consequences. This article discusses the public health challenges resulting from this predatory political economy, along the lines of a bourgeoning body of literature that conceptualizes preventable market-driven harms as criminal.
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BELLENOIT, HAYDEN. "Between qanungos and clerks: the cultural and service worlds of Hindustan's pensmen, c. 1750–1850." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (April 23, 2014): 872–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000218.
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AbstractThis paper argues that our understanding of the transition to colonialism in South Asia can be enriched by examining the formation of revenue collection systems in north India between 1750 and 1850. It examines agrarian revenue systems not through the prism of legalism or landholding patterns, but by looking at the paper and record-based mechanisms by which wealth was actually extracted from India's hinterlands. It also examines the Kayastha pensmen who became an exponentially significant component of an Indo-Muslim revenue administration. They assisted the extension of Mughal revenue collection capabilities as qanungos (registrars) and patwaris (accountants). The intensity of revenue assessment, extraction and collection had increased by the mid 1700s, through the extension of cultivation and assessment by regional Indian kingdoms. The East India Company, in its agrarian revenue settlements in north India, utilized this extant revenue culture to push through savage revenue demands. These Kayastha pensmen thus furnished the ‘young’ Company with the crucial skills, physical records, and legitimacy to garner the agrarian wealth which would fund Britain's Indian empire. These more regular patterns of paper-oriented administration engendered a process of ‘bureaucratization’ and the emergence of the modern colonial state.
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SUTTON, ANGELA, and CHARLTON W. YINGLING. "PROJECTIONS OF DESIRE AND DESIGN IN EARLY MODERN CARIBBEAN MAPS." Historical Journal 63, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000499.
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AbstractIconic early European maps of the Caribbean depict neatly parcelled plantations, sugar mills, towns, and fortifications juxtaposed against untamed interiors sketched with runaway slaves and Indigenous toponyms. These extra-geographical symbols of racial and spatial meaning projected desire and design to powerful audiences. Abstractions about material life influenced colonial perceptions and actions upon a space, often to deleterious effects for the Indigenous and African people who were abused in tandem with the region's flora and fauna. The scientific revolution curbed these proscriptive and descriptive ‘thick-mapped’ features that offer historians an underexplored record of early colonial Caribbean life beyond the geographically descriptive. Before this shift from mystery to mastery, the early correlation of colonization and cartography in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides a fascinating glimpse into the process of creating the Americas. This article offers ideas for deconstructing old maps as new sources for historians of the early Atlantic World. As digital readers may explore through the roughly fifty maps linked via the footnotes, their informative spectacle naturalized colonialism upon lived and imagined race and space, created an exoticized, commodified Caribbean, and facilitated wealth extraction projects of competing empires made profitable by African labour on Indigenous land.
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Mararike, Munoda. "Zimbabwe Economic Sanctions and Post-Colonial Hangover: A Critique of Zimbabwe Democracy Economic Recovery Act (ZDERA) – 2001 a2018." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i1.3895.
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Scholarship on imperialism in Zimbabwe has not been documented in terms of establishing its roots. What has evaded contemporary researchers and academics on post-land reform programme economic sanctions of 2001 is that their roots lie in colonial domination and imperialism. The Scramble for Africa of 1884 is an adjunct of the Berlin Colonial Conference of 1884-1885 which marked long dark days of imperialism in Africa. It was about colonial domination, exploitation of mineral and extraction of natural resources. Western Europe became principal beneficiaries of newly ‘discovered’ wealth – pillaging and looting to their countries through exploitation, false pretenses, deception and outright theft. The insidious process was complemented by subjective constructs of political, social, religious and cultural domination of indigenous populations or ‘natives’ as imperialism defined unbalanced framework of economic relationships. Pronunciations like subjugation, suppression, cultural genocide, expropriation and repression have been touted by historians to highlight the depth and intensity of coloniality. The economic sanctions are part of a strategic neo-colonial era in which former colonial powers continue clutching to vein glories of the past. Yet that past is the present. Zimbabwe is being punished for reclaiming land through land reform programmes of 2001 which helped to empower Zimbabweans. In this research we look at the Janus face of Western decoloniality efforts- with specific reference to how Zimbabwe has fought ferocious battles for reclamation and restitution of its land. We also examine instruments of repression including statutes like the 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001 as amended in 2018 (ZDERA). In our analytical narratives, we illustrate how the such instruments are designed to maintain imperialist status quo through specified punitive measures under ZDERA.
