Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial fund'
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1
Strong, Rowan. "The Resurgence of Colonial Anglicanism: the Colonial Bishoprics Fund, 1840–1." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003594.
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Revival and resurgence is not simply something that happens to individuals or groups of persons; it is a phenomenon that, takes place within organized communities, institutions, and societies. The Church has existed in history as an organized society of believers, and this institutional dimension of Christianity has frequently shaped Christian history and the influence of Christianity on wider society for better and worse. Indeed, it could be argued that this is the dimension of Christianity which has been most influential historically. However, in the case of the Church of England in the British Empire its organized influence as a Church was seriously curtailed by its restricted and partial institutional existence throughout the eighteenth century in the North American colonies. There it existed without a bishop to provide local leadership and an effective counterweight to local lay elites. When that situation reversed and the British state began to support colonial bishoprics after the loss of the thirteen colonies in the new United States of America, the Church of England remained largely at the mercy of fluctuating political agendas to supply colonial bishops with sufficient legality and infrastructure. However, in the early 1840s the Church of England underwent a resurgence in the British Empire as a consequence of developing a new response to its metropolitan political situation, which initiated a revival in its colonial engagement.
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Peté, Stephen Allister. "Keeping the natives in their place: the ideology of white supremacy and the flogging of African offenders in colonial Natal – part 1." Fundamina 26, no. 2 (2020): 374–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v26/i2a5.
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The political economy of colonial Natal was based on a coercive and hierarchical racial order. Over decades, the white colonists struggled to assert their power over the indigenous inhabitants of the colony, to force them off their land and into wage labour in service of the white colonial economy. This process resulted in ongoing resistance on the part of the indigenous population, including a series of rebellions and revolts throughout the colonial period, which were met with force by the white colonists. White colonial ideology was shaped by the violent and adversarial nature of the social, political and economic relations between white and black in the colony. It was also influenced by the broader global context, within which colonisation was justified by racist variants of the theory of Social Darwinism. Driven by a strange mix of deep insecurity and fear on the one hand, and racist paternalism on the other, the white settlers of colonial Natal developed a variant of white supremacist ideology with a special flavour. Nowhere was this more apparent than in their near obsession with flogging as the most appropriate manner of dealing with African offenders in particular. By closely examining a series of public debates that took place in the colony of Natal between 1876 and 1906, this contribution seeks to excavate the various nuanced strands of thinking that together comprised the ideology of white supremacy in the colony at that time.
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Peté, Stephen. "Keeping The Natives in Their Place: The Ideology of White Supremacy and The Flogging of African Offenders in Colonial Natal – Part 2." Fundamina 2021, no. 1 (2021): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v27/i1a3.
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The political economy of colonial Natal was based on a coercive and hierarchical racial order. Over decades, the white colonists struggled to assert their power over the indigenous inhabitants of the colony, and to force them off their land and into wage labour in service of the white colonial economy. This process resulted in ongoing resistance on the part of the indigenous population, which ultimately manifested as a series of rebellions and revolts throughout the colonial period, and which were met with force by the white colonists. White colonial ideology was shaped by the violent and adversarial nature of the social, political and economic relations between white and black in the colony. It was also influenced by the broader global context, within which colonisation was justified by racist variants of the theory of Social Darwinism. Driven by a strange mix of deep insecurity and fear on the one hand and racist paternalism on the other, the white settlers of colonial Natal developed a variant of white supremacist ideology with a special flavour. Nowhere was this more apparent than in their near obsession with flogging as the most appropriate manner of dealing with, in particular, African offenders. By closely examining a series of public debates that took place in the colony of Natal between 1876 and 1906, this contribution seeks to excavate the various nuanced strands of thinking that made up the ideology of white supremacy in the colony at the time.
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Mamashela, Mothokoa. "The History of The Creation of The Customary Law of Marriage and Divorce in The Natal Colony, Zululand and Kwazulu From 1869 To 1985." Fundamina 27, no. 2 (2021): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v27/i2a1.
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This contribution discusses the creation of an official, colonial version of the customary law of marriage and divorce in the Natal colony and Zululand by the colonial administration. Traditional African institutions, hereditary traditional leaders and their courts were replaced with magistrates and British officials at public and administrative levels. Customary law was codified, thus robbing it of its diversity, flexibility and dynamism. In traditional customary law a marriage was constituted in several ways: arranged, forced, woman to woman, sororate and levirate marriages occurred. However, the Natal colonial administration prohibited these types of marriages, viewing them as repugnant to the administration’s sense of morality and justice. A customary marriage was also family-centred and processual; it united two families and not only two individuals, and it took a long time to come into existence. This characteristic of a customary marriage was also drastically changed by the Natal colonial administration by removing it from the purview/control of the family to the individuals themselves in that the bride and groom were encouraged to choose their partners and to give their consent freely to their own marriage. Marriage and divorce were individualised and the couple’s families were gradually left out. The principle regarding irretrievable breakdown of a marriage was replaced with the guilt principle. In addition, five common-law grounds for divorce were introduced into the customary law of divorce, and the inquisitorial procedure was replaced with the adversarial one. Patriarchy, one of the tenets of customary law, was diminished through legislation that whittled down the excessive powers that fathers had over their children. The legislation sought to endow women and children with basic human rights and the gradual recognition of their property rights. Colonial administrative changes meant that polygyny and ilobolo were discouraged; that marrying more than one wife was seen as enslavement of women; and that the transfer of ilobolo was misinterpreted as the selling of women.
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Peté, Stephen Allister, and Paul Swanepoel. "In-Between Black and White: Defining Racial Boundaries in Colonial Natal at the Turn of the Twentieth Century — Part Two." Fundamina 29, no. 1 (2023): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v29/i1a3.
