Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial Hong Kong'
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1
CARROLL, JOHN M. "Colonial Hong Kong as a Cultural-Historical Place." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 18, 2006): 517–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001958.
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In July 1997, when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, this former British colony became a new kind of place: a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the several years leading up to the 1997 transition, a sudden outpouring of Mainland Chinese scholarship stressed how Hong Kong had been an inalienable part of China since ancient times. Until then, however, Hong Kong had rarely figured in Mainland Chinese scholarship. Indeed, Hong Kong suffered from what Michael Yahuda has called a “peculiar neglect”: administered by the British but claimed by China, it was “a kind of bureaucratic no-man's land.” Only one university in all of China had a research institute dedicated primarily to studying Hong Kong. As part of this new “Hong Kong studies” (Xianggangxue), in 1997 China's national television studio produced two multi-episodic documentaries on Hong Kong: “One Hundred Years of Hong Kong” (Xianggang bainian) and “Hong Kong Vicissitudes” (Xianggang cangsang). The studio also produced two shorter documentaries, “One Hundred Points about Hong Kong” (Xianggang baiti) and “The Story of Hong Kong” (Xianggang de gushi). The “Fragrant Harbor” that PRC historians had generally dismissed as an embarrassing anachronism in a predominantly postcolonial world suddenly found its way into millions of Mainland Chinese homes.
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Chan, Siu Han. "Chinese Nationality and Coloniality of Hong Kong Student Movement, 1960–1970s." Asian Journal of Social Science 46, no. 3 (June 14, 2018): 330–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04603006.
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Abstract The present study investigates the episode of Hong Kong student movement in the 1960s to 1970s inspired by the charismatic idea of the Chinese Nation. Unlike most other cases of nationalist politics in colonial societies, Chinese identity politics in Hong Kong not only failed to challenge fundamentally the legitimacy of the British colonial state. It also did not proselytise Hong Kong people towards Chinese national identification and preoccupy Hong Kong society with the Chinese Question thereafter. Propitious colonial modernisation experience acting upon a diasporic population, which found it hard to establish meaningful rapport with the Chinese Nation, had attributed to the eccentric trajectory of Chinese Nationalism in Hong Kong. Local societal and cultural formations were then the eclectic solution to the ideational paradox of colonial modernity and Chinese Nationality in Hong Kong, which, however, remains problematic on its own, and connects closely with the lingering coloniality observed in this post-colonial society.
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Tang, Winnie. "(Re) imaginings of Hong Kong: Voices from the Hong Kong Diaspora and Their Children." Journal of Chinese Overseas 10, no. 1 (April 14, 2014): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341275.
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AbstractThis paper explores the (re)imaginings of the past by Chinese Americans and their families who came as part of the Hong Kong Chinese diaspora before 1997. Hong Kong is a locale often described as being conflicted with “the politics of disappearance”, but the Hong Kong Chinese diaspora provides a rich perspective into complex and nuanced tensions between central and peripheral linguistic and cultural imperialistic fields across time. Drawing upon the sociological work of transnational migration and belonging in Hong Kong, this research explores the discourses of Hong Kong émigrés and their young adult and adult children as they discuss their immigration stories, imaginings, and reimaginings of a colonial and post-colonial Hong Kong. The paper focuses on intergenerational conveyance of imagined identities across contexts and languages.
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Ngo, Tak-Wing. "Hong Kong Under Colonial Rule." China Information 12, no. 1-2 (July 1997): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x9701200101.
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Sánchez César, Miriam Laura. "Hong Kong 2018." Anuario Asia Pacífico el Colegio de México, no. 18 (January 1, 2019): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/aap.2019.288.
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Desde que Hong Kong pasó a dominio colonial británico como resultado del Tratado de Nanjing de 1842, la brecha entre China continental y la isla se hizo muy amplia, política y económicamente. En primer lugar, gran parte de la población de Hong Kong estaba constituida por chinos que huían de los conflictos en continente (Segunda Guerra Mundial y Guerra Civil China) y de la inestabilidad política y económica de las primeras décadas del régimen maoísta. En segundo lugar, aunque el gobierno colonial de Hong Kong no fue de ninguna manera democrático, garantizaba un respetable nivel de libertades civiles y de derechos humanos; no se puede decir lo mismo del sistema político en China (Wong, 2017). Además, Hong Kong ha practicado una economía de mercado con un alto nivel de internacionalización comparable con el de otros países desarrollados en términos de PIB per cápita. Todas estas diferencias han contribuido a la “crisis de confianza” surgida durante el periodo de transición que se intensificó después de 1989.
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Evans, Steven, and Christopher Green. "Language in post-colonial Hong Kong." English World-Wide 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2001): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.22.2.04eva.
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This article reports the findings of an investigation into the roles of English and Chinese in the workplace in post-1997 Hong Kong. The findings are derived from a questionnaire survey of 1 475 professionals, focus-group interviews and case studies. The study found that English continues to function as the unmarked language of internal and external written communication in both the public and private sectors. Chinese professionals who work for foreign-owned organisations in Hong Kong apparently make greater use of English in written communication than their counterparts in Hong Kong-owned companies, while professionals who work for large Hong Kong concerns read or write in English slightly more than those who work for small local companies. Cantonese is the unmarked language of intra-ethnic spoken communication, particularly in informal situations, while English is generally restricted to situations where expatriates are present.
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Peng, Wenchi. "Study of Influence of Post-colonial Thought and Identity Dilemma on Hong Kong." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 16 (March 26, 2022): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v16i.479.
