Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Colonial plantation'

This work demonstrates the connections that exist in rhetoric and planning between the Irish plantation projects in the Ards, Munster , Ulster and the Jamestown colony in Virginia . The planners of these projects focused on the creation of internal stability rather than the mission to 'civilize' the natives. The continuity between these projects is examined on several points: the rhetoric the English used to describe the native peoples and the lands to be colonized, who initiated each project, funding and financial terms, the manner of establishing title, the manner of granting the lands to settlers, and the status the natives were expected to hold in the plantation. Comparison of these points highlights the early English colonial idea and the variance between rhetoric and planning.

This dissertation critically examines the political and social significance of colonial portraiture by focusing on domestic portraits commissioned for Virginians between the mid-seventeenth century and 1775. Portraiture was a site where colonial and imperial identity was negotiated and expressed. Portraits also supported the construction of social relationships through the acts of representation, erasure, and reception. Chapter one focuses on portraits painted in England for Virginians before ca. 1735 and the use of English portrait conventions to suit the political needs of colonists and to express visions of themselves as agents of empire. This chapter reveals some of the ways Virginians used portraits to engage in transatlantic politics and social networks. Chapter two uncovers the regional preferences for expressing elite, community values centered around gender and family before 1770 in portraits of men, women, and children. It argues that portrait collections had dynastic purposes and visualized women as sexual beings and men as masters over colonial and female nature. Chapter three discusses the influence that enslaved Africans had on portraits of Virginians throughout the colonial period. It argues that the physical presence of enslaved people as audiences caused colonists to erase them from portraiture in order to construct and enforce a plantation complex system of visuality. Planters also disavowed the realities of slavery to emphasize their British civility. The last chapter uncovers the rapid changes in portraiture in the 1770s as colonists and artists confronted imperial crises and responded in diverse ways. The fracturing of gentry planter cohesion and the greater availability of artists changed portraiture in the colony. Virginians left behind the conventionalized nature of portraiture from earlier decades and many began including messages of resistance to imperial policy and partaking in pan-colonial modes of representation. This dissertation combines archival research with visual analysis to shed light on portraiture from a region typically overlooked by art historians. By focusing on a specific region over a long period of time, this project emphasizes the varied and important roles that portraits played in shaping colonial culture and society.

This investigation focuses on representations of the physical construction and landscape of Southern slave plantations in order to explore the power relationships among inhabitants of those plantations and how those power relationships attempted to function and failed to establish a system of discipline and governance. While every plantation functioned violently in some form, many plantations appear to have attempted to instill a sense of place and permanence of status in slaves with more than just physical violence or obvious and overt forms of mental coercion and abuse. As a supplement to the strategic (and oftentimes random) physical violence inflicted on slaves in the attempts to control their behaviors, owners seem to have also attempted to discipline their slaves through strategic constructions of the plantation landscapes. While concluding that this strategy ultimately failed, this thesis examines attempts by owners to implement particular strategies in regulating and disciplining the behavior of slaves which can be compared with the strategies implemented in a panoptic system as described by Michel Foucault.

This thesis provides a different interpretation and new insights on Vietnam's social and economic history through a study of Indochina's rubber planters and migrant contract labour up to 1939. A different reading of available material and use of new sources, such as Michelin Archives, Archives of the Colonial Union, the Comité de l'Indochine, Nam Dinh and Hanoi's local Archives, supplemented by interviews with former rubber plantation workers, have been used to clarify obscure points and advance grasp of a subject that is yet to be fully and objectively studied. Apart from arguing that the role of the colonial state over labour was more than just a response to planter demands for assistance, I also postulate that labour supplying areas were neither overpopulated, invariably poor nor were recruits hapless. Rich agricultural lands, mineral resources, modem industry in parts of Tonkin, numerous craft industries, together with the all supportive Vietnamese Commune, provided Tonkin's peasants with varied means of subsistence. At the same time, I have argued that forced recruitment of labour was not practical or rational, especially in Northern Indochina, where the French colonial administration was superimposed on an existing, through somewhat reformed, traditional administrative structure. Recruits generally knew their recruiters and were aware of what they signed for. In many instances when their rights were violated, they complained. In short, what this work does is to question, on the basis of old and new material, some of the assumptions held on rubber planters and contract migrant labour and provides a more specific discussion of issues such as, the fractious nature of Indochina's rubber planters, the role of government officials in labour supplying areas, the age of recruits, their areas of origin, the proportion of female labour recruits and patterns of outward migration, aspects that have so far only been considered in general terms or simply ignored. 1

Drawing upon the resources of postcolonial perspectives, for both its theoretical and methodological framework, this thesis engages in a critique of teaching in a postcolonial setting. Building upon Best's (1968b) and Levitt's (2005) criticisms of plantation economies the thesis draws on a relationship between education and economy to construct the conceptual framework for understanding plantation pedagogy. The thesis constructs plantation pedagogy as a form of pedagogy which perpetuates the continuation of colonial assumptions through ideological positions that have become endemic to the culture of education in Trinidad and Tobago. Against this understanding. Part One of the thesis sets the methodological, historical and theoretical foundation for the argument that in order for teachers, in Trinidad and Tobago, to transcend the limitations of their inherited understandings of teaching and education, teaching needs to become a more subversive activity.

"The Enchanted Plantation: Literature, Speculation, and the Credit Economy in Virginia, 1688-1754" examines the beginnings of a regionally-based literary culture in colonial Virginia and focuses specifically on texts that either originate from, or have close ties to, the colony's political and administrative capital at Williamsburg. The dissertation argues that literary practices and literary production in Virginia at this time were crucial to the imagination and material construction of Virginia's unevenly-developed plantation landscape, specifically as this plantation landscape arose within the new speculative and financial markets of the early eighteenth century. Individual chapters demonstrate how reading, writing, and publishing--practices that enabled, and were enabled by, a transatlantic empire built upon speculation and credit--were increasingly tied to land speculation and a managerial ethos of plantation administration. While surveying and bringing to light the many genres and writers associated with Virginia and its capital during this period (including financial literature by government officials, public oratory and ballads in Williamsburg, quitrent poetry, the periodical culture of the Virginia Gazette, and William Byrd II's historical narratives), the dissertation analyzes how Virginia's early literary culture assisted in both creating and managing the Virginia plantation as a slave society, a colonial contact zone, and a scene of financial investment.