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Mahmood Mamdani has argued that a system of “define and rule” lay at the heart of a revamped system of British colonial rule – indirect as opposed to direct rule – which developed from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. In analysing parliamentary discussions and case law concerning definitions of “race” dating from the turn of the twentieth century in the colony of Natal, as well as examining concerns amongst the colonists at that time about the matter of racially mixed marriages, this contribution supports Mamdani’s general thesis and provides examples of the practical and ideological difficulties that arose in the process of attempting to define people according to “race” and “tribe”. It is the contention of this contribution that Mamdani is correct in his assessment that “define and rule” lay at the heart of the British colonial project, particularly in Africa. This contribution asserts, however, that the process of definition was messy, ambiguous, contradictory and never fully resolved on the ground. Certain individuals and groups tended to fall between broad definitions of “race” and “tribe”, both of which illustrated the ideological fault lines inherent in a system based upon racial categorisation, giving rise to practical problems of law and governance. The contribution looks at a number of different themes that all relate to the above general issue. First, it discusses a number of judgments of the Supreme Court of Natal during that period that concerned various individuals and groups who did not neatly fit into any of the formal definitions of race in use at the time. Secondly, it examines a fairly extensive debate that took place in the Legislative Assembly of the colony of Natal in 1905 regarding the Native Definition Bill. Thirdly, it examines the related theme of mixed marriages, of which a number were reported in the colony’s newspapers around that time. Even though there may have been relatively few individuals who fell “in-between” the generally accepted racial and tribal divisions, the fact that there was uncertainty about where such persons fitted within the system was profoundly unsettling to the colonial authorities, since it suggested that the entire structure of colonial society was not based on a secure ideological footing.
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Peté, Stephen Allister, and Paul Swanepoel. "In-Between Black and White: Defining Racial Boundaries in Colonial Natal at the Turn of the Twentieth Century – Part One." Fundamina 28, no. 2 (2022): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v28/i2a2.
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Mahmood Mamdani has argued that a system of “define and rule” lay at the heart of a revamped system of British colonial rule – indirect as opposed to direct rule – which developed from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. In analysing parliamentary discussions and case law concerning definitions of “race” dating from the turn of the twentieth century in the colony of Natal, as well as examining concerns amongst the colonists at that time about the matter of racially mixed marriages, this contribution supports Mamdani’s general thesis and provides examples of the practical and ideological difficulties that arose in the process of attempting to define people according to “race” and “tribe”. It is the contention of this contribution that Mamdani is correct in his assessment that “define and rule” lay at the heart of the British colonial project, particularly in Africa. This contribution asserts, however, that the process of definition was messy, ambiguous, contradictory and never fully resolved in practice. Certain individuals and groups tended to fall between broad definitions of “race” and “tribe”, both of which illustrated the ideological fault lines inherent in a system based upon racial categorisation, giving rise to practical problems of law and governance. The contribution looks at a number of different themes that all relate to the above general issue. First, it discusses a number of judgments of the Supreme Court of Natal during that period that concerned various individuals and groups who did not neatly fit into any of the formal definitions of race in use at the time. Secondly, it examines a fairly extensive debate that took place in the Legislative Assembly of the colony of Natal in 1905 regarding the Native Definition Bill. Thirdly, it examines the related theme of mixed marriages, of which a number were reported in the colony’s newspapers around that time. Even though there may have been relatively few individuals who fell “in-between” the generally accepted racial and tribal divisions, the fact that there was uncertainty about where such persons fitted within the system was profoundly unsettling to the colonial authorities, since it suggested that the entire structure of colonial society was not based on a secure ideological footing.
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Schenk, Catherine R. "The evolution of the Hong Kong currency board during global exchange rate instability, 1967–1973." Financial History Review 16, no. 2 (September 16, 2009): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565009990059.
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AbstractHong Kong SAR is well known as one of the few economies to operate a form of currency board as the basis of its monetary system. This system arose out of colonial status and has been retained except for a period of floating from 1975-83 to the present day, with some amendments. This article explores the evolution of the Exchange Fund during a period of global exchange rate instability showing that the abandonment of the monetary anchor in 1975 was part of a series of innovations to the use of the Fund as the colonial government sought to manage the exchange rate risks posed by the collapse of the Bretton Woods system.
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Bande, Lewis Chezan. "A history of Malawi’s criminal justice system: from pre-colonial to democratic periods." Fundamina 26, no. 2 (2020): 288–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v26/i2a2.
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This contribution traces the historical development of the criminal justice system in Malawi, from the pre-colonial period, through the colonial and independence periods, to the contemporary democratic period. It highlights the major political hallmarks of each historical period and their impact on the development of the criminal justice system. The contribution shows that all aspects of the current criminal justice system – substantive criminal law, procedural law, criminallaw enforcement agencies, courts and correctional services – are products of political and constitutional processes and events of the past century. Their origins are directly traceable to the imposition of British protectorate rule on Nyasaland in the late nineteenth century. The development of the Malawian criminal justice system since then has been heavily influenced by the tension and conflict of colonialism, the brutality of one-party dictatorship and the country’s quest for a constitutional order that is based on liberal principles of democracy, rule of law, transparency and accountability, respect for human rights, limited government and equality before the law. To properly understand Malawi’s current criminal justice system, one has to know and appreciate its historical origins and development.
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Mollema, Nina. "People for Sale: Tracing the Historical Roots of Slavery and Human Trafficking in Early Colonial South Africa." Fundamina 29, no. 2 (2023): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v29/i2a3.
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Some researchers assert that trafficking in persons is a contemporary form of slavery that has existed for at least a century between Africa and Europe in the form of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Other scholars, who only regard human trafficking as trafficking done for the purpose of sexual exploitation, maintain that the origins of modern trafficking dates to the end of the nineteenth century. However, the history of trafficking in South Africa goes back even further. This contribution outlines the history of human enslavement in South Africa from its conceptualisation as slavery through to its evolution as human trafficking. In this investigation, the similarities and differences between slavery and human trafficking are highlighted. By analysing the annals of human trafficking, it is shown that the original form of human exploitation – slavery – has a long-standing tradition in South Africa. It is contended that learning from past human-bondage injustices may contribute positively to a more comprehensive understanding not only of contemporary slavery, but also of the challenges affecting the present success of anti-trafficking efforts.
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Znaien, Nessim. "Unleavened Bread and Kosher Wine." Anthropology of the Middle East 17, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2022.170205.
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By using literary sources and the administrative correspondence, I question the construction of a Jewish identity in colonial Tunisia through food products and their distribution networks. Unleavened bread and kosher wine were two staple products in the daily life of the Tunisian Jewish community. The merchant networks selling these products were numerous. In the travel narratives, the French colonial elites did not always link the Jewish community to these products. Unleavened bread and kosher wine, however, remained essential identity markers of the community, and their sale was used to finance the relief and charity fund created in 1905 by the colonial authorities through a system of taxes. Unleavened bread and kosher wine production were managed by the Chief Rabbi and the various stakeholders who contested that monopoly used economic and religious arguments.