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This article discusses how The British continued to exert political and cultural influence on Hong Kong after the end of colonial rule, proving the existence of Post-colonialism. Under the principle of "one country, two systems", what measures the Hong Kong government and the central government should take to resist this post-colonial influence and prevent more divisions and conflicts is of great significance to the future of Hong Kong.
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Pang, Ka Wei. "The making of Chinese medicine in Hong Kong." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 14, no. 1 (May 8, 2018): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-01-2018-0003.
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Purpose This paper aims to examine the development of Chinese medicine in Hong Kong and argues that Chinese medicine is not a mere healing practice but a discursive practice against its unique institutional context. Design/methodology/approach Reviewing the medical history in the colonial and post-colonial era, this paper delineates the dynamics between Chinese medicine and Western medicine, and the discursive shaping of Chinese medicine in Hong Kong. Findings While Chinese medicine in post-colonial Hong Kong is modernizing itself from a traditional medicine to the scientific Traditional Chinese medicine (TCM), it partakes in the decolonization and nationalization project and is geared towards the standardized TCM. Originality/value This paper proposed a critical cultural perspective in studying the discursive formation of Chinese medicine in Hong Kong.
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Tong, Ruijie. "The Formation and Practical Dilemma of Hong Kong's Executive-Led System from the Perspective of British Colonial History and Policy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/4/20220361.
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Hong Kong, as a particular administrative region of China, practices a very different system from that of mainland China, in which Hong Kong practices an executive-led approach in the distribution of government power. The formation of this system has very much to do with the more than 150 years of British colonial rule and its policies in Hong Kong. The focus of this paper is how Britain, as the suzerain state, exerted its influence on the colony and eventually made Hong Kong an executive-led system. Also, this study examines the dilemma of the executive-led system in Hong Kong today and the reasons for the hole's formation. This paper finds that Hong Kong's Executive-led system is essentially an extension of the Governor's system. It is the result of the influence of various policies during the British colonial rule in Hong Kong
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ABE, KAORI. "Middlemen, Colonial Officials, and Corruption: The rise and fall of government compradors in Hong Kong, 1840s–1850s." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1774–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000573.
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AbstractExploring the rise and fall of government compradors, this article highlights Sino-British collusion in the corruption and extortion cases of the Hong Kong colonial government in the 1840s and the 1850s. A number of compradors worked for the Hong Kong colonial government throughout the nineteenth century, acting as a key communication channel between Chinese residents and colonial officials in the formative years of the colony. Various institutions of the colonial government, for instance the Colonial Treasury, Post Office, and British military, employed compradors. Colonial officials also personally employed compradors, who supported their principals’ work in the government. However, a symbiotic relationship between corrupt colonial officials and compradors had become a public problem by the mid-1850s. The colonial government responded to this by diversifying its Chinese staff rather than depending on monopolistic compradors, and also launched a scheme to nurture and employ British personnel who could act as intermediaries between the British and Chinese communities. At the same time, different kinds of Chinese intermediary elites emerged in Hong Kong from the 1860s onwards, and government compradors’ monopolistic authority in mediating between colonial officials and the Chinese public gradually declined. The volatile government comprador system highlights a key phase in the history of the evolution of the comprador system in Hong Kong.
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CHIN, ANGELINA Y. "Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (March 17, 2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.
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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong. The second narrative, which represents a futuristic imagining of a regional landscape, rewrites the trajectory of Hong Kong by merging the city with the Pearl River Delta region. However, these narrative strategies have triggered ambivalent responses from people in Hong Kong, especially the generations born after 1980. In their discursive battles against merging with the mainland, activists have sought to instil a collective memory that encourages a counter-imagination of a particular kind of Hong Kong that draws from the pre-1997 past. This conflict pits activists and their supporters against officials in the local government working to move Hong Kong towards integration with greater Guangdong and China at large. But the local resistance discourses are inadequate because they are constrained by their own parochial visions and colonial nostalgia.
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Tsang, University of Warwick, UK, Michael. "English Writing as Neo-colonial Resistance: An Exchange of English Poetry in Hong Kong." Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/asiatic.v8i2.488.
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After its handover in 1997, Hong Kong has arguably moved to a neo-colonial situation, where many of its native inhabitants are facing threats from China in their daily lives and material conditions. This has given rise to a movement of resistance against the hegemony of China. Most English writing in Hong Kong have yet to pick up this recent socio-political tension, but in 2012, an English poem written by a mainland Chinese student studying in Hong Kong came under fire for its superficial criticism of Hong Kong from a mainland Chinese persona. The poem drew angry responses from Hong Kong netizens, who then created parodies of the poem to mock China. In this article, I consider this poetic exchange one of the few instances where mainstream social sentiments in Hong Kong intersect with the much neglected English writing of the city. This poetic exchange – the original poem and the various imitations – delineates the social, cultural and political fault lines between China and Hong Kong. The literary value, I argue, lies not in the individual poems, but in how this action-reaction communication alerts us, via poetry and English writing, to be sensitive to the neo-colonial situation of Hong Kong.
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Lee, William KM. "Women employment in colonial Hong Kong." Journal of Contemporary Asia 30, no. 2 (January 2000): 246–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472330080000151.
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Lai, Lawrence W. C. "Discriminatory zoning in colonial Hong Kong." Property Management 29, no. 1 (February 8, 2011): 50–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02637471111102932.
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Chan, Selina Ching. "Tea cafés and the Hong Kong identity: Food culture and hybridity." China Information 33, no. 3 (May 11, 2018): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18773409.