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Sablin, Kirill S. "Enclave Economies and Political Connections of Big Business in Emerging Market Countries." Journal of Economic Regulation 13, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 055–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2078-5429.2022.13.4.055-064.
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Relationship between enclave economies functioning and political connections using by large businesses in emerging markets countries is considered in the article. Enclave economies have their origins in the colonial past of these countries, and these political and economic systems make it difficult to transfer to a model of linkages economy. Linkages economy is characterized with the presence of multiplier effect that ensures the production of high-tech in manufacturing industries, the emergence of small innovative enterprises, the formation of demand for human capital in the field of research and development. On the contrary, enclaves of wealth represent that part of the economy that is embedded in global value chains, but does not work to form domestic markets, does not provide basis for the development of high added value manufacturing industries, blocks the emergence of fast-growing companies from the innovation sector, and the directions of human capital investments are determined precisely with the extraction of natural and mineral resources. The everlasting existence of enclave economies is grounded by special interest groups including representatives of the ruling elites and politically connected firms. Access to wealth enclaves is linked with certain privileges for politically connected firms. Mineral rents can be used by the ruling elites as a source to set patronage sinecures that to strengthen existing regimes.
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Rousselin, Mathieu. "A study in dispossession: the political ecology of phosphate in Tunisia." Journal of Political Ecology 25, no. 1 (February 13, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.22006.
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This article seeks to evidence the social, environmental and political repercussions of phosphate extraction and transformation on two peripheral Tunisian cities (Gabes and Gafsa). After positing the difference between class environmentalism and political ecology, it addresses the harmful effects of phosphate transformation on the world's last coastal oasis and on various cities of the Gulf of Gabes. It then sheds light on the gross social, environmental and health inequalities brought about by phosphate extraction in the mining region of Gafsa. The confiscatory practices of the phosphate industry are subsequently linked with global production and distribution chains at the international level as well as with centralized and authoritarian forms of government at the national and local level. Dispossessed local communities have few alternatives other than violent protest movements and emigration towards urban centers of wealth. Using the recent experience in self-government in the Jemna palm grove, the article ends with a reflection on the possible forms of subaltern resistance to transnational extractivism and highlights the ambiguous role of the new "democratic state" as a power structure reproducing patterns of domination and repression inherited from the colonial period and cemented under the dictatorship of Ben Ali.Keywords: political ecology, transnational extractivism, phosphate, Tunisia.
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Pavao-Zuckerman, Barnet. "Rendering Economies: Native American Labor and Secondary Animal Products in the Eighteenth-Century Pimería Alta." American Antiquity 76, no. 1 (January 2011): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.1.3.
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While the ostensible motivation for Spanish missionization in the Americas was religious conversion, missions were also critical to the expansion of European economic institutions in the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. Native American labor in mission contexts was recruited in support of broader programs of colonialism, mercantilism, and resource extraction. Archaeological research throughout North America demonstrates the importance and extent of the integration of Native labor into regional colonial economies. Animals and animal products were often important commodities within colonialperiod regional exchange networks and thus, zooarchaeological data can be crucial to the reconstruction of local economic practices that linked Native labor to larger-scale economic processes. Zooarchaeological remains from two Spanish missions—one in southern Arizona and one in northern Sonora—demonstrate that Native labor supported broader colonial economic processes through the production of animal products such as tallow and hide. Tallow rendered at Mission San Agustín de Tucson and Mission Nuestra Señora del Pilar y Santiago de Cocóspera was vital for mining activities in the region, which served as an important wealth base for the continued development of Spanish colonialism in the Americas. This research also demonstrates continuity in rendering practices over millennia of human history, and across diverse geographical regions, permitting formalization of a set of expectations for identifying tallow-rendered assemblages, regardless of context.
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Sakshi. "The many entanglements of capitalism, colonialism and Indigenous environmental justice." Soundings 78, no. 78 (August 1, 2021): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.04.2021.