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Coghe, Samuël. "Between colonial medicine and global health: protein malnutrition and UNICEF milk in the Belgian Congo." Medical History 65, no. 4 (October 2021): 384–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.28.
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AbstractDuring the last decades of colonial rule, Belgian colonial authorities, health agencies and researchers intensely engaged with kwashiorkor, a severe syndrome that was deemed widespread among young children in some parts of the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi and chiefly attributed to protein malnutrition. To fight kwashiorkor, the Belgian government, in the early 1950s, set up a joint milk distribution campaign with the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund, Food and Agriculture Organization and World Health Organization, the first of its kind in colonial Africa. Placing this campaign in the context of mounting international and inter-imperial concern about kwashiorkor and other nutritional problems in Africa and across the globe, this article explores its rationales, mechanisms and consequences, and in particular, how the campaign was shaped and publicised by FORÉAMI, one of the main health providers on the ground. It not only contributes to the history of European colonial medicine and nutritional policies, but also opens new perspectives on international health collaboration during late colonialism. It argues that Belgian authorities were wary of international interference in colonial policies, but that especially FORÉAMI also viewed and used the campaign as an opportunity to display its ‘mastery’ in rural and infant healthcare and control the narrative on Belgium’s colonial medicine.
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Wani, Kena. "Trustees of the nation? Business, philanthropy and changing modes of legitimacy in colonial and postcolonial western India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 59, no. 1 (January 2022): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646211064591.
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This article presents a historical account of the public lives of philanthropic endeavours that involved business actors in western India, from the late nineteenth century till early decades of the post-independence period. Two cases—that of the traditionally maintained animal shelter-homes called ‘pinjrapoles’ and that of the Tilak Swaraj Fund Trust, founded to aid the nationalist movement in early twentieth century India—are analysed. The article scrutinises through the case of the pinjrapoles how traditionally practiced religious forms of charity came to obtain a wider purchase within the colonial order since the late nineteenth century as public-oriented philanthropic actions and institutions. In considering the history of the Swaraj Fund, the article traces how the politics of accountability interrupted philanthropic institutions and in turn the social standing of business patrons within the fold of Gandhian nationalism and its accompanying models of ‘trusteeship’. In studying these two cases, the article tries to understand how the relationship of western Indian business actors with colonial rule as well as the nationalist movement remained mediated by changing forms of philanthropic endeavours serving emerging modes of legitimacy and their accompanying mandates of publicity.
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Clarke, Sabine. "The Research Council System and the Politics of Medical and Agricultural Research for the British Colonial Empire, 1940–52." Medical History 57, no. 3 (May 30, 2013): 338–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2013.17.
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AbstractHistorical accounts of colonial science and medicine have failed to engage with the Colonial Office’s shift in focus towards the support of research after 1940. A large new fund was created in 1940 to expand activities in the colonies described as fundamental research. With this new funding came a qualitative shift in the type of personnel and activity sought for colonial development and, as a result, a diverse group of medical and technical officers existed in Britain’s colonies by the 1950s. The fact that such variety existed amongst British officers in terms of their qualifications, institutional locations and also their relationships with colonial and metropolitan governments makes the use of the term ‘expert’ in much existing historical scholarship on scientific and medical aspects of empire problematic. This article will consider how the Colonial Office achieved this expansion of research activities and personnel after 1940. Specifically, it will focus on the reasons officials sought to engage individuals drawn from the British research councils to administer this work and the consequences of their involvement for the new apparatus established for colonial research after 1940. An understanding of the implications of the application of the research council system to the Colonial Empire requires engagement with the ideology promoted by the Agricultural Research Council (ARC) and Medical Research Council (MRC) which placed emphasis on the distinct and higher status of fundamental research and which privileged freedom for researchers.
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Kim, Jong Jun. "Residents-Convention and Conflicts over School Fund in Chungbuk during the Japanese Colonial Period." Korean History Education Review 158 (June 30, 2021): 73–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2021.06.158.73.
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de Jonge, Huub. "State and Welfare in the Late Colonial Period: The Madura Welfare Fund (1937–1941)." Asian Journal of Social Science 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853104323018325.
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Öhman, May-Britt. "”Sverige hjälper" - att fostra svenska folket till medvetenhet om sin egen storhet och andras litenhet." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 29, no. 1 (June 14, 2022): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v29i1.3838.
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The article is a feminist postcolonial reading of the early phase of Swedish post-war development assistance. Departing from the fact that Swedish export interests was a major reason when initialising Swedish development aid in the 1950s, I analyse the rhetoric used in pictures and in text documents. Analysing mainly the two national fund raising campaigns of 1955 and 1961, both named “Sweden helps”, I argue that the arguments forwarded were taken from a colonial discourse library, using its imaginary dichotomies, with the purpose to win a public opinion in favour of development assistance. The idea promoted was that of a Swedish technological and scientific supremacy as compared to the ”underdeveloped” countries. The aim to support the export of Swedish technology was coupled with the promotion of a dichotomic worldview in which poor peoples should be helped to better lives through the introduction of the Swedish technological know-how. Within this altruist rhetoric the “underdeveloped” peoples and countries were depicted in terms of poverty, misery and malnutrition, despair and as being “primitive” – as opposed to the rich, modern and developed Swedes. While promoting this rhetoric, other discourses and interpretations of the “underdeveloped” countries and regions were overshadowed. The two national fund raising campaigns were used as instruments to raise the awareness of the Swedes, as well as to promote the support of a specific type of development assistance based on the altruist rhetoric. Many of the ideas and arguments that once were the base for colonial expansion of the European colonial powers were now applied to motivate a Swedish expansion on the international arena in times of decolonisation.
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Pahuja, Sundhya. "Technologies of Empire: IMF Conditionality and the Reinscription of the North/South Divide." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 4 (December 2000): 749–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000479.