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This article examines the meanings of caa caan teng (茶餐廳, local cafés) in Hong Kong and the implications of such cafés on the Hong Kong identity. It argues that the local café is a representation of Hong Kong culture because it reflects Hong Kong’s political, economic, and social developmental paths and mirrors the everyday life of its people. I investigate how the interaction of different immigrant cultures in Hong Kong has resulted in the invention of hybrid foods at the local café. These foods demonstrate hybridity as the transgression of boundaries through the negotiation of cultural differences among migrants, as well as those between migrants and colonialists. I argue that hybridity in local cafés reflects the power relations among the locals in Hong Kong, between locals and colonialists, and between locals and the new authorities in Beijing. Hybridity found in local cafés symbolizes the Hong Kong identity, as an entanglement between the multiplicity of Chinese ethnicities and the colonial modernity as characterized by flexibility, efficiency, choice, and diversity. These features differentiate the Hong Kong people from the colonialists and the mainlanders, thus constructing their identity and subjectivity, as former colonial subjects now living in the ‘periphery’ of the motherland.
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Kwan, Simon Shui-Man. "Decolonizing “Protestant” Death Rituals for the Chinese Bereaved: Negotiating a Resistance that is Contextually Relevant." International Journal of Practical Theology 25, no. 2 (January 13, 2021): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2019-0017.
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Abstract This paper is a postcolonial reading of the Protestant practice of continuing bonds between the living and the dead in Hong Kong. It sees the practice as an imperfect indigenization that, in the post-colonial Hong Kong context, can be interpreted as an everyday resistance, a notion advanced by James Scott. The postcolonial relevance of an everyday resistance is explained. The findings of a qualitative study are reported to substantiate the claims. It concludes that a practical theology of imperfect indigenization understood as resistance on everyday level is a public theology recommendable to the post-colonial Hong Kong and Asia.
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Tang, James T. H. "From Empire Defence to Imperial Retreat: Britain's Postwar China Policy and the Decolonization of Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012427.
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Attempts to examine Hong Kong as an issue in British postwar colonial policy often emphasize the unique nature of the colony, and therefore a special case in British decolonization. Hong Kong has been regarded as an unconventional colonial entity, an anachronism in the modern world. But others argue that the word colony is not an appropriate term to describe it, except in the most severely technical legal sense, because of its spectacular industrial and economic development since the end of the Second World War. Nonetheless, Hong Kong has existed as a British crown colony since 1842, and its colonial political structures have remained more or less the same until the early 1980s. Hong Kong's special relations with China is an important factor making it an oddity in post-war British decolonization. Instead of becoming independent like most other British colonialterritories, Hong Kong's political future is linked to China. This situation of ‘decolonization without independence’ has been an important theme of academic analysis on the colony's political development.
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Fong, Brian C. H. "State-Society Conflicts under Hong Kong's Hybrid Regime." Asian Survey 53, no. 5 (September 2013): 854–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.5.854.
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Similar to its colonial predecessor, the post-colonial Hong Kong state relies on its business allies to mediate state-society relations. Nevertheless, because of the erosion of the intermediary role of business elites, the state-business alliance now struggles to accommodate the rising challenges of civil society. The case of Hong Kong offers an interesting case study to the literature on hybrid regimes.
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Luk, Yun Tong. "Post-Colonialism and Contemporary Hong Kong Theatre: Two Case Studies." New Theatre Quarterly 14, no. 56 (November 1998): 366–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00012446.
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The case of Hong Kong – acquired by the British under treaty, and restored to Chinese sovereignty in what some perceived as merely a shift from colonial to neo-colonial rule – always seemed a special case in the debate over post-colonialism. In NTQ53 (February 1998) Frank Bren looked primarily from an artistic and administrative viewpoint at the connections between film and theatre in the former colony: in the article which follows, Yun Tong Luk explores the social and cultural significance of two influential local productions, staged almost a decade apart – one, We're Hong Kong, shortly after the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, the other; Tales of the Walled City, coinciding with the moment of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese rule. He points out the uniqueness of post-colonial experience in the territory, and examines the ambivalent attitudes of the Hong Kong people before and after the change of sovereignty.
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Siu-Kai, Lau, and Kuan Hsin-chi. "Partial Democratization, “Foundation Moment” and Political Parties in Hong Kong." China Quarterly 163 (September 2000): 705–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000014624.
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Before the late 1980s, political parties were unknown phenomena in colonial Hong Kong. Since then measures of democratization initiated by the British in anticipation of their withdrawal in 1997 made available a portion of political power for public contest. The democratic reforms initiated by Chris Patten, the last colonial governor of Hong Kong, accelerated party formation and competition in the last few years of British rule.
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PECKHAM, ROBERT. "Hygienic Nature: Afforestation and the greening of colonial Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (January 12, 2014): 1177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000620.
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AbstractThis article examines the ‘greening’ of Hong Kong in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with an emphasis on the afforestation of the colony's ‘barren’ mountainsides from the 1880s. To date, histories of Hong Kong have tended to focus on the colonial state's urban interventions, particularly on the draconian measures it took to ‘sanitize’ Chinese districts. In contrast, this article connects Hong Kong's urban development with the history of green space and the cultivation of ‘nature’. While the state sought to transform the ‘barren rock’ into a visible correlate of the colony's aspiring status as an imperial hub in Asia, the promotion of hygiene and health provided a further rationale for tree-planting. The article argues that colonial Hong Kong provides insights into the ‘tropicalization of modernity’ and the constitutive processes by which colonial power was naturalized and legitimated through planning practices that extended from the urban to the natural. A study of Hong Kong's afforestation underscores the importance of the natural environment as a ‘contact zone’ between colonial and ‘native’ cultures; it also reveals the extent to which the equation of a ‘green’ landscape with economic (re)production and colonial order, functioned as a critical trope for framing race and labour.