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Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative, which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives' to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.
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Kumar, Dhiraj, and Antony Puthumattathil. "A Critique of Development in India’s Predominantly Adivasi Regions with Special Reference to the Hos of India’s Jharkhand." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, no. 1 (February 7, 2018): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x17744627.
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This article seeks to look at the idea of development interventions (DI) in predominantly Adivasi regions that focus on the extraction of abundant forest and mineral wealth to benefit regions beyond Adivasi territories. While this process deprives Adivasis of their subsistence needs, it invokes resistance and resultant conflicts. Such interventions and consequent conflict need sociological elaboration. Hence, using two case studies, we explicate DI as a self-reproducing system embodying colonialism and racism as process and praxis. This article investigates how development facilitates resource accumulation and socio-economic differentiation of a few and pauperization of the rest. It further tries to find out how these systemic processes have historically found favour with political Brahmanism (PB), the dominant taken-for-granted socio-religious and political ideology (doxa) in India. In contrast to PB, Adivasis’ alternative imaginations based on their sacral polity (SP) are highlighted. Then, we contrast SP with PB and the dominant neoliberal development paradigm. SP has been contrasted with PB and the dominant neoliberal development paradigm. This comparison facilitates the conclusion that the secret of sustainable development rests with Adivasi social formations that adhere to SP-based self-restriction and egalitarian democratic principles. However, historical domination and co-option of Adivasi engender ambivalence of violence which helps to perpetuate ‘development’ as a colonial and racist system among Adivasi in forms of DI.
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Beattie, James. "Biota Barons, 'Neo-Eurasias' and Indian-New Zealand Informal Eco-Cultural Networks, 1830s–1870s." Global Environment 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130105.
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This article examines informal (private and commercial) imperial networks and environmental modification by former English East India Company (EIC) employees in New Zealand, as well as the introduction of subcontinental species into that colony. Several very wealthy settlers from India, it argues, single-handedly introduced a cornucopia of Indian plants and animals into different parts of nineteenth-century New Zealand and used money earned in India to engage in large-scale environmental modification. Such was the scale of their enterprise 'in the business of shifting biota from place to place' and in remaking environments in parts of New Zealand that these individuals can be considered 'biota barons'. A focus on the informal eco-cultural networks they created helps refine the thesis of ecological imperialism. It also expands the more recent concept of neo-ecological imperialism, by highlighting the role of non-European natures and models in the re-making of Britain's colonies of settlement and by tracing exchanges between white settler colonies and colonies of extraction. In sum, the paper demonstrates the influence of particular private individuals with the necessary wealth and will to effect certain kinds of environmental change, and tentatively suggests that we might usefully consider Australasia as 'neo-Eurasias' rather than 'neo-Europes'.
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Aouragh, Miriyam, Seda Gürses, Helen Pritchard, and Femke Snelting. "The extractive infrastructures of contact tracing apps." Journal of Environmental Media 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 9.1–9.9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jem_00030_1.
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The COVID-19 pandemic will go down in history as a major crisis, with calls for debt moratoriums that are expected to have gruesome effects in the Global South. Another tale of this crisis that would come to dominate COVID-19 news across the world was a new technological application: the contact tracing apps. In this article, we argue that both accounts ‐ economic implications for the Global South and the ideology of techno-solutionism ‐ are closely related. We map the phenomenon of the tracing app onto past and present wealth accumulations. To understand these exploitative realities, we focus on the implications of contact tracing apps and their relation with extractive technologies as we build on the notion racial capitalism. By presenting themselves in isolation of capitalism and extractivism, contact tracing apps hide raw realities, concealing the supply chains that allow the production of these technologies and the exploitative conditions of labour that make their computational magic manifest itself. As a result of this artificial separation, the technological solutionism of contract tracing apps is ultimately presented as a moral choice between life and death. We regard our work as requiring continuous undoing ‐ a necessary but unfinished formal dismantling of colonial structures through decolonial resistance.
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Oranje, Mark. "The extractive industries and ’shared, inclusive and sustainable development’ in South Africa." Spatium, no. 29 (2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1329001o.