The history of the Lloyd family at Wye Plantation in Talbot County, Maryland, from the 1650s to the early 1770s refines and complicates the dominant historical narrative of the rise of a native-born Protestant planter elite in colonial Chesapeake scholarship. First, the Lloyds were a wealthy and politically prominent Protestant family that benefited from close ties to Catholics up to the end of the colonial period. Second, in contrast to traditional histories of the colonial Chesapeake that emphasize the raising and marketing of tobacco, Wye Plantation's history attests to the importance of grain and livestock farming on a commercial scale, in addition to tobacco production, on the upper Eastern Shore since the seventeenth century.;This study examines the strategies of the Lloyd family to build their wealth and influence in Maryland in the context of the colony's political, economic, and social development. In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Lloyds forged kinship ties to Maryland's Catholic gentry, to Quakers, and to the Bennetts of Virginia and Maryland. With these connections, the plantation's trade with London and the West Indies expanded. In the mid- eighteenth century, Edward Lloyd III used his status as a trusted client within Lord Baltimore's patronage network to develop Wye Plantation as a locus of power. Upon his death in 1770, his son moved aggressively to preserve assets that would be the basis of his own independence.;This dissertation uses an interdisciplinary approach to document Wye Plantation's history. Sources include probate records, government proceedings, the Lloyd Papers and the Calvert Papers at the Maryland Historical Society, the Cadwalader Collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and portraits by Charles Willson Peale.;While plantation ownership remained the basis of social and political authority in the colony, each generation of the Lloyd family made use of the home plantation in context- specific ways. This thesis examines change in the uses of a Chesapeake plantation, and the meanings attached to plantation ownership, from the point of view of each generation of the Lloyd family during the colonial period.

Les habitations coloniales en Haïti, ces « extraordinaires conservatoires du patrimoine historique de l’économie de plantation du XVIIIe siècle » (De Cauna, 2003 ; 2013), se caractérisent par leur diversité, et par leurs transformations structurelles marquées par l’histoire complexe de cette société postcoloniale. Loin d’être de simples lieux de transition entre la période coloniale et la période postcoloniale, elles sont réappropriées ou négligées, patrimonialisées, instrumentalisées, médiatisées, objets de consensus mais aussi de conflits de mémoires. Les expériences politiques, patrimoniales, mémorielles, éducatives, sociales, culturelles et identitaires qui s’y produisent sont multiples. Progressivement patrimonialisés en lieux de mémoire potentiels ou vestiges coloniaux abandonnés, ces « sites d’Haïti à haute valeur culturelle, historique ou architecturale » (Ispan, 2014) sont devenus aujourd’hui des scènes nécessaires où se représentent les objets et les symboles de la mémoire de l’esclavage. Mais malgré la place importante que tiennent ces structures plantationnaires dans l’histoire de la traite et de l’esclavage colonial, elles ont fait l’objet de peu d’attention. Cela s’inscrit dans une histoire de négligence du patrimoine archéologique amérindien, puis colonial, de la part de l’État haïtien (Joseph, Camille, Joseph, Michel, 2020). Ma thèse propose alors une étude sociologique des habitations coloniales en Haïti, par l’approche des usages et des enjeux qui articulent le processus de mise en mémoire et de patrimonialisation de ces lieux de mémoire potentiels. Il s’agit de déterminer les fonctions, les utilisations et les symboliques de ces vestiges coloniaux dans l’organisation et la vie de la société haïtienne postcoloniale. De quelles façons et pour quels motifs, a-t-on recours aux habitations coloniales en Haïti ? Quel sens leur est attribué, par qui et pour qui ? Comment s’organisent leur processus de mise en mémoire et de patrimonialisation ou leur abandon pur et simple ?Cette étude repose sur un dépouillement minutieux des sources textuelles et cartographiques anciennes et sur un corpus représentatif de différents types et formes d’habitations coloniales, datées du XVIIIe siècle, situées dans la société haïtienne dans laquelle l’urbanité et la ruralité se mêlent et se questionnent, au-delà des formes de dualisme et des frontières géographiques prédéfinies. Suivant une approche diachronique et contextuelle, l’étude tient compte de plusieurs données historiques, ethnographiques et visuelles : les archives, l’observation, l’entretien informel et semi-directif, puis l’analyse de contenu et la photographie. L’analyse d’un corpus soigneusement sélectionné d’habitations coloniales contribue à l’examen des appropriations, des revendications et des conflits liés à la fabrique contemporaine des mémoires collectives et des patrimoines de l’esclavage. Enfin, le processus de reconnaissance collective et de mise en patrimoine qui entoure les habitations coloniales en Haïti fournit des informations sur les fonctions de ces espaces et sur les valeurs politiques, économiques, sociales, culturelles, identitaires conflictuelles qui s’y expriment. À travers le regroupement et l’analyse de ces données, ce sont les expériences de l’esclavage représentées dans la mémoire collective des sociétés postcoloniales qui se trouve au cœur de ma thèse. Cette dernière a permis de comprendre non seulement que ce sont des familles de l’élite économique et culturelle qui organisent majoritairement la mise en mémoire de l’esclavage dans les habitations coloniales patrimonialisées et mobilisées comme des vitrines de la culture en Haïti, mais aussi que les rapports sociaux racistes de domination esclavagistes sont masqués au profit d’un consensus sur l’héroïsation de l’histoire d’Haïti
Colonial plantations in Haïti have been described as "extraordinary conservatories of thehistorical legacy of the eighteenth-century plantation economy" (De Cauna, 2003; 2013). Theyare characterized by their diversity and their structural transformations, which have been markedby the complex history of this postcolonial society. Far from being simple places of transitionbetween the colonial and postcolonial periods, they have been, variously, reappropriated orneglected, patrimonialized, instrumentalized, mediatized, objects of consensus but also productsof conflict of memory. The history of colonial Haiti includes the wide variety of political,patrimonial, memorial, educational, social, cultural and identity-related experiences that haveaffected its people. Progressively divided into potential places of memory or abandoned colonialremains, these "sites of Haiti with high cultural, historical or architectural value" (Ispan, 2014)have today become necessary scenes where the objects and symbols of slavery are represented.Nevertheless, despite the important place these plantations hold in the slave trade and colonialslavery history, they have received little attention from scholars. This is part of a neglectedhistory of Amerindian and then colonial archaeological heritages by the Haitian state (Jean et al.,2020). My thesis proposes a sociological study of colonial plantations in Haiti, by approachingthe usages and challenges that articulate the process of memorialization and patrimonialization ofthese potential places of memory. The aim is to determine the functions, usages and symbolismof these colonial vestiges in the organization and life of post-colonial Haitian society. In whatways and for what reasons are colonial dwellings used in Haiti? What meaning is attributed tothem, by whom and for whom? How is their process of memorialization and patrimonializationorganized or outright abandoned?This study is based on a meticulous examination of ancient textual and cartographic sources anda representative corpus of colonial plantations. Dating from the 18th century, they are situated ina Haitian society in which urbanity and rurality are mixed and questioned, beyond forms ofdualism and predefined geographical boundaries. Following a diachronic and contextualapproach, the study considers several types of historical, ethnographic and visual data: archives,observation, informal and semi-structured interviews, content analysis and photography. Analysisof a carefully selected corpus of colonial dwellings contributes to examining appropriations,claims and conflicts related to the contemporary fabrication of collective memories and heritagesof slavery. Finally, the process of collective recognition and heritage that surrounds colonialdwellings in Haiti provides information on the functions of these spaces, as well as theconflicting political, economic, social, cultural, and identity values that are expressed there.Through the gathering and analysis of this data, it is possible to explicate the experiences ofslavery represented in the collective memory of postcolonial societies that lies at the heart of mythesis. The latter has made it possible to understand not only that it is Haitian families of theeconomic and cultural elites who organize the majority of the memorialization of slavery in thecolonial places that are patrimonialized and mobilized as showcases of culture in Haiti, but alsoto show how the racist social relations of slave domination have been masked in favour of aconsensus on the heroization of Haitian history