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Rule, Pauline. "The Transformative Effect of Australian Experience on the Life of Ho A Mei, 1838–1901, Hong Kong Community Leader and Entrepreneur." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341256.
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Abstract Ho A Mei, one of the earliest young Chinese to receive a thorough English education in the colony of Hong Kong, spent ten difficult years from 1858 to 1868, striving to make a fortune in the gold rush Australian colony of Victoria. Here he learnt much about modern business practices and ventures and also protested against the racial hostility that the Chinese encountered. Eventually after his retreat back to Hong Kong and Guangdong Province, he was successful partly because of his experiences in the advanced capitalist economy of colonial Victoria. This led him to move beyond the mercantile enterprises and property buying, which were key activities of many Hong Kong Chinese businessmen, into the areas of modern financial and telegraph services and mining ventures. He also spoke out frequently in a provocative manner against the colonial government over injustices and discrimination that limited the rights and freedom of the Chinese in Hong Kong. During the 1880s and 1890s, he was a recognized Chinese community leader, one whose assertiveness on behalf of Chinese interests was not always appreciated by the Hong Kong authorities.
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Siu-kai, Lau. "The Rise and Decline of Political Support for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government." Government and Opposition 34, no. 3 (July 1999): 352–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00486.x.
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ON 1 JULY 1997, THE END OF COLONIAL RULE USHERED IN A NEW government for the 6½ million people of Hong Kong. Ironically, in stark contrast to other new regimes which took over from colonial rulers, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government was greeted with only a moderate amount of enthusiasm by the governed. Nevertheless, public support for the new regime mounted in the first four months of its existence. Since October 1997, however, it has declined continuously and has now reached a low level. Evidently, the governing strategy crafted by the HKSAR government had achieved a certain degree of success in the early months of its existence. Since then, though the HKSAR government obstinately follows this governing strategy, changes in the conditions in Hong Kong have in any case rendered this strategy obsolete. Low public support is bound to undermine effective governance in postcolonial Hong Kong.
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SUMMERS, TIM. "British Policy toward Hong Kong and its Political Reform." Issues & Studies 52, no. 04 (December 2016): 1650013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500132.
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Twenty years after the return of Hong Kong from British to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, this paper examines the UK’s policy toward Hong Kong over the last decade, with a particular focus on its approach toward the ongoing and intensifying political and constitutional debates in Hong Kong, which have partial origins in the British colonial legacy. The paper argues that the UK has been attempting a delicate balancing act in relation to Hong Kong between a number of factors: the growing importance of relations with China as a whole, the particular opportunities offered by UK–Hong Kong links, the changing and more contested political landscape in Hong Kong, the occasional intervention of British politics, and the agreements on Hong Kong’s future to which the UK was party in the 1980s. These reflect tensions between pragmatism and idealism, and in conclusion, the paper discusses what the case of Hong Kong says more broadly about the making of British foreign policy.
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Zou, Han. "A History of the Evolution of Building Control in Hong Kong (1841-1997)." Applied Mechanics and Materials 357-360 (August 2013): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.357-360.257.
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In the colonial period during 1841 to 1997, Hong Kong had developed much from a fishing village to an international metropolis and also the building industry developed at the same time. This paper takes a historic view to review the evolution of building control in Hong Kong, and then the characteristics in each phase can be summed up. The legislation of building control of Hong Kong set an example especially for high-density urbanization.
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Indrady, Andry. "HONG KONG SAR IMMIGRATION IN THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICS, POLICY AND INSTITUTION." Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Keimigrasian 1, no. 2 (November 24, 2018): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jikk.v1i2.22.
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The Bureaucratic System of the Immigration Department of Hong Kong SAR is one of the legacies from British Colonial Government seen from legal and also immigration bureaucratic perspectives reflect the executive power domination over immigration policymaking. This is understandable since Hong Kong SAR adopts “Administrative State Model” which means Immigration Officer as a bureaucrat holds significant roles at both stages of policymaking and also its implementation. This research looks at transition period of the Immigration Department and its policies since the period of handover of Hong Kong SAR from the British Government to the Government of China especially throughout the concern from the public including academics about the future of immigration policies made by the Department that arguably from colonial to current being used as political and control tools to safeguard the interest of the Ruler. This situation ultimately will question the existence of Hong Kong SAR as one of the International Hub in the Era of Millennium.
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Bremner, G. Alex, and David P. Y. Lung. "Spaces of Exclusion: The Significance of Cultural Identity in the Formation of European Residential Districts in British Hong Kong, 1877–1904." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21, no. 2 (April 2003): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d310.
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In this paper we discuss the role and significance of European cultural identity in the formation of the urban environment in 19th-century and early-20th-century British Hong Kong. Our purpose is to offer an alternative reading of the social history of Hong Kong-the orthodox accounts of which remain largely predominant in the general historical understanding of that society-by examining the machinations that surrounded attempts by the European colonial elite to control the production of urban form and space in the capital city of Hong Kong, Victoria. Here the European Residential District ordinance of 1888 (along with other related ordinances) is considered in detail. An examination of European cultural self-perception and the construction of colonial identity is made by considering not only the actual ways in which urban form and space were manipulated through these ordinances but also the visual representation of the city in art. Here the intersection between ideas and images concerning civil society, cultural identity, architecture, and the official practices of colonial urban planning is demonstrated. It is argued that this coalescing of ideas, images, and practices in the colonial environment of British Hong Kong not only led to the racialisation of urban form and space there but also contributed to the apparent anxiety exhibited by the European population over the preservation of their own identity through the immediacy of the built environment.