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This article seeks to complicate conventional understandings of the way in which IMF conditionality operates in relation to North/South relations. It begins with a genealogy of how the Fund became involved in lending to the South and argues that the Fund was transformed from an essentially monetary institution concerned with the industrialised states to a surveillance organisation directed at providing information about the South to the North. The article then explores what discursive functions the Fund might be performing in the context of the relationship between North and South. In this regard the author identifies two major themes underlying IMF discourse, both of which suggest that an underlying sense of danger of the South is felt by the North, and that this sense of danger replicates older fears. The author then argues that the discursive practices employed to address these fears resonate with older discursive strategies and considers why the reoccurrence of these “technologies of empire” might be problematic. It concludes with some (tentative) suggestions about how we might productively disrupt the colonial continuum of which these discursive practices seem to form part. There is a disturbing tendency in the Western Academy today to divorce the study of discursive forms from the study of other institutional forms, and the study of literary discourses from the mundane discourses of bureaucracies, armies, private corporations, and nonstate social organizations. […] [I]f the postcolony is in part a discursive formation, it is also true that discursivity has become too exclusively the sign and space of the colony and the postcolony in contemporary cultural studies. To widen the sense of what counts as discourse demands a corresponding widening of the sphere of the postcolony, to extend it beyond the geographical spaces of the former colonial world.
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Kufuor, Kofi Oteng. "Pathways To African Unification: The Four Riders of The Storm." Fundamina 28, no. 1 (2022): 66–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v28/i1a2.
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Research on African unification has not yet explained the reason for the belief in the possibility of post-colonial African states swiftly unifying as a federal or strong, functioning, supranational entity. This contribution attempts to fill this gap in the literature by exploring the various paths towards African unification. Some states pressing for unification misconstrued the history of the successful models that they insisted Africa could follow. This led to the assumption that a near frictionless and workable legal edifice for African unification could be easily created. This contribution has a twofold purpose: First, it draws attention to the importance of the intersection between history and law in construing and explaining the law as it relates to African unification. This is an intersection that has largely been ignored by scholars. Secondly, this contribution adds to the literature that asserts that African unification enthusiasts should reconsider mimicking other models in the expectation that this will help propel their goal of a united Africa. This study examines the routes to African unification, namely the role of socio-cultural interactions of Africans as propounded by Edward Blyden; the romantic speedy path as espoused by more radical forces by which the elite should muster the political will to bring a united Africa into existence; the role of force in creating a supranational Africa out of its independent states; and the role of market integration as an essential ingredient for any deeper and stronger relations among African states.
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Holst, Joshua. "Colonial Histories and Decolonial Dreams in the Ecuadorean Amazon." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (March 5, 2015): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15570837.
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The political changes sweeping Latin America have inspired scholars to declare a “post-neoliberal” era, some even suggesting a potential reversal of colonialism. Despite progressive political discourse in Ecuador, the indigenous movement continues to resist the state. Underlying the conflict between the indigenous and the state is a long-standing conflict between economic growth and the environment. Since Ecuador’s economy relies on Amazonian natural resources, the post-neoliberal Ecuadorean state requires colonial advances into indigenous territory to fund its progressive social programs. The opposite of colonialism is autonomy, which in the right hands can represent a true development alternative. Los cambios políticos arrasando América Latina han inspirado a los académicos a declarar una era “posneoliberal,” algunos incluso sugiriendo una inversión potencial de colonialismo. A pesar del discurso político progresista en el Ecuador, el movimiento indígena continúa resistiendo el Estado. Detrás del conflicto entre los indígenas y el Estado es un conflicto antiguo entre el crecimiento económico y el medio ambiente. Como la economía de Ecuador se basa en los recursos naturales de la Amazonía, el Estado ecuatoriano posneoliberal requiere avances coloniales en territorio indígena para financiar sus programas sociales progresistas. Lo contrario del colonialismo es la autonomía, que en las manos adecuadas puede representar una verdadera alternativa de desarrollo.
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Gökatalay, Semih. "British Colonialism and Prison Labour in Inter-War Palestine." Labour History 125, no. 1 (October 25, 2023): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2023.23.
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Great Britain ruled modern-day Israel and Palestine from 1917 to 1948. The exploitation of prison labour became a source to fund its colonial government. This study explicates the economic and legal rationale for prison labour, the living and working conditions and discipline of convicts, and public debates and controversies surrounding political prisoners in Mandatory Palestine. With specific references to forced labour in the colonised world, it evaluates the experience of Mandatory Palestine from a transnational perspective and makes a connection between global colonialism and prison labour. Using a rich trove of official documents and newspaper articles as its primary sources, this article links the proliferation of the prison labour system with the introduction and consolidation of British colonialism in Palestine and argues that colonial ideology and practices coloured and justified the use of prison labour.
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Odil, Jones U. "INDIGENOUS AGENTS AND THE SCHOOL APOSTOLATE IN UKWUANILAND, 1841–1941." Oral History Journal of South Africa 3, no. 2 (October 11, 2016): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/339.
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In the 19th century, colonial educational policy reflected the hesitant approach of Britain to a field recognised in those days as the reserve of religious bodies, and for many years the missionary societies had the field of education to themselves. Education in C.M.S. mission schools in Nigeria received no aids in grants from the colonial government. This article is a historical reconstruction, which brings to light the well-articulated contributions of local people in their attempt to establish and fund schools using indigenous initiatives, personnel and resources. Resting on the self-propagating, self-supporting and self-governing policy of Henry Venn, the study reveals that, although the establishment of schools in Ukwuaniland 1841–1894 was originally the outcome of the expression of local needs, efforts and ideas, the Anglican churches there saw in them an agency for promoting evangelism. This article, an important contribution in the area of the history of religion and education, recommends that local initiatives, needs and aspirations should be taken into consideration in the formulation of education policy in Nigeria.
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Breathnach, Proinnsias, Eoin O’Mahony, and Chris van Egeraat. "The changing map of subnational governance in the Republic of Ireland." Administration 69, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2021-0009.
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Abstract The evolution of the territorial structure of Ireland’s system of local government during the period of colonial rule by England is outlined. The independence period saw little change in this structure until the abolition of municipal-level government in 2014, reflecting the very marginal role of devolved administration in Ireland’s political system. The creation and functioning of regional-level administrative systems, mainly related to the management of EU Structural Fund expenditure, are reviewed. Regional assemblies, established in 2015, have the role of preparing regional strategies under the 2018 National Planning Framework. Ongoing problems arising from a mismatch between subnational governance systems and underlying socio-spatial structures are discussed.
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Smith, Anna N. "Foreign Aid and Development in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: An Analysis of International Barriers to Development." Perceptions 4, no. 2 (May 24, 2018): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/pj.v4i2.110.