L’île de Saint-Domingue a gravé pour toujours dans la mémoire collective le souvenir de l’esclavage des noirs. Mais l’histoire de cette île ne se résume pas au malheureux sort des milliers d’Africains transportés dans cette colonie où ils furent réduits à n’être que des instruments de travail. Elle est aussi et avant tout l’histoire de ces nombreux Européens, avides de richesses, qui s’y ruèrent dans le but, soit d’acquérir une fortune qu’ils avaient du mal à se faire en métropole, soit d’accroître un potentiel déjà acquis. Les Galliffet dont nous nous proposons d’étudier l’expérience à travers cette recherche font partie de la seconde catégorie.Vers la fin du XVIIe siècle, ils acquéraient à Saint-Domingue par le biais Joseph de Galliffet (Gouverneur de Saint-Domingue de 1700 à 1703), leur premier bien situé à la Petite Anse dans la Plaine du Nord. Un siècle plus tard, ils étaient propriétaires de plusieurs milliers de carreaux de terres et de cinq habitations prospères, comptant un millier d’esclaves et dont les revenus les hissèrent au sommet d’une des plus grandes fortunes coloniales de l’île, mais aussi de France. L’histoire des Galliffet, si elle ne diffère pas trop de celle de bien d’autres planteurs, dont certains ont déjà fait l’objet de travaux (les Cottineau, les Noé, les Laborde, les Beauharnais), fascine en de nombreux points qui nous interpellent. Ainsi nous nous intéresserons à leur mode d’accession aux habitations, à l’organisation du travail sous la houlette du gérant, Nicolas Odelucq, de même qu’à sa façon de mener ‘’le cheptel humain’’ chargé des travaux. Nous nous pencherons également sur le rendement des plantations après leur rachat par les Galliffet. Par ailleurs, il courait à Saint-Domingue l’expression suivante : « heureux comme les esclaves à Galliffet ». Un bref rappel des conditions de vie des esclaves ne sera donc pas exclu, même si la question a, semble-t-il, déjà été évoquée dans une étude plus générale sur les habitations de la Plaine du nord par Karen Bourdier dans sa thèse soutenue en 2005 ou encore par Elyette Benjamin-Labarthe et Éric Dubesset dans un ouvrage commun. Le travail dans son ensemble sera basé sur des documents d’archives contenant des livres de comptes, des actes notariés de vente ou de conclusion de partenariat entre les Galliffet et leurs associés. On y étudiera aussi la correspondance personnelle des Galliffet avec leur gérant, dont nous attendons de précieux renseignements; notamment sur la vie quotidienne des habitations. Une série d’inventaires réalisés sur celles-ci dans les années 1770, 1780 et 1790, nous informeront sur les maladies des esclaves, leur taux de natalité et de mortalité, la division des tâches quotidiennes sur les différentes habitations. Enfin, il sera aussi question de voir les effets des révolutions (française et haïtienne) sur l'avenir des habitations Galliffet
L'auteur n'a pas fourni de résumé en anglais