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Adorjan, Michael, and Wing Hong Chui. "Colonial responses to youth crime in Hong Kong: Penal elitism, legitimacy and citizenship." Theoretical Criminology 17, no. 2 (May 2013): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480612472784.
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This article examines colonial responses to youth crime in Hong Kong, focusing on the 1960s, when riots involving large numbers of youth drew concern among officials over spillover from the Cultural Revolution in Mainland China; and on the 1970s, when the Government initiated a program of state building focused on instilling citizen identification with Hong Kong, youth in particular. Elite reaction is examined through a series of Legislative Council debates, declassified official reports and governmental Annual Reports. The article argues that youth crime control in Hong Kong’s colonial context could best be understood using a penal elitist framework, one which remains influential today.
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CHAN, MING K. "Hong Kong: Colonial Legacy, Transformation, and Challenge." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 547, no. 1 (September 1996): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716296547001002.
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Lu, Tracey L. ‐D. "Heritage Conservation in Post‐colonial Hong Kong." International Journal of Heritage Studies 15, no. 2-3 (March 2009): 258–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527250902890969.
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Smart, Alan, and Josephine Smart. "Formalization as confinement in colonial Hong Kong." International Sociology 32, no. 4 (April 4, 2017): 437–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917701603.
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The nature of informal economies is structured by conflict between governmental strategies of confinement, to places, times and how things are done, and the transgression of these confines by informal actors in pursuit of survival or advantage. This article examines the influential development program of formalization in the context of these conflicts. Informality can be formalized in two ways, by eradication and by regularization. Building on their past ethnographic research on informality, the authors use released confidential Hong Kong colonial government documents to explore the informal discussions among policy makers about how to respond to informal practices, and how their understanding of street vendors influences their chose of confinement strategies. While insisting on eradication for squatters, various forms of regularization were attempted for street vendors.
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Shen, Shuang. "Dispatch from Hong Kong." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1757–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1757.
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I moved to Hong Kong about fourteen months ago to teach in a liberal arts university located in the new territories, on the border between Hong Kong and mainland China, about half an hour away by bus. Before coming to Hong Kong, I had taught for a few years in several American institutions, ranging from a community college to a research university. The courses I taught were mostly in Asian American literature, postcolonial literature, and Chinese literature in translation. Immersed as a graduate student and a teacher in American multiculturalism, postcolonialism, and ethnic studies, I have found a great deal of difference between the situation in Hong Kong and the social contexts of the United States and former colonial nations in South Asia, in which most ethnic, multicultural, and postcolonial theories are situated.
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Wang, Chenyang. "From Isolated Fishing Village to Cosmopolitan City: Geographical Changes of Hong Kong in Modern Times." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 35 (July 4, 2024): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/sm9q6r74.
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In recent years, the economic and social development and urbanisation of the Hong Kong region have shown a vigorous development under the implementation of one country, two systems. Historical studies of Hong Kong have also gradually received attention from the society and the academia, but the existing studies are relatively weak on the geographic location change of Hong Kong’s social development in modern times. This paper examines the process of geographic location change in Hong Kong in the modern era, in order to provide ideas on historical geography for the study of Hong Kong history. Although colonial rule brought Hong Kong deep sufferings and humiliation, making full use of its geographical advantages and actively seizing every opportunity for development, Hong Kong gradually arose from a small fishing village to a ccosmopolitan city. Its diversified economy, prosperous industries and active financial market have attracted investors and talents from all over the world. Hong Kong had gradually realized the transformation and development of modernization, and had become a shining pearl in the South China Sea.
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Liu, Ming, and Cong Jiang. "Constant fear, but lingering nostalgia: British press representations of post-colonial Hong Kong 20 years on." Discourse & Communication 13, no. 6 (August 7, 2019): 630–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481319868852.
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This study conducts a corpus-assisted discourse study of the representations of post-colonial Hong Kong in The Times over the past 20 years. The primary purpose is to reveal its preferential ways of representing Hong Kong and explicate the intricate relations between language use and the historical and socio-political contexts. Through an integration of the methods and theories associated with critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, this study conducts both synchronic and diachronic analyses of the representations of Hong Kong from 1997 to 2017. The findings suggest that The Times’ representations of Hong Kong tend to be crisis- and conflict-oriented. While evoking constant fear about the future of Hong Kong, it still suggests that it is Britain’s duty and moral obligation to protect the former British colony. The same trend can also be identified in The Times’ representations of the mass protests against the proposed extradition bill in 2019.
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Jackson, Jane. "In search of a home: identities in transition in post-colonial Hong Kong." English Today 18, no. 2 (April 2002): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078402002067.
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Excerpts from the cultural identity narratives and follow-up interviews of a group of ethnic Chinese majors in English at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, identifying recurrent issues and metaphors.IN HONG KONG, how have recent political events such as the Handover (change of sovereignty from Britain to China) in 1997 impacted on young people's sense of self? What cultural groups do they now identify with and why? What self-labels do they prefer? This article reports on a qualitative, sociocultural investigation that took place at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, a bilingual English/Chinese institution. Hong Kong have had a significant impact on shaping and sometimes changing students' cultural identities. The Handover, in particular, caused them to reflect on and even question their place in the world. Just before the change of sovereignty, many applied for passports whose nature sometimes brought them into conflict with their parents and grandparents.