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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) remains one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world. Despite its abundance of natural resources, it has failed to develop and maintain political stability since its decolonization in 1960. With its unstable and corrupt government, the DRC’s primary source of fiscal investment comes from foreign aid, from both International Organizations (IOs), like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, as well as International Non-Governmental Organization (INGOs). In this paper I examine how the role of international aid from The World Bank, IMF, and INGOs has contributed to the pervasive stagnation of the DRC’s economic growth, and how aid can be implemented equitably and efficiently. In order to create a comprehensive overview of economic development in the DRC, I analyze the repercussions of colonial legacies, government corruption, the benefits of foreign aid, and possible neo-colonial implications of foreign aid on the country’s growth. After analyzing the sum of these effects on economic growth, we can conclude that ultimately foreign aid is necessary for development in the DRC; however, adjustments must be made to current aid programs in order to create equitable growth.
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Harrison, Ewan, and Iain Jackson. "African Agency and Colonial Committees at Fourah Bay College." Docomomo Journal, no. 69 (December 15, 2023): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/docomomo.69.02.
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Fourah Bay College was the first Western-style university to be established along the West African coast in 1827. Primarily used to train missionaries and traders operating in British West Africa, it remained one of the premier educational establishments, overlooking the docks of Cline Town in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Following the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts and civil unrest in the aftermath of World War II, British colonial policy began to fund a series of secondary and tertiary education institutions. Modeled on the new University of the West Indies, these new universities adopted the residential college dorm typology coupled with the latest modernist architecture designed to enhance climatic comfort.A new campus was proposed for Fourah Bay, and in contrast to earlier precedents, the architectural approach was to be more humble and less monumental. Following a masterplan by London-based architects Norman and Dawbarn, the much smaller and relatively unknown British practice of Frank Rutter was appointed to design most of the campus buildings. The centerpiece is a large concrete tower named after John F. Kennedy, symbolic of the shifting political posturing for control and influence. Following Independence in 1961 and with increasing technical aid offered to neighboring Ghana and Nigeria from Socialist Eastern European powers, Fourah Bay College demonstrated how these political attempts for influence were directly played out through these newly formed institutions. Fourah Bay College also reveals the African agency in appointing architects and who was able to control the procurement processes and design teams. Rutter was dismissed as ‘college architect’ by a small contingent of newly qualified Sierra Leonean architects eager to ensure local appointments and architectural expressions were given opportunity. The campus, with its impressive architectural structures and innovative solutions, mirrors the political flux and shifting global power structures of the late 1950s and early 1960s, along with the local agency of Freetown architects and their quest to shape the future.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Królestwo Niderlandów – trudne „przepraszam” za przeszłość kolonialną." Politeja 20, no. 6(87) (December 20, 2023): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.87.03.
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THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS – DIFFICULT “I AM SORRY” FOR THE COLONIALPAST On 19 December 2022, Mark Rutte, as the first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, officially apologized for the harm suffered by the descendants of slaves brought to work in colonies in the Caribbean, Suriname, Asia and the European Netherlands. The Prime Minister announced state celebrations on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom’s colonies on 1 July 2023. The slave trade brought great profits. After World War II, only Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles remained within the colonial empire of the Netherlands (New Dutch Guinea was a dependent territory until 1962). As a result of the political reforms of 2010, the Netherlands Antilles were dissolved. Currently, the Kingdom of the Netherlands consist of four autonomous countries and special (overseas) municipalities that are part of the European Netherlands. The decision to apologize for the Kingdom’s colonial past will not end deep-seated disputes. In 2021, a report was issued stating that slavery was a crime against the population and calling for the creation of a Kingdom fund for the families of people affected by slavery. Its adoption will have far-reaching effects on Dutch society.
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Lane, Kris. "Captivity and Redemption: Aspects of Slave Life in Early Colonial Quito and Popayán." Americas 57, no. 2 (October 2000): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2000.0011.
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In mid-July 1594 a notary recorded the last wishes of an elite woman on her deathbed in Quito. Ysabel de Baeza was a native of the old Kingdom of Granada, a four-time widow, owner of some houses in Seville and a modest estancia in Ambato, a few days' ride south of Quito. She also claimed five slaves: Magdalena and her four children, Luisa, Felipe, Juan, and Antón. Doña Ysabel's real estate was to go mostly to her children and grandchildren in Quito, but the fate of the slaves was more carefully circumscribed. Magdalena would serve her dying master's daughter for four years, after which she would be freed. Luisa was to serve Baeza's granddaughter, Leonor de Ayala, and Felipe a great-grandson, Alonso Bonifaz, both “until the time when they ransom themselves (se rescaten) and give each one on their own behalf four hundred pesos of current silver.” The younger Juan and Antón were to stay in the household of Baeza's executors until they also freed themselves, each for 300 pesos. The slaves were not to be sold by these temporary masters, and the 1,400 pesos thus collected was to be placed in a chaplaincy fund (capellanía) administered by Quito's Augustinians. The masses thus financed by the self-redemption of Ysabel Baeza's slaves would in turn help release her soul from the temporary captivity and untold pain of Purgatory.
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Ribeiro, Carla. "Encenar a nação — a diplomacia cultural do Estado Novo português através dos Centros de Informações de Genebra e Roma." CEM, no. 13 (2021): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/2182-1097/13v1.
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This article examines the efforts of Portuguese cultural diplomacy abroad in the aftermath of World War II. Drawing on the concept of soft power theorised by Joseph Nye, the research focuses on the first Portuguese Information Centres, in Geneva and Rome, created by the Portuguese Minister in these cities, António Ferro. Drawing mainly on unpublished documentary sources from the National Secretariat for Information fund in the National Archive, the aim was to shed light on its organisation, its relationship with central government, and to examine the activities undertaken and the results achieved. The working hypothesis was that the Centres functioned in a logic of defence of the nation, part of a strategy to «seduce» a post-war democratised Europe, confronted with the Portuguese dictatorship, which persisted in maintaining a Colonial Empire
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Shtang, Sivan Rajuan. "A Natural-Worker Leaves the Colonial Visual Archive: The Art of Vered Nissim." Arts 12, no. 4 (July 28, 2023): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12040167.