Dès la conquête de la Cochinchine en 1862, l’Administration coloniale et des particuliers français exploitèrent l’agriculture locale et y développèrent l’économie. Ils tentèrent de faire l’essai et d’introduire diverses cultures, en particulier des arbres à caoutchouc. L’année 1897 marqua le début de l’hévéaculture de Cochinchine, lorsqu’on planta avec succès près de deux mille hévéas brasiliensis. La superficie de l’hévéaculture en Cochinchine se développait prodigieusement, allant de cent hectares à la fin du XIXème siècle à près de cent mille hectares au début des années trente, grâce d’une part à des capitaux provenant de la Métropole et, d’autre part à des mesures d’encouragement du Gouvernement colonial. Les plantations d’hévéa attirèrent les travailleurs locaux, surtout en provenance du Tonkin et de l’Annam, à raison d’une dizaine de mille, parfois une vingtaine de mille par an.Parallèlement à l’extension des superficies plantées, la production du caoutchouc de la colonie s’accrut rapidement, allant d’un peu plus d’une tonne en 1908 à plus de soixante mille tonnes en 1939. Les plantations d’hévéa devinrent l’une des cultures les plus importantes de Cochinchine à l’époque coloniale française. Non seulement elles apportèrent la fortune aux planteurs de la colonie, mais elles assurèrent une partie, et depuis 1938, la totalité des besoins de caoutchouc de l’industrie métropolitaine. Les plantations d’hévéa de Cochinchine représentaient un symbole de la colonisation agricole française, mais aussi hélas l’une des pages noires de l’histoire du colonialisme français au Vietnam par l’exploitation brutale des planteurs envers les travailleurs vietnamiens
As early as the conquest of Cochinchina in 1862, the colonial administration and French individuals exploited the local agriculture and developed the economy there. They tried to experiment and introduce various crops, especially rubber trees. The year of 1897 marked the beginning of the rubber plantation of Cochinchina, when two thousand rubber trees brasiliensis were successfully planted. The area of rubber tree plantation in Cochinchina grew tremendously, ranging from one hundred hectares at the end of the 19th century to nearly one hundred thousand hectares in the early 1930s, because of, on the one hand, the capital invested from the metropolis, and, on the other hand, the measures of encouragement taken by the colonial Government. The rubber plantations attracted local workers, mainly from Tonkin and Annam, at a rate of about 10.000, sometimes 20.000 persons a year. In parallel with the extension of the area of rubber plantation, the colonial rubber production rapidly increased from just over one tonne in 1908 to more than 60.000 tons in 1939.The rubber tree plantation became one of the most important crops of Cochinchina during the French colonial era. Not only they brought fortune to the planters of the colony, but they secured a part, and since 1938, the whole of the rubber demands of the metropolitan industries. The Cochinchina rubber plantations represented a symbol of French agricultural colonization and, unfortunately, one of the black pages of the history of French colonialism in Vietnam by the brutal exploitation of Vietnamese workers by rubber planters

Malgre ses espaces limites, le togo, la plus petite colonie allemande d'afrique, a connu l'experience des plantations coloniales sous les allemands, anglais et francais. L'objectif de la recherche est de determiner l'aspect specifique de la politique des plantations au togo ou les societes disposaient de quelques milliers d'hectares, alors que la quasi-totalite de la production provenait des paysans. Les resultats des investigations portent sur les irregularites dans les contrats, les methodes d'exploitation, l'impact des plantations et le bilan de la colonisation sur la condition humaine des colonises. Grace aux denonciations par les parlementaires, la deutsche togo-gesellschaft et la compagnie generale du togo etaient obligees de retroceder des terres aux collectivites spoliees. L'exploitation des domaines revenant aux societes etait realisee grace au travail force impose surtout aux populations du nord togo. En conclusion, l'experience des plantations de type europeen n'a pas ete positive au togo. Certes quelques personnes avaient developpe des cultures d'exportation leur permettant d'apporter de legeres ameliorations a leurs conditions de vie, mais cela n'avait pas entraine des mutations dans le monde rural. Quant aux regions des anciennes plantations coloniales, elles connaissent aujourd'hui une intense speculation fonciere. L'accroissement de la population permettra d'y mesurer une insuffisance progressive des terres cultuvables
Togo is a filiforme country whose main activity was agriculture. But on their arrival, the european colonial powers imposed their policy substained by the creation of large plantations. So german created the first plantations in the coastal region (kpeme, baguida and lome). But the true land acquisitions and plantations creations got achieved as of 1897-98 by friedrich hupfeld and sholto douglas notably in agou, misahohe and buem regions. The contracts were signed under irregular conditions that were denounced within the reichstag and assemblee nationale francaise by somes members who, in so doing, accused the colonial administration of being involved in scandals and speculation. German and french used forced labour and people got displaced sometimes against their will to virgin areas to be developed. But the impact plantation agriculture made on the overall production of the colony ist not important. After 20 years of experiences, the german acknowleged that european and traditional agriculture stood the same chance of successful development in togo. In conclusion, the impact of european type of plantation is not identifiable at the level of quantity but rather at the level of incentive means which, unfortunately, were insufficient under german and french administration

L'introduction de l'hevea en Indochine fut un succès, tant du point de vue des profits dégagés que de celui des exportations de caoutchouc réalisées par la colonie durant la première moitie du XXe siècle. Ces performances s' expliquent par la dynamique du marche mondial du caoutchouc, la politique des entreprises hévéicoles et Ie soutien de l'Etat colonial. La politique de « mise en valeur» menée par les pouvoirs publics fut particulièrement décisive. Les autorités françaises permirent aux planteurs de disposer à bas prix de la terre et de la main d'oeuvre. Aussi l'arbre àt caoutchouc devint-il précocement Ie symbole d'une double exploitation, celle du capitalisme et du colonialisme; il fut combattu à ce titre par Ie Vietminh. Prompts à réclamer Ie soutien de l'Etat colonial, les planteurs anticipèrent cependant l'échec de ce dernier. Ils préparèrent activement Ie redéploiement de leurs investissements et de leurs activités, avant que le signal officiel du départ ne fût donné.