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Bolton, Kingsley, and Christopher Hutton. "Bad and banned language: Triad secret societies, the censorship of the Cantonese vernacular, and colonial language policy in Hong Kong." Language in Society 24, no. 2 (April 1995): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018571.
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ABSTRACTThe language of Chinese secret societies (“triads”) in Hong Kong can be studied by relating triad language to anti-languages, to taboo language, and to the status of the vernacular in sociolinguistic theory. Also examined here are the laws in Hong Kong concerning triad language, and the attitudes of government agencies charged with policing the media. One striking feature of the Hong Kong situation is that the use of triad jargon can in some circumstances constitute a serious criminal offense. However, triad language also appears to be a source of innovation, through the popular media, into mainstream Hong Kong Cantonese. Research on triad language is relevant to the relationship between colonialism and language control. (Cantonese, Hong Kong, colonialism, triad secret societies, censorship, vernacular, taboo language, criminal slang)
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Fu, Poshek. "Japanese Occupation, Shanghai Exiles, and Postwar Hong Kong Cinema." China Quarterly 194 (June 2008): 380–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100800043x.
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AbstractThis article explores a little-explored subject in a critical period of the history of Hong Kong and China. Shortly after the surrender of Japan in 1945, China was in the throes of civil war between the Nationalists and Communists while British colonial rule was restored in Hong Kong, The communist victory in 1949 deepened the Cold War in Asia. In this chaotic and highly volatile context, the flows and linkages between Shanghai and Hong Kong intensified as many Chinese sought refuge in the British colony. This Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus played a significant role in the rebuilding of the post-war Hong Kong film industry and paved the way for its transformation into the capital of a global pan-Chinese cinema in the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on a study of the cultural, political and business history of post-war Hong Kong cinema, this article aims to open up new avenues to understand 20th-century Chinese history and culture through the translocal and regional perspective of the Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus.
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Shaoyang, Lin. "Hong Kong in the Midst of Colonialism, Collaborative and Critical Nationalism from 1925 to 1930." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744409.
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In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links.
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Yu, Andrew Chun Kit. "Harmony and Discord: Development of Political Parties and Social Fragmentation in Hong Kong, 1980-2017." Open Political Science 2, no. 1 (August 28, 2019): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0006.
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AbstractThis paper seeks to examine why political parties in Hong Kong are fragmented and how the development of political parties in Hong Kong leads to social discord. Political parties started to emerge in Hong Kong in the 1980s. They had a golden opportunity to develop in the 1990s due to political reform, but why are political parties in Hong Kong still small, weak, with poor reputations and weak support? The author points out five factors that lead to the malfunction of political parties in Hong Kong. Although some factors are caused by the political parties themselves, the author argues that they are, all in all, constitutional or institutional factors, as they are long-term restraints directly set by the government since the colonial era. Due to the failure of party development in Hong Kong caused by constitutional and institutional restraints, the author will also discuss how this failure has lead to the political and social discord in the past two decades since the handover and the future.
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Wang, Qiyu. "The Research on the Hong Kong's Ideological Identity in Days of Being Wild." BCP Education & Psychology 8 (February 27, 2023): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v8i.4342.
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At a time when Hong Kong's ideological identity is diverging from that of mainland China, Days of Being Wild, as a film that profoundly insinuates the problem of Hong Kong's identity, lurks as a root cause and a solution to the problem of resolving the conflict between Hong Kong and mainland China. At present, the ideological research on the film is mainly focused on post-colonial studies, and the value of the film for Hong Kong identity studies is not well understood. This article uses the ideological analysis of the film in John Ford's Young Mr. Lincoln of Cahiers du Cinéma to analyze the background characters and the ideology of the film, identifying two different attitudes to identity in Hong Kong during the same period: the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover and the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover. The film's ideological analysis reveals two different attitudes towards identity in Hong Kong during the same period: the "Hong Kong Chinese" who accepted the handover and the immigrants who completely abandoned their "Chinese" identity. On this basis, the article proposes film-making suggestions to bridge the rift between mainland China and Hong Kong: rooting in a common cultural context and reducing the export of ideological prejudice.
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Wang, William S.-Y. "Martha C. Pennington (ed.), Language in Hong Kong at century's end. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998. Pp. xv, 449. US $33.40." Language in Society 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404501291052.
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Hong Kong has received much world attention in recent years. After a century and half of colonial occupation, it was returned to China in 1997. Before British rule, it was an unremarkable seaside outpost of Guangzhou (Canton), the premier city in South China. Thus, the speech of its overwhelming majority is called “Cantonese” in English. In fact, Hong Kong and Guangzhou share essentially the same speech, the primary differences being lexical choices.
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Walls, John. "Building colonial Hong Kong: Speculative development and segregation in the city – A book review." Journal of Chinese Architecture and Urbanism 5, no. 3 (July 27, 2023): 1110. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/jcau.1110.