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The colonial visual archive has occupied in recent decades the work of scholars and artists from indigenous and racial minority communities, who revealed it as a major apparatus of historical meta-narratives. This article aims at pushing forward this preoccupation by revealing an additional scene: the art of Mizrahi women, descendants of Jewish communities of Arab and Muslim countries. Relying on a visual culture approach and focusing on an analysis of artworks by Mizrahi artist Vered Nissim, as well as on photographs of Mizrahi women, fund in Zionist archives, I demonstrate how Nissim’s work challenges the racial category of Mizrahi women as “natural workers”, constructed in the Zionist historical meta-narrative. Nissim does so by re-enacting the category’s paradigmatic visual image—the Mizrahi women cleaning worker—in a different way, visually and discursively. Body, voice, and visual image, three instances of the subjectivity of Mizrahi women cleaning workers that were separated, shaped, and mediated through Zionist colonial visual archives unite in Nissim’s work when embodied by a real Mizrahi woman cleaning worker: her mother, Esther Nissim. By casting her mother to play herself over the past twenty years, Nissim creates political conditions for the appearance of her mother as the author of her own history as she orally, bodily, and visually writes it in front of her daughter’s camera. Thus, Nissim joins a transnational phenomenon of global south artists who create political conditions enabling the self-imaging of colonized peoples, empowering the reading of colonial imagery and the historical meta-narratives attached to it through their situated knowledge and lived experience and, thus, constructing a counter history communicated visually.
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T, Sulaiman, S. Ajiteru, and J. Abalaka. "INTERROGATING THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND (IMF) POLICIES ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: LENDING PRECONDITIONS, 1999–2022 PERSPECTIVE." Research Journal of Humanities, Legal Studies & International Development 5, no. 1 (April 4, 2023): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/rjhlsid.v5.i1.06.
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Since the 1980s, Nigeria’s economy has witnessed severe stagnation. While Eurocentric literature pinpoints the Nigerian civil war and her leaders’ corruptive tendency as the prima facie, Afrocentric literature traces the country’s economic woes to her historical processes of colonial domination and economic exploitation. Nevertheless, none of the above arguments underpin more firmly as being the catalyst to the country’s economic dysfunction especially when compared to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies in the country. This paper demonstrates that IMF policies in Nigeria vis-a-vis its Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) through its Loan Conditionality is “the crux impediment facing the country.” As such, the paper argues that the acceptance of IMF loans during General Ibrahim Babangida’s among other misgovernance administrations perpetuated the economic woes and fostered the backwardness of development in the country. The paper employs primary and secondary data to examine the above concerns. It concludes that a more inclusive economic system devoid of the current extractive economic policies would revitalize its fortunes.
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A Rahman, Puteh Noraihan. "Ada apa dalam "Hutan Melayu"? Naratif fizikal dan spiritual hutan Melayu di zaman British-Malaya." Melayu: Jurnal Antarabangsa Dunia Melayu 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/jm.14(1)no1.
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According to the WWF, forests cover 30% of the earth’s surface and act as important support systems in balancing the world ecosystem (World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) n.d.). They are home to many plant and animal species and a critical source for sustaining human livelihood. Human dependency on forest products is the backbone of not only the survival of a nuclear family but also contributes to the economy of the local community. As known, Malaysian forests consist of mountainous forests, tropical rainforest, swamps and coastal forests. As for traditional Malay society, they relied heavily on forests for survival. Besides its functioning as a source of food, forests also contribute to the cultural aspects of society in the Malay civilisation. Hence, this study will analyse the image and description of the Malay forests based on the writing of British officers and writers during the colonial era such as Maxwell, Clifford, Swettenham, Fauconnier, Endicott, Winstedt, Skeat, Wilkinson and Annandale. By using a narrative approach and auto-ethnography, views of the Malay forest will be assessed from Western perspectives, which are based predominantly on the observations of British-Malaya colonial officers and Western scholars involved directly in the Malay community and their communal activities at the time. In summary, this writing will depict the worldview of the Malays about their forests, physically and spiritually, through the lens of Westerners.
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Omachi, Mary Jennifer, and Anthony Abakpa Sule. "The Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015: Pathway to a Reformed Criminal Justice System in Nigeria." ABUAD Law Journal 7, no. 1 (2019): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/alj.2019.0701.06-j.
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Since the laws regulating crime touch upon the important areas of social life, legal systems have continued to imbibe best practises to regulate crimes within their jurisdictions in order to encourage development and ensure progress. Thus, a good criminal justice system ensures that effective laws are put in place to fit growing societal demands which are never static. Nigeria, in regulating criminal proceedings, had relied on obsolete laws existing since the colonial and post-colonial eras to 2015 when the Administration of Criminal Justice Act was enacted to fit the growing demands of the Nigerian society. This research uses the doctrinal method to appraise certain innovations of the Act and show how they can reform the criminal justice system in the country to align with best practices around the world. Even though the enactment of the Act is a welcome development, its application is limited only to federal courts (except a court martial) and courts within the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Whereas the laudable innovative provisions are highly commendable they can only be effectively applied if they are well implemented. Hence the need for government to effectively fund the criminal justice sector with appropriate manpower, resources and structures and the need for all the states within the country to enact their own Administration of Criminal Justice Laws to apply uniformly in the country.
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Haynes, Douglas Melvin. "The Social Production of Metropolitan Expertise in Tropical Diseases: The Imperial State, Colonial Service and the Tropical Diseases Research Fund." Science, Technology and Society 4, no. 2 (September 1999): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097172189900400204.
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Haynes, Douglas Melvin. "The Social Production of Metropolitan Expertise in Tropical Diseases: The Imperial State, Colonial Service and the Tropical Diseases Research Fund." Science, Technology and Society 4, no. 2 (September 1999): 368–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097172189900400212.
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Mutch, Robert E. "The First Federal Campaign Finance Bills." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0004.
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Early in 1839, a congressional investigation into campaign fund-raising at the U.S. customhouse in New York first brought to public attention a problem in democracy that we still are trying to solve: Who should pay for our politics? By 1839, the deferential political system of the colonial era, in which government was the almost exclusive province of the old mercantile and landed elites, was well on its way out, at least in the North. Under that system, the upper classes provided the great majority of candidates for elective office and candidates paid their own campaign expenses. The transition to a more democratic system—of broader suffrage, organized parties, and professional politicians who did not have personal or family wealth—required a new way of financing campaigns. As politicians were no longer people who had money, they had to raise money.