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In the 140-odd years after the first diamond was found in South Africa in 1866, mining catapulted the country from a predominantly agrarian society into a modern industrial nation. For the biggest part of this period, mining drove and human development followed. This ?order of importance? was largely the result of the huge wealth and influence of the mining houses, the (perceived) importance of the sector for the development of the country, and the broader skewed power dynamics of colonial and apartheid rule. Over the last decade, national government enacted new legislation by which it attempted to ensure that mining is made more serviceable to the post-1994 objectives of (1) broad-based societal reconstruction; (2) shared and inclusive growth; and (3) regional and rural development. A key component of this new legislation has been a provision to ensure that mining companies make tangible contributions to regional and rural development and human settlement in ?mining areas?. Recent events, such as widespread strikes, the tragic loss of many lives, and continuing harsh living conditions, have raised, what has been a nagging question since the introduction of the new legislation, i.e.: Has the new legal framework (really) assisted in (1) ensuring that communities in mining areas enjoy a greater of the wealth created by the industry; (2) enhancing regional and rural development in mining areas; and (3) establishing a more symbiotic relationship between mining, regional and rural development planning and human development? In this paper, research in a mining area during the course of 2011 and 2012 is used to explore this question. Use is made of documented evidence and interviews with key role-players in the mining industry, municipal and provincial government, the private sector, traditional leadership structures and communities.
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Ty, M. "Abolish Species: Notes toward an “Unfenced Is,” Part I." Yearbook of Comparative Literature 64 (July 1, 2022): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ycl-64-080.
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Despite its provenance in racial paradigms of colonial research, the notion of species has proved to be remarkably resilient and adaptable to post-racial frameworks of thought. Species has survived both the death of the subject and the cancellation of man. In their ascendance over nineteenth-century evolutionary theories of life, white environmentalisms have re-legitimated this keystone of biological racism by deploying species as if it were an ideologically agnostic articulation of a meaningful grouping. This article unsettles the common portrayal of species as a culturally unmarked and racially neutral concept, whose function is to denominate what remains of the planet. Working against the orthodox definition of species as the “basic unit of biodiversity,” I apprehend species as a form of onto-epistemic incarceration that has been imposed, globally, as the dominant mode of biological understanding and, subsequently, as the prevailing structure of representation used to account for environmental loss and abundance. In excess of its taxonomic function, species serves as an instrument that, practically and ideationally, converts flesh into potential wealth. This investigation begins by checking the conventional presumption that captivity is incidental to species and examines how, on the contrary, species is productive of capture, whose economic and epistemic dimensions are mutually enriching. This critical reappraisal then moves toward an argument for the abolition of species, made on the basis of four overlapping grounds. First, the institution of species enforces mono-lingualism and consolidates white entitlement to bestow a universal name on everything living. Second, species normalizes extractive incarceration as a means of accumulating value. Third, species secures Euro-American hegemony over the way difference is “objectively” defined—restrictively, in terms of heteronormative logics of reproduction that, in turn, lend coherence to projects of racialization. Fourth, the notion of species enforces a normative paradigm for processing environmental loss that blocks perception of the colonial violence that it reproduces.
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Mowla, Q. A. "COLONIAL URBAN MORPHOLOGIES: AN INQUIRY INTO TYPOLOGY AND EVOLUTION PATTERN." Khulna University Studies, May 29, 2000, 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53808/kus.2000.2.1.45-62-se.
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Characteristics of a city's morphology and its evolution can only be studied within the context in which different phases of development or evolution took place. With this understanding in mind a comparative study has been done. It is observed that the Colonialists often created a dual urban regional system favoring the development of the major coastal cities tied to their home economy and the extraction of wealth from the inland regions. However, it is believed that under national rule, what ever the colonizers have produced will be observed, deliberated and re-evaluated time and again, for positive assimilation of useful ideas. As these are the ideas of a civilization that has emerged and experienced through t he ages but under different environment. This assimilation in spirit may eventually give direction towards a valid and authentic architecture and urban morphology suited to the land and the people.
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Scliar, Claudio. "DOTAÇÃO MINERAL, MEIO AMBIENTE E DESENVOLVIMENTO NO ALTO JEQUITINHONHA." Geonomos, July 1, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.18285/geonomos.v3i1.216.