Le Cameroun a connu l'une des expériences les plus poussées d'économie de plantation en Afrique pendant la période coloniale. Pour assurer l'activité des plantations au Cameroun, la France a eu largement recours, comme l'Allemagne, à la contrainte et à la coercition. Les plantations ont été un catalyseur des changements dans les sociétés Camerounaises pendant la période coloniale. Cette étude de l'économie de plantation au Cameroun sous administration française met en exergue les facteurs de « modernité » et de changement qui ont eu lieu dans la société camerounaise pendant la période coloniale. Elle montre ta diversité des situations et des réactions régionales
Cameroon experienced a rapid growth in the domain of plantation economy in Africa during the period of colonisation. To assure the development of plantations in Cameroon, France as well as Germany used hard measures to force workers to work on these plantations. Plantations have been a catalyst of changes occurred within the Cameroonian societies during the colonial period. Thus, this study based on plantation economy in Cameroon under the French administration reveals the factors of ' modernity" and change that took place in the Cameroonian society during the period of colonisation. This research has equally brought out the divergences of situations and regional reactions

Le Vanuatu, petit pays insulaire du Pacifique Sud, a été de 1887 à 1980 sous la tutelle conjointe de l’Angleterre et de la France. Alors dénommé "condominium franco-anglais des Nouvelles-Hébrides", l’archipel a été le siège d’une micro-communauté de Français. Basée à la fois sur une enquête de terrain durant laquelle ont été recueillis les souvenirs des descendants des planteurs des Nouvelles-Hébrides et sur une recherche d’histoire classique, cette thèse poursuit un double objectif : d’abord remonter aux origines du micropeuplement français en reconstituant le cadre impérial qui rend intelligible la trajectoire des migrants, ensuite se pencher sur les acteurs eux-mêmes, leur parcours passé, les modalités de leur installation et celles de leur enracinement dans le contexte des Nouvelles-Hébrides, de la fin du 19e siècle à l’entre-deux-guerres. La première partie restitue les divers échelons dans lesquels se sont insérées les logiques de l’état français ayant mené à l’installation des migrants. Ce faisant, elle met en évidence la place centrale que les migrants français ont occupée dans la formation du condominium. La deuxième partie retrace au plus près la trajectoire d’individus et familles venus de manière assistée ou spontanée s’installer au Nouvelles-Hébrides pour devenir ou non planteurs. Elle suit d’abord leur processus migratoire en prenant en considération leurs lieux et milieux d’origine ainsi que les différentes étapes traversées avant leur arrivée dans l’archipel. Elle reconstitue ensuite leur parcours d’apprenti planteur aux Nouvelles-Hébrides, depuis leur arrivée jusqu’à leur enracinement. La troisième et dernière partie explore le versant privé du parcours des migrants français. Elle interroge ainsi l’interface sexuelle des relations entre les groupes, se poursuit sur le thème de l’éducation et se clôt sur la question des métis. A la croisée de plusieurs disciplines que sont l'anthropologie, la sociologie et l'histoire, ce travail de thèse se situe à la confluence de trois histoires que sont l'histoire impériale de la France dans le Pacifique Sud, l'histoire locale des ex-Nouvelles Hébrides et l'histoire individuelle ou familiale des migrants Français.

Comment arrive-t-on à sauvegarder un patrimoine rural en péril ? Faut-il le laisser à l’abandon et perdre une mémoire de l’histoire nationale et locale ? Le tourisme peut-il être une solution à la préservation du patrimoine palatial privé et de la mémoire des nombreuses générations qui l’ont occupé?Cette thèse propose d’aborder plusieurs domaines, le tourisme, le patrimoine, architecture, la littérature dans le but de comprendre quel peut-être le devenir du patrimoine palatial qui est situé dans des espaces ruraux construits sur un modèle colonial. A partir de plusieurs sources d’information (interviews, observations sur le terrain, guides, journaux, vidéos, média, réseaux sociaux, etc.) et un état des lieux des maisons seigneuriales privées ouvertes au tourisme, nous avons pu essayer d’évaluer l’atout tourisme pour la préservation du patrimoine palatial privé rural ?Nous avons travaillé sur trois régions rurales lusophones (Vale do Paraíba (Brésil), Ponte de Lima (Portugal) et Goa (Inde)) où un nombre significatif, en termes quantitatifs et qualitatifs, de palais se sont construits jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Ils ont connu leurs jours de gloire, puis le temps a effacé leur importance historique dans la mémoire collective nationale. Ils sont pourtant, par leur architecture, leur production agricole, les pratiques de leurs habitants, les témoins directs de notre histoire. Ces palais connaissent de nos jours des difficultés d’entretien, voire même de survie. Il est utile de confronter les trois lieux sélectionnés: ils sont pareillement menacés de disparitions tout en cherchant des solutions très diversifiées dans leur approche d’une conversion dans le tourisme
How can we preserve a threatened heritage? Should we neglect it and lose our memory of national and local history? Can tourism be a solution to preserve architectural private wealth?This thesis explores several fields, such as tourism, heritage, architecture and literature in order to determine what can be the future of architectural wealth in rural areas. Using various sources (interviews, field research, guides, video, media, social networks, etc.), and starting with an overview of the situation, we have arrived at the following question: can tourism be a solution to preserve architectural private wealth?Our study focuses on three Portuguese-speaking regions (Vale do Paraíba – Brazil, Ponte de Lima – Portugal and Goa - India), where many palaces were built until the 19th century. After a period of magnificence, their importance gradually faded in collective memory. They stand as witnesses of our history. Nowadays, it is more and more difficult to maintain these buildings. It is interesting to compare these three areas: their common point is the disappearance of their heritage, but they differ greatly in their tourism policies.The first part of this study describes the architectural heritage in Portuguese-speaking areas, and explains how it grew up and why it is now in danger. The second part analyses solutions offered in terms of rural tourism, and how family memory is thus preserved