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Lennon, Jane L. "Lisanne Gibson and Joanna Besley, Monumental Queensland: Signposts on a Cultural Landscape." International Journal of Cultural Property 13, no. 1 (February 2006): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739106000051.
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Lisanne Gibson and Joanna Besley, Monumental Queensland: Signposts on a Cultural Landscape. Pp. 268. $49.95. St Lucia, Queensland: University of Queensland Press, 2004.By surveying and documenting outdoor cultural objects, the authors of this book seek to inform communities about the significance of their public art objects and to provide a starting point for people to value such artworks as expressing what is unique about their experience and understanding of Queensland, Australia (p. 7). However, this begs the question of public value. People in colonial times (nineteenth century) gave private subscriptions to have public monuments and memorials erected, and currently, Queensland has a Public Art Agency whose enabling legislation makes it mandatory for all public works projects to fund public art works associated with and integral to new construction, as part of the “Art Built-In” program. Queenslanders clearly like monuments!
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Fonju, Njuafac Kenedy. "The Historical Realities of Illustrative Images of African Youths with Deadly Dangerous Voluntary Crossing of the Saharan Desert Through the Mediterranean Deep Sea to European Clandestine Destinations 2000-2021." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 10, no. 03 (June 8, 2024): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2024.v10i04.001.
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The present paper handles clandestine migratory pathways of Sub-Saharan African youths struggling with deadly eyes across the Sahara Desert through the Mediterranean waterways to different targeted destinations aiming to arrive in European countries between 2000 and 2021.The targeted countries includes Italy, Spain, France, Germany, Belgium, Portugal, Britain which were the former slavery and slave trade practitioners thereafter their abolitions to colonial masters then to the stage of neo-colonial looting agents of continuous Exploration, Expropriations and Exploitation of African Natural Resource (EEEANR). However, about forty years of their departure but sustaining the mechanisms of neo-colonialism has been a serious challenges to African developmental patterns with strings of foreign aid in collaboration with the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) dictating the norms of macro and micro- economic policies to Third World Countries. This set confusions among individual African leaders who find it difficult to come out with good effective implantable policies without consulting the neo-colonial actors. Consequently, most of the African youths in Sub-Saharan Africa saw the end of the 20th Century as era of European ill lucks and beginning of the 21st Century with the realities of globalization as an era of new hopes through clandestine migration at all cost. The funny issue here is that they are still running to do slavery in the name of blue or white collar jobs to the same white men who enslaved our ancestors in the era of slavery and slave trade, and hard and harsh labour with all torturing mechanisms in the era of colonization. The shocking images are clear visibility of what the African youths embarking on such immigration are going through as corpses are seen lying beside the Mediterranean shores. Frequently, sinking of vessels resulted in the mass drowning with the Tunisian Coast .........
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Lee, Kyunghwa. "Art Collector of Colonial Korea: Pak Yŏngch’ŏl’s Art Collecting and Museum." Korean Journal of Art History 321 (March 31, 2024): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31065/kjah.321.202403.002.
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Pak Yŏngch’ŏl (1879-1939) was a high-ranking government official, businessman and prominent art collector during the modern period. After Pak’s passing in 1940, his family donated Tasan mun’go (the Tasan Collection) to Keijō Imperial University in accordance with his will. The collection was comprised of 115 artworks, which included calligraphy, paintings, and craft items, along with a fund of 20,000 won. Pak’s financial support laid the foundation for the establishment of the Keijō Imperial University Museum two years later. Both the donation of his collection and the subsequent founding of the museum distinguish Pak Yŏngch’ŏl from contemporary Korean collectors. This study sheds light on Pak Yŏngch’ŏl’s character as an art collector and his perception of the museum based on a detailed investigation of the Tasan Collection housed at the Seoul National University Museum.Pak Yŏngch’ŏl did not actively participate in the appreciation and collection of art until the age of fifty. He began collecting art around 1928, coinciding with his appointment as the vice president of Chosŏn Commercial Bank. Pak then spent the next decade focused on building his collection. This study focuses on Pak Yŏngch’ŏl’s inspection tour of European countries in 1928, which was the catalyst that spurred his considerable devotion to the collection of art. During the tour, Pak Yŏngch’ŏl had the opportunity to experience various museums symbolizing modern civilization in Europe. The Louvre Museum in particular, which was first opened to the public and renown for its outstanding collection, seemed to have informed Pak of the value of art. The cultural treasures exhibited in the public spaces of museums would have reminded Pak that the preservation of historical artifacts is one of the indicators of civilization.In the pre-modern period, the appreciation and collection of calligraphy and painting were typically private activities limited to the individual’s personal domain. However, the political and social changes brought about in the modern period redefined art collecting within a public context. Pak Yŏngch’ŏl, who formed a collection and donated it with the purpose of establishing a museum, epitomizes the shift in perceptions of art collection in Colonial Korea.
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Piotrowska, Agnieszka. "Who is the author of Neria (1992) – and is it a Zimbabwean masterpiece or a neo-colonial enterprise?" Journal of Screenwriting 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/josc_00034_1.
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This article focuses on the Zimbabwean film Neria (1992), arguably one of the most important films in the history of sub-Saharan Africa. Directed by the Black Zimbabwean Godwin Mawuru, it was the first feminist film in Zimbabwe and in the region, highlighting the plight of women who become the property of their brothers-in-law after their husbands die. The article addresses the issues of the origins of the story and the authorship of the screenplay. On the final reel of the film, the story credit names the accomplished Zimbabwean female novelist, Tsitsi Dangarembga; while the screenplay credit names Louise Riber. Riber served as the film’s White American editor and co-producer who, with her husband John Riber, managed the Media for Development Fund in Zimbabwe. The key question of this article is simple: who wrote the screenplay for Neria? Through the physical and metaphorical journey of this research, we discover that the story is based on the personal experiences of Anna Mawuru, the director’s mother. This is the first time that this fact has surfaced. As such, this article also offers some reflections on issues of adaption/translation, particularly in the context of postcolonial collaborations.
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Khasanah, Latifatul. "DAMPAK KEBIJAKAN PENDIDIKAN ISLAM (Study Tentang Lahirnya Kelas Elit Muslim di Indonesia)." Journal ISTIGHNA 2, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33853/istighna.v2i1.8.