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Cecilia Chu, an urban historian, was surprised at her studies that unmasking the 19th-century colonial land tenure system resulted in “good government” in Hong Kong. She found the colonial governance evolved to respect traditional Confucian values of impartiality, integrity, and a commitment to the public interest. The need for Hong Kong government to be self-sufficient by Britain was the original driver for this to happen; that is, the requirement to sell public land to raise revenue from the European and Chinese Speculators essential for the development of Hong Kong. Chu’s research revealed that both events and politics over time required the government to move beyond laissez-faire economics and to become interventionist to tackle diseased slum areas and unsafe buildings and to shape new urban development to deliver healthier housing and better environments. Overseas experience of epidemics had led to a growing understanding of the relationship between health and economy in the 19th century. Populations fleeing Hong Kong during epidemics served to demonstrate that the city needed to be healthy if it was to prosper. This caused the government to adopt interventionist policies. In particular, the government intervened in its land sales strategy to reduce fiscal revenue income from sales to induce the private sector to contribute towards social provision in public health, housing and modern town planning. It also had a bearing on colonial segregation strategies to reflect different expectations of the European and native Chinese communities. Crucially, while the colonial administration remained in power, greater involvement of the Chinese elites in the bureaucracy gave legitimacy portraying Hong Kong as a “land of justice.” This demonstration of “good government” helped maintain the loyalty of the Chinese merchant elites and native Chinese population.
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Yu, Andrew. "British Values, Hong Kong Voices: Tracing Hong Kong’s Britishness and Its Influences on British Immigration Policies." African and Asian Studies 22, no. 4 (December 27, 2023): 418–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341616.
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Abstract This article examines the rationale behind the United Kingdom’s decision to offer Hongkongers new immigration routes and assess whether Britishness constitutes part of Hong Kong’s identity, influencing this policy choice. It explores the concept of Britishness and how Hong Kong developed a distinct identity through its colonial history and experiences under British rule. Perspectives from the British administration, Hongkongers, and Chinese government on Hong Kong’s Britishness are considered. The article argues the United Kingdom action stems from two factors – perceiving a shared Britishness between Hongkongers and Britons mitigating public backlash, and viewing Hongkongers’ Britishness as crucial to their integration. Ultimately, Britishness remains integral to Hong Kong due to shared social and political values with Britain from over 150 years of colonial rule.
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MARK, CHI-KWAN. "The ‘Problem of People’: British Colonials, Cold War Powers, and the Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong, 1949–62." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 6 (January 11, 2007): 1145–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002666.
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From late 1956 onwards, British colonial officials spoke of the postwar influx of Chinese refugees from the mainland to Hong Kong as a ‘problem of people’, with serious consequences on housing, social services and even political relations. The problem was also one of an international concern: both Communist and Nationalist China and the United States saw it in the wider context of their Cold War struggles. At first, the Hong Kong government was ambivalent about providing massive relief for the refugees, either by itself or by the United Nations. But by the late 1950s and early 1960s, the political importance of turning potential rioters into responsible citizens, and the Cold War implications of great powers' involvement convinced British colonials that the only lasting solution to the problem was not overseas emigration (with outside aid) but full local integration (through trade and industrialization). The international history of the Chinese refugee problem epitomizes the local history of the Cold War over Hong Kong.
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Adorjan, Michael, and Ho Lun Yau. "Resinicization and Digital Citizenship in Hong Kong: Youth, Cyberspace, and Claims-Making." Qualitative Sociology Review 11, no. 2 (April 30, 2015): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.11.2.11.
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Under the “one country, two systems” model fashioned after its handover to China in 1997, Hong Kong, a Special Administrative Region of China, is to retain its rule of law, capitalist system, and accompanying political and ideological independence. However, tensions remain centered on concerns held by many Hong Kong citizens over the “resinicization” of Hong Kong, related to anxieties regarding the putative erosion of political and ideological freedoms. This paper examines the claims-making of the student activist group Scholarism, who effectively used Facebook to raise awareness of and successfully resist a government proposal to introduce a national education curriculum into Hong Kong schools. Scholarism’s resistance and ability to mobilize mass demonstrations against the government is significant considering the lack of democratic channels in Hong Kong. Implications are explored for the examination of how claims-making in cyberspace impacts the social problems process, especially in non-democratic and post-colonial contexts.
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Aitken, Ian. "Authoritarianism, the struggle for current affairs public service broadcasting and Radio Television Hong Kong." Asian Cinema 33, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00051_1.
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This article is one outcome of research into primary documents held in national archives in Malaysia, Singapore, the United Kingdom and, in Hong Kong, the archives of Radio Television Hong Kong and Hong Kong Public Records Office. These documents indicate how the territories of Malaysia, Singapore and Hong Kong responded to calls to develop television broadcasting systems which embodied public service broadcasting (PSB). That response was conditioned by the reality that all three territories were authoritarian entities, and that PSB was, in contradistinction, a liberal-democratic concept. This article will chart the problems involved in establishing television PSB in these territories, beginning with Malaysia and Singapore during the 1960s, and then Hong Kong, 1970–2020. The article will begin with a brief account of the notion of PSB, and the role played by western broadcasting companies during the Cold War, in colonial British South East Asia, during the 1950s and 1960s.
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Wan, Kent. "The Guangdong-Hong Kong nexus in grassroots collective actions amid Sino-Anglo interface, 1841 to 1927." Public Administration and Policy 24, no. 3 (October 27, 2021): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-08-2021-0048.