Entre 1905, arrivée du Charentais Henri Fauconnier et 1957, date de l’indépendance du pays, des Français choisissent de vivre en Malaisie britannique pour travailler dans des plantations d’hévéas, arbres à caoutchouc. Les premières plantations créees par Henri Fauconnier sont regroupées dans les années 1920 au sein de la Société Financière des Caoutchoucs (Socfin). Parmi ces planteurs de caoutchouc, trois sont devenus écrivains. Le premier, Henri Fauconnier (1879-1973) décrit dans son roman Malaisie, publié et couronné par le Prix Goncourt en 1930, l’aventure et l’esprit pionnier des premiers Français venus défricher la jungle et planter les premiers arbres à caoutchouc au début du siècle. Le second, Pierre Boulle (1912-1994), fait paraître en 1952 Le Sacrilège malais. Dénonçant les excès de l’organisation et de la hiérarchie des grandes sociétés de plantation européennes, il dépeint avec humour la vie des planteurs de caoutchouc en Malaisie durant les années 1930 et 1940. Le troisième, Pierre Lainé, est né en 1930. Arrivé en Malaisie en 1955, il raconte dans L’Oreiller en Porcelaine les dernières années de la période coloniale. Ces romans, qui ont la particularité d’être écrits par des « écrivains-planteurs de caoutchouc » français dépeignent donc des périodes différentes, et témoignent d’une volonté de décrire la Malaisie, à travers le monde de la plantation de caoutchouc. Ils permettent de s’interroger sur la perception et la représentation de la colonie par ces Français qui sont à la fois des acteurs et des observateurs de son développement
Between 1905, arrival of Henri Fauconnier, from Charente, and 1957, independence of the country, some Frenchmen chose to come to Malaya to work in rubber estates. The first plantations founded by Henri Fauconnier merged in 1920s into Socfin group (Societé Financière des Caoutchouc). Amongst these rubber planters, three became novelists. Henri Fauconnier (1879-1973), described in his novel The Soul of Malaya – published and awarded by the Goncourt Prize in 1930 – the adventure and the pioneer spirit of the first Frenchmen who cleared the jungle and planted the first rubber trees. The second one, Pierre Boulle (1912-1994), wrote in 1952 Sacrilege in Malaya. Denouncing the excessive bureaucratization and the rigid hierarchy in the large European plantation companies, he humourisly described the rubber planters’ life in Malaya in the 1930s and 1940s. The third one, Pierre Lainé, was born in 1930. Living in Malaya since 1955, he told in his novel L’Oreiller en Porcelaine (The Porcelain Pillow), the last years of colonial period. These novels, which describe different eras, are written by “writers-rubber planters” and show a common wish to depict Malaya through the rubber plantation world. These Frenchmen were both actors and observers of the British colony’s development. The study of their works and their lives will give an insight of the way they perceive and analyze it

Jean joseph de laborde, negociant bayonnais devenu banquier de la cour au temps de choiseul, commence en 1768 a investir une partie de son immense fortune dans des habitations sucrieres de la plaine des cayes, partie du sud de saint dominique. Des lors, il se constitue un vaste domaine de 1500 hectares sur lequel en 1791, 1400 esclaves s'effairent a cultiver la canne et a produire pres de 500 tonnes de sucre terre par an. Neanmoins, la faiblesse des rendements et la sous-estimation des couts ne permettront pas d'atteindre les revenus esperes. Les ondes de choc de la revolution de 1789 vont detruire un mode d'exploitation fonde sur la traite et l'esclavage. Les soulevements successifs des mulatres et des negres livrent les trois habitations au pillage et a l'incendie. En 1804, c'est le retrait final et la ruine complete d'une entreprise coloniale a la fois grandiose et hasardeuse
Jean joseph de laborde, bayones merchant that has become banker of the court under choiseul starts in 1768 to invest a part of his huge fortune in the plain des cayes' sugar plantations of the southern part of santo domingo. From then on, he creates a vast estate of 473 acres on which 1044 slaves will be busy in 1791 cultivating sugar cane and producing nearly 500 tons of clayed sugar. Nevertheless, the low yields and the underestimate of costs did'nt permit to reach the hoped incomes. The shockwaves of the 1789 revolution were going to destory an exploitation based on slave-trade and slavery. The succesful mulattos an negros uprisings gave over the three plantations to pillage and fire. In 1804, were achieved the final withdrawal and complete decay of a colonial entreprise both grandiose and hazardous

This is a study of the creation and evolution of state forestry within colonial Kenya in social, economic, and political terms. Spanning Kenya’s entire colonial period, it offers a chronological account of how forestry came to Kenya and grew to the extent of controlling almost two million hectares of land in the country, approximately 20 per cent of the most fertile and most populated upland (above 1,500 metres) region of central Kenya . The position of forestry within a colonial state apparatus that paradoxically sought to both ‘protect’ Africans from modernisation while exploiting them to establish Kenya as a ‘white man’s country’ is underexplored in the country’s historiography. This thesis therefore clarifies this role through an examination of the relationship between the Forest Department and its African workers, Kenya’s white settlers, and the colonial government. In essence, how each of these was engaged in a pursuit for their own idealised ‘good forest’. Kenya was the site of a strong conservationist argument for the establishment of forestry that typecast the country’s indigenous population as rapidly destroying the forests. This argument was bolstered against critics of the financial extravagance of forestry by the need to maintain and develop the forests of Kenya for the express purpose of supporting the Uganda railway. It was this argument that led the colony’s Forest Department along a path through the contradictions of colonial rule. The European settlers of Kenya are shown as being more than just a mere thorn in the side of the Forest Department, as their political power represented a very real threat to the department’s hegemony over the forests. Moreover, Kenya’s Forest Department deeply mistrusted private enterprise and constantly sought to control and limit the unsustainable exploitation of the forests. The department was seriously underfunded and understaffed until the second colonial occupation of the 1950s, a situation that resulted in a general ad hoc approach to forest policy. The department espoused the rhetoric of sustainable exploitation, but had no way of knowing whether the felling it authorised was actually sustainable, which was reflected in the underdevelopment of the sawmilling industry in Kenya. The agroforestry system, shamba, (previously unexplored in Kenya’s colonial historiography) is shown as being at the heart of forestry in Kenya and extremely significant as perhaps the most successful deployment of agroforestry by the British in colonial Africa. Shamba provided numerous opportunities to farm and receive education to landless Kikuyu in the colony, but also displayed very strong paternalistic aspects of control, with consequential African protest, as the Forest Department sought to create for itself a loyal and permanent forest workforce. Shamba was the keystone of forestry development in the 1950s, and its expansion cemented the position of forestry in Kenya as a top-down, state-centric agent of economic and social development.