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The Alto Jequitinhonha region contains important mineral deposits wich have been known and exploitedsince the Brazilian colonial period. Despite this mineral potential, its population is one of the poorest inthe State of Minas Gerais. The extraction of ores is presently under much debate due to its complexrelationship with the environment and the regional development, particularly the Brundland report wichdefined guidelines for what is being called sustainable development. The situation is out of control on thepart of the government concerning such matters as mineral rights, payment of taxes and control andmonitoring of the environment. This scenario prevents the definition of public guidelines to allow theexploration of mineral resources such as diamond, gold, manganese, kyanite, chromite and other ores inregional projects. The first step must be taken by joint, articulated actions of the different federal, stateand municipal institutions to monitor, control and encourage mineral activities in the region. Such activitiescan act to enhance the generation of jobs and wealth, without neglecting the environment.
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Greaves, Matthew. "Fuel as a Factor in Canadian Transport: Energy Capital and Communication Theory." Canadian Journal of Communication 42, no. 4 (September 27, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.2017v42n4a3201.
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Background Established in 1849, the Fort Rupert coal settlement represented a departure in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s mode of colonial wealth accumulation on Vancouver Island. Company officials failed, however, to appreciate basic differences in the new mode of accumulation, including the importance of transportation to capitalist mineral extraction.Analysis This article accomplishes three things: it retrieves foundational theories of transportation and commodity circulation once popular in communication studies, provides a documentary account of coal mining and the coal trade in the mid-nineteenth-century eastern Pacific, and articulates a theory of capitalist energy consumption.Conclusion and implications The culminating theory of energy capital positions the extraction and circulation of fuel within Canadian communication studies through a transportation-focused approach to communication.Keywords Canadian history; Communication theory; Energy; Marxism; TransportationContexte L’agglomération de Fort Rupert établie en 1849 pour extraire le charbon sur l’Île de Vancouver représenta pour la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson une nouvelle sorte de colonisation axée sur l’enrichissement. Les dirigeants de la Compagnie, cependant, n’ont pas reconnu des particularités fondamentales relatives à ce nouveau mode d’accumulation, y compris l’importance de moyens de transport jusqu’au site d’extraction des minerais.Analyse Cet article vise trois objectifs : il récupère des théories fondatrices, populaires jadis dans le domaine des communications, sur le transport et la circulation des marchandises; il fournit un compte rendu sur l’extraction et le commerce du charbon dans l’Est du Pacifique au milieu du 19ème siècle; et il articule une théorie capitaliste sur la consommation énergétique.Conclusion and implications La théorie principale sur le capital en énergie positionne l’extraction et la circulation de combustibles au sein des études en communication au Canada en ayant recours à une approche centrée sur le transport.Mots clés Canadian history; Communication theory; Energy; Marxism; Transportation
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Ramzy, Carolyn. "Decolonizing Coptic (Music) Studies." Journal of the Canadian Society for Coptic Studies 13 (February 23, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jcscs.13.2021.a003.
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In this discussion, I consider the rising ambivalences of situating Coptic (music) studies within their lived encounters of Western colonialism and continued Western cultural imperialism. In many ways, Coptic (music) studies is the direct result of Coptic colonial encounters, as Western scholars first categorized, transcribed, and studied Coptic music and Copts as colonial subjects. In turn, Copts too have strategized their subaltern status as a beleaguered religious minority in Egypt to cultivate a critical indigeneity movement that continues today. Here, I argue that to dismiss Coptic ongoing experiences of coloniality, both in Egypt and in Copts’ new North American homelands, exacerbates the gendered and classed exclusions of non-canonical voices in Coptic music’s lived experiences, in this case, women’s voices. Only by situating Coptic scholarship, histories, and music culture within these larger contexts can we begin to reckon with how European powers, extractive scholarly wealth, and Eurocentric imperial structures continue to shape the ways in which we engage with Coptic Christianity, either as pious believers, clerics who administer the Church’s most Holy rites, or as scholars both within and outside of the community. In the end, we may even work towards decolonizing ourselves and learn how to be active allies and advocates for others who, like us, share an ongoing and dialectical history with coloniality and cultural sovereignty.