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PurposeThis paper provides an analytical account detailing the historical linkages between Chinese on both sides of the Sino-Hong Kong border from 1841 onwards and examining important incidents of collective actions in the colony and Canton.Design/methodology/approachUsing annual reports published by the colonial administration in Hong Kong, especially those focusing on years that witnessed major incidents of anti-colonial agitations, this paper analyzes how British policymakers were confronted by collective actions mounted by Chinese in Canton and Hong Kong. Building on the works of prominent historians and utilizing the theoretical frameworks of analysts such as Charles Tilly (1978), the author examines if a Cantonese regional solidarity served as the foundation for popular movements, which in turn consolidated a rising Chinese nationalism when Canton and Hong Kong were the focal points of mass actions against imperialism.FindingsHong Kong Chinese workers were vanguards of the modern Chinese revolutions that transformed not just their homeland, but their lives, allegiances, and aspirations as Chinese in a domain under foreign jurisdiction on Chinese soil, as their actions were emulated by their compatriots outside of South China, thus starting a chain reaction that culminated in the establishment of the Nanjing regime.Originality/valueThis paper reveals that popular movements of Hong Kong Chinese possessed national and international importance, especially when they were supported by their Cantonese compatriots and the two leading Chinese political parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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Tremlett, Paul-François. "Affective Dissent in the Heart of the Capitalist Utopia: Occupy Hong Kong and the Sacred." Sociology 50, no. 6 (July 11, 2016): 1156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515591943.
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Hong Kong has been represented as a politically indifferent, capitalist utopia. This representation was first deployed by British colonial elites and has since been embroidered by Hong Kong’s new political masters in Beijing. Yet, on 15 October 2011, anti-capitalist activists identifying with the global Occupy movement assembled in Hong Kong Central and occupied a space under the HSBC bank. Occupy Hong Kong proved to be the longest occupation of all that was initiated by the global Occupy movement. Situated in a space notable for previously having been the haunt of Filipina domestic workers, the occupation conjured a community into the purified spaces of Hong Kong’s financial district. I describe this in terms of an eruption of the sacred that placed conventional norms of Hong Kong city life under erasure, releasing powerful emotions into spaces once thought to be immune to the ritual effervescences of the transgressive.
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KIM, Minsuh. "Revisiting Traditional Chinese Medicine in Hong Kong during the Influenza Epidemics in the 1950s and 1960s." Korean Journal of Medical History 33, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 191–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.191.
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This paper examines the supply and utilization of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in Hong Kong during the influenza epidemics of the 1950s and 1960s. Existing narratives of TCM in Hong Kong have predominantly framed with within the dichotomy of Western medicine “<i>Xiyi</i>” and Chinese medicine “<i>Zhongyi</i>,” portraying TCM as marginalized and nearly wiped out by colonial power. Departing from this binary opposition, this study views TCM as an autonomous space that had never been subjugated by the colonial power which opted for minimal interventionist approach toward TCM. By adopting diachronic and synchronic perspectives on Hong Kong's unique environment shaped by its colonial history and the geopolitics of the Cold War in East Asia, particularly its relationships with “China,” this research seeks to reassess the role and status of TCM in post-World War II Hong Kong.</br>In Hong Kong, along with other countries in East Asia, traditional medicine has ceded its position as mainstream medicine to Western medicine. Faced with the crisis of “extinction,” Chinese medical professionals, including medical practitioners and merchant groups, persistently sought solidarity and “self-renewal.” In the 1950s and 1960s, the colonial authorities heavily relied on private entities, including charity hospitals and clinics; furthermore, there was a lack of provision of public healthcare and official prevention measures against the epidemic influenza. As such, it is not surprising that the Chinese utilized TCM, along with Western medicine, to contain the epidemics which brought about an explosive surge in the number of patients from novel influenza viruses. TCM was significantly consumed during these explosive outbreaks of influenza in 1957 and 1968.</br>In making this argument, this paper firstly provides an overview of the associations of Chinese medical practitioners and merchants who were crucial to the development of TCM in Hong Kong. Secondly, it analyzes one level of active provision and consumption of Chinese medicine during the two flu epidemics, focusing on the medical practices of TCM practitioners in the 1957 epidemic. While recognizing the etiologic agent or agents of the disease as influenza viruses, the group of Chinese medical practitioners of the Chinese Medical Society in Hong Kong adopted the basic principles of traditional medicine regarding influenza, such as <i>Shanghanlun</i> and <i>Wenbingxue</i>, to distinguish the disease status among patients and prescribe medicine according to correct diagnoses, which were effective. Thirdly, this paper examines the level of folk culture among the people, who utilized famous prescriptions of Chinese herbal medicine and alimentotherapy, in addition to Chinese patent medicines imported from mainland China. In the context of regional commercial network, this section also demonstrates how Hong Kong served as a sole exporting port of medicinal materials (e.g., Chinese herbs) and Chinese patent medicines from the People’s Republic of China to capitalist markets, including Hong Kong, under the socialist planned or controlled economy in the 1950s and 1960s.</br>It was not only the efficacy of TCM in restoring immunity and alleviating symptoms of the human body, but also the voluntary efforts of these Chinese medical practitioners who sought to defend national medicine “<i>Guoyi</i>,” positioning it as complementary and alternative medicine to scientific medicine. Additionally, merchants who imported and distributed Chinese medicinal materials and national “<i>Guochan</i>” Chinese patent medicine played a crucial role, as did the people who utilized Chinese medicine, all of which contributed to making TCM thrive in colonial Hong Kong.
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CHUNG, STEPHANIE PO-YIN. "Chinese Tong as British Trust: Institutional Collisions and Legal Disputes in Urban Hong Kong, 1860s–1980s." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 6 (June 29, 2010): 1409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0900016x.
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AbstractBy the nineteenth century, with the advance of British colonial activities, British corporate laws had been transplanted to maritime Asia with varying degrees of vigour. In British Hong Kong, these laws often clashed with native customs. Through a reconstruction of the legal disputes found in urban Hong Kong, this paper discusses how British and Chinese business traditions interacted with each other during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Before assessing the historical implications and consequences of these legal decisions, this paper will also explore whether the Chinese institution of tong is compatible with British law in urban Hong Kong.