Robert Farquhar a occupé le poste d'administrateur pour la Compagnie britannique des Indes orientales au tournant du XIXe siècle avant d'assumer celui de gouverneur à l'Ile Maurice, une nouvelle colonie anglaise obtenue durant les guerres napoléoniennes. C'est au cours de son séjour sur « l'ile des épices » que Farquhar a commencé à s'impliquer dans le débat contre l'esclavage et le futur des plantations sucrieres caribeennes. Etant donné son expérience en tant qu'administrateur colonial, il était au fait des conséquences économiques de l'abolition de la traite des esclaves. Conscient des courants politiques de l'époque, il publia un traité intitulé Suggestions, arising from the abolition of the African slave trade, for supplying the demands of the West India colonies dont les idées étaient particulièrement innovantes pour l'époque. Il proposait en effet de déplacer les populations pauvres de façon massive, notamment les populations originaires de la Chine rurale, vers des régions jusqu'alors dépendantes du commerce des esclaves. Bien que cette proposition ait initialement été rejetée, nombreux de ses aspects furent ultérieurement utilisés lorsque l'engagisme fut plus généralement mis en pratique. Cette thèse examine les origines du travail contractuel ou engagisme asiatique en développant une connaissance de l'individu l'ayant initié. L'analyse de l'abondante correspondance de Farquhar permettra d'observer l'évolution de ses réflexions politiques, son traité en étant le point culminant, puis les contraintes pratiques de la mise en place d'un nouveau système de main-d'œuvre coercitif à l'île Maurice. Il est par conséquent nécessaire de contextualiser son travail à la fois historiquement dans une époque qui suit l'abolition de la traite, et géographiquement en fonction des différents lieux des postes qu'il a occupé. Plus globalement, dans une période de débats abolitionnistes qui voit la rivalité franco-britannique se transformer suite à l'obtention des territoires d'outre-mer. Cette étude permettra non seulement de mieux appréhender les conditions dans lesquelles Farquhar fit sa proposition et d'étudier la pertinence de ses idées dans les décennies et siècles qui suivirent
Robert Farquhar had been an East India Company administrator in the Moluccas at the turn of the 19th century before assuming the governorship of Mauritius as a British civil servant, the latter recently captured during the Napoleonic Wars. It was during Farquhar's earlier stay in the Spice Islands that he became involved in the anti-slavery debate and the future of Caribbean sugar plantations. Given his experience as a colonial administrator, he was well aware of the economic consequences abolishing the Slave Trade would entail. Attuned to the shifting political winds, Farquhar published a treatise in 1807 under the title 'Suggestions, arising from the abolition of the African slave trade, for supplying the demands of the West India colonies'. His ideas were relatively novel in that they involved shifting large impoverished populations, in this case from rural China, to areas previously sustained by slave labour. While initially dismissed as unworkable many of Farquhar's proposals were later adopted in the now well-known practice of indentured labour. The thesis will examine the origins of Asian contract labour through this early proponent. By examining an extensive range of correspondence the evolution of Farquhar's political thought will be traced, culminating in the noted treatise, and his subsequent confrontation with the practical constraints of instituting a new system of unfree labour in Mauritius. In doing so it wil be necessary to place his work in the broader imperial context of the period, along with the specific regions to which he was posted. This will permit drawing conclusions regarding the conditions that led to Farquhar's proposal in addition to its eventual longevity

The processes and practices that produced labour in the tea plantations of Assam Valley, India, from 1826-1910 are explored. The production of labour in Assam Valley is understood within the context of British Imperial politics that brought colonial capitalism into Assam Valley in the form of the tea industry. The establishment of tea plantations in Assam was also governed by the geographical and social conditions of the region at the time of its incorporation into the British Indian Empire in 1826. By 1910 the labour force in the plantations of Assam Valley comprised almost wholly of an immigrant labour force of men, women and children, the latter two together outnumbering the male labourers. Relying on documents produced by the colonial government pertaining to the tea industry like immigration records and correspondences between government officials, the demand for labour is understood within the context of immigration that was regulated by indenture laws. An exploration of both discourses and practices of colonial officials provide an understanding of the logic that accompanied the regulation of immigration as well as the politics of producing a labour force for the plantations. The memoirs of white planters and the writings of nationalist Indians are also analyzed and provide insight into their logic and practices. While planters' demands to a large extent pressured the colonial government to create an immigrant indentured labour force, the Indian nationalists criticized the extremely low wages and harsh treatment of the labour force. Colonial officials, planters and nationalists who were embroiled over the question of indentured labour force in contradictory ways were none the less agreed on the tea industry's role in Assam Valley as progressive. This belief in the 'modernizing' role of the tea industry saw the creation of the hegemonic demand for labour for the plantations during the period of the study. The politics of class, race, gender, caste and sexuality of these groups caused poverty stricken populations - men, women and children - from other parts of the British Indian Empire that had already undergone colonial restructuring to immigrate under indentured contracts to the plantations of Assam Valley. An analysis of oral traditions practised by the tea labour community of Assam Valley in conjunction with the written documents of colonial officials, planters and nationalists provide a picture of the harsh working and living conditions that prevailed on the plantations of Assam Valley from 1863 to 1910 - the period of regulated indentured immigration. The survival strategies and resistances of the female workers are tracked and contradict any assumption of passivity on their part and clearly bring out their active role even under the harsh circumstance of indenture. The analysis of the oral traditions also brings out the politics of class, caste, gender, race and sexuality that produced labour in the early years of the tea industry. At the same time these traditions also emphasize the role of historical memory of the period studied in reconstituting the tea labour community of Assam Valley.

This thesis explores the interweaving of colonial and post-colonial British and Jamaican Laws and the interpretive legalities of sexuality, compulsory heterosexuality, and queerness. The research project begins by exploring the ways in which the gendered colonial law produces black sexualities as excessive and in need of discipline while also noticing how Caribbean peoples negotiate and subvert these legalities. The work then turns to dancehall and its enmeshment with landscape (which reflects theatre-in-the round and African spiritual ceremonies), psycho scape (which retains African uses of marronage and pageantry as personhood), and musicscape (which deploys homophobia to demand heterosexuality), in order to tease out the complexities of Caribbean sexualities and queer practices. I couple these legal narratives and geographies with interviews and ethnographic data and draw attention to the ways in which queer men inhabit the dancehall. I argue that queer men participate in a dancehall culture—one that is perceived as heterosexual and homophobic—undetected because of the over-arching (cultural and aesthetic) queerness of the space coupled with the de facto heterosexuality afforded all who ‘brave’ dancehall’s homophobia. Queer dancehall participants report that inhabiting this space involves the tactical deployment of (often non-sexual) heterosexual signifiers as well as queering the dancehall aesthetic by moving from margin to centre. In so doing, I argue, queer dancehall queers transition from unvisible (never seen but always invoked) to invisible (blending into the queered space) while also moving across and through, as well as calling into question, North American gay culture, queer liberalism, and identity politics.
Thesis (Master, Gender Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-01-30 13:32:15.082

AN ECCENTRIC PLACE OF VERY HIGH QUALITY: OSSABAW ISLAND, GEORGIA AS A CONTEXT FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF HISTORICAL, CULTURAL, AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE ON THE ATLANTIC COAST by LINDA ORR KING Under the Direction of Glenn T. Eskew, PhD ABSTRACT This sweeping narrative demonstrates how Ossabaw Island’s landowners, some with a dedicated will and others unwittingly, managed to galvanize social, cultural, scientific, and political forces to preserve its natural environment despite a culture motivated by profit. Although geographically isolated, Ossabaw Island’s owners and inhabitants were active participants within the Atlantic World. Ossabaw’s owners and inhabitants adapted environmental strategies and social ideologies in accommodation not only with Ossabaw’s fragile barrier island ecosystems, but also with Southeastern coastal Georgia’s social and political movements. In particular, this work examines how the advantages of wealth and privilege provided the catalyst that ultimately benefited rather than exploited social and economic conditions on the island, leading Ossabaw Island to become the first barrier island Heritage Preserve on the southern Atlantic Coast. In addition to an analysis of unpublished manuscripts, maps, correspondence, and oral histories, this endeavor expands on the current knowledge about barrier island planters, slaves, freedmen, tenant farmers, lumbermen, boatmen, industrialists, and privileged families. It builds on previous works by including the guests, artists, scientists, writers, and environmentalists who visited the island. Furthermore, it investigates their interaction within political, economic, cultural, religious, and ideological spheres. Ossabaw Island’s indigenous societies, landed gentry, and wealthy owners shaped its cultural and economic identity from the 1560s to the modern day. It analyzes additional materials, including colonial and plantation records, official and personal correspondence, travel narratives, newspaper and magazine articles, and oral histories. This study seeks to expand the discourse on the exchange of sea island economies and societies well beyond the Savannah coastal region of the Atlantic World. The Ossabaw community evolved through conflict and compromise, and eventually encompassed not only sons and daughters of privilege and descendants of former slaves, but also artists, writers, scientists, and scholars from around the world. The central theme of this narrative history is the study of the motivating forces, both natural and synthetic, that shaped Ossabaw Island’s current distinctive cultural, environmental, and educational mission, with the major emphasis placed on the events of the 20th and 21st centuries.

Comment arrive-t-on à sauvegarder un patrimoine rural en péril ? Faut-il le laisser à l’abandon et perdre une mémoire de l’histoire nationale et locale ? Le tourisme peut-il être une solution à la préservation du patrimoine palatial privé et de la mémoire des nombreuses générations qui l’ont occupé?Cette thèse propose d’aborder plusieurs domaines, le tourisme, le patrimoine, architecture, la littérature dans le but de comprendre quel peut-être le devenir du patrimoine palatial qui est situé dans des espaces ruraux construits sur un modèle colonial. A partir de plusieurs sources d’information (interviews, observations sur le terrain, guides, journaux, vidéos, média, réseaux sociaux, etc.) et un état des lieux des maisons seigneuriales privées ouvertes au tourisme, nous avons pu essayer d’évaluer l’atout tourisme pour la préservation du patrimoine palatial privé rural ?Nous avons travaillé sur trois régions rurales lusophones (Vale do Paraíba (Brésil), Ponte de Lima (Portugal) et Goa (Inde)) où un nombre significatif, en termes quantitatifs et qualitatifs, de palais se sont construits jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Ils ont connu leurs jours de gloire, puis le temps a effacé leur importance historique dans la mémoire collective nationale. Ils sont pourtant, par leur architecture, leur production agricole, les pratiques de leurs habitants, les témoins directs de notre histoire. Ces palais connaissent de nos jours des difficultés d’entretien, voire même de survie. Il est utile de confronter les trois lieux sélectionnés: ils sont pareillement menacés de disparitions tout en cherchant des solutions très diversifiées dans leur approche d’une conversion dans le tourisme
How can we preserve a threatened heritage? Should we neglect it and lose our memory of national and local history? Can tourism be a solution to preserve architectural private wealth?This thesis explores several fields, such as tourism, heritage, architecture and literature in order to determine what can be the future of architectural wealth in rural areas. Using various sources (interviews, field research, guides, video, media, social networks, etc.), and starting with an overview of the situation, we have arrived at the following question: can tourism be a solution to preserve architectural private wealth?Our study focuses on three Portuguese-speaking regions (Vale do Paraíba – Brazil, Ponte de Lima – Portugal and Goa - India), where many palaces were built until the 19th century. After a period of magnificence, their importance gradually faded in collective memory. They stand as witnesses of our history. Nowadays, it is more and more difficult to maintain these buildings. It is interesting to compare these three areas: their common point is the disappearance of their heritage, but they differ greatly in their tourism policies.The first part of this study describes the architectural heritage in Portuguese-speaking areas, and explains how it grew up and why it is now in danger. The second part analyses solutions offered in terms of rural tourism, and how family memory is thus preserved