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Education which applied in Indonesia influenced by many factors, for example: government political policy. Government policies ranging from colonial, pre independence day, post independence day until the new orde seemed to ignore Islamic education. This problem causing Islamic education institution have many weakness that have to find a solution. Islamic education institution lack of human resource, management, and fund. Muslims have not been able to optimally actualize Islam transformatively. Islamic education is less attractive to the public. This weakness can be solved due to the struggle of muslims and Islamic figure and the increase of government attention to Islamic education. Thus making various policies and regulations that bring Islamic education and Islamic education institutions increasingly play a role in the implementation of education in general in Indonesia. This can be seen from the number of recitation in hotels, the development of religious music, Muslim Television, Muslim newspaper and many young designer appeared to make a fashion trend in many national and international events.
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Parrott, R. Joseph. "Boycott Gulf! Angolan Oil and the Black Power Roots of American Anti-Apartheid Organizing." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (May 25, 2018): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.13.
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In the early 1970s, the African American divestment and boycott campaign against Gulf Oil's operations in colonial Angola bridged the gap between Black Power and anti-apartheid, two movements generally viewed separately. The success of the Boston-based activist couple Randall and Brenda Robinson in educating and mobilizing African Americans against investment in colonialism—first with the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SARF) and later with the Pan-African Liberation Committee (PALC)—reveals how a leftist anti-imperial ideology linked the domestic concerns of black Americans with African revolutions. At the same time, the Gulf campaign's participatory tactics, moral appeals, and critique of the global economic system proved attractive beyond radical Black Power advocates, allowing the PALC to cultivate relationships with African American politicians and build alliances across racial divides. Randall Robinson later replicated this organizing model as the founding director of TransAfrica, which became the most prominent African American organization opposing apartheid in the 1980s.
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Grenier-Winther, Joan. "Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 114, no. 4 (September 1999): 912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900154069.
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The fifty-third annual RMMLA convention will be held 14–16 October 1999 at the Courtyard Marriott Hotel in Santa Fe. Santa Fe Community College and Saint John's College of Santa Fe are the local hosts. Susana Hernandez-Araico (California State Polytechnic Univ.) will speak at the Friday evening banquet on the topic Colonial and Indigenous Theater in Spain's American Viceroyalties. Michael Pavel (Washington State Univ.), a member of the Spokane Indian Nation, will discuss developing outreach to Native American youth. A reading by local writers Miriam Sagan and Arthur Sze will take place at the SFCC Planetarium. Also scheduled are presentations by TIAA-CREF and the Fulbright Teacher Exchange Program, panels on grant writing and scholarly publishing, a preconvention workshop on educational technology, and a raffle of local goods and services benefiting the RMMLA Grant and Scholarship Fund. The schedule of sessions and abstracts of papers can be found on the RMMLA.
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Aubakirova, K., B. Yerdembekov, and U. Saidirakhman. "THE IDEA OF ALASH AND CENSORSHIP." Qogam jane Dauir 82, no. 2 (June 15, 2024): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2024-2.05.
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The article examines the censorship policy of the Soviet government, which strictly prohibited the propaganda of the idea of Alash. Chronicle data and the creative heritage of Alash figures, as well as archival materials of the Semipalatinsk Museum of Local Lore and the archive fund of East Kazakhstan Region (now Abai region) were used as the object of research. Historical data and narrative data were analyzed on the basis of mutual historical-comparative and comparative approaches to research, evidence of hypothetical conclusions was revealed by the method of biographical parallel and content analysis (quantitative, qualitative). As a result of the study, it was determined that the main cause of various movements and uprisings, considered colonial policy and the struggle for independence, is the struggle for the idea, and the definition of the idea of Alash is given. In addition, methods of underground, secret or disguised ideological work against the censorship mechanism, which tightly controlled the propaganda work of the idea of Alash, were revealed.
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Abselemov, S. A. "Colonization of the Steppe in the Activities of Representatives of the Kazakh Intelligentsia in the 2nd Half of the 19th – the Beginning of the 20th Centuries." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-48-58.
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The article examines the materials of the anti-colonial discourse of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, which is based on the ideas of the national intelligentsia of Kazakhstan about the status of the indigenous population of the Steppe Territory in imperial projects and colonization practices. The research of the written sources and activities of the liberal national intelligentsia revealed, that the priority was given to criticism of Russia's imperial policy towards nomadic groups of the population. This paper aims to identify the sociocultural conditions of the formation of the national intelligentsia, as well as the approaches of the early Kazakhstan historiography to the assessment of the factors of the agrarian colonization. As a result, the author found out that implementing the policy of “big Russian nation”, the Russian authorities tried to create the favorable conditions for the natural Russification of the Kazakh elite. The political measures included among the others the involvement in education and management system. Thus the emerging layer of the national intelligentsia actively participated in the imperial activity o intended to study of the colonization fund, jointly with a detachment of state officials – groups with common signs of professional identity. in the second half of the 19th century, in the period of growing popularity of separatist sentiments in Kazakhstan, the national intelligentsia, educated in the European spirit, actively perceived the ideas of Siberian regionalism, and in the early 20th century – radical leftist parties and movements, which strengthened the anti-colonial the focus of their rhetoric.
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Сhigudu, Daniel. "Navigating policy implementation Gaps in Africa: The case of Zimbabwe." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 5, no. 3 (2015): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv5i3art1.
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This study reviews policy issues and the efficacy of policy implementation through a content analysis approach. In Africa and Zimbabwe in particular, policies have invariably been formulated to cater for the populace in the post-colonial era in order to address previous socio-economic imbalances. From 1991 to 2015 several policies have been developed as reflected in the Framework for Economic Reform, Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST) and Letters of Intent to the International Monetary Fund through to the current Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable SocioEconomic Transformation (Zim-Asset) among other blueprints. Findings indicate that policy problems in Zimbabwe are largely due to implementation failure against well thought out intelligible proposals. The paper reveals that implementation gaps reside in the absence of capacity to translate those intelligible proposals into action, poor sequencing of policies, political inaction to account for the failure and lack of resources. This does not appear to be unique to Zimbabwe alone but prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa and many countries across the continent. Alternatives and recommendations are suggested for this phenomenon.
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Abbas, Mohsen. "Once a Muslim Always a Muslim: The Rise and Fall of the Muslim American Protagonist in Ayad Akhtar’s Disgraced." English Language and Literature Studies 14, no. 2 (May 23, 2024): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v14n2p77.
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The post 9/11 atmosphere of terror made Muslim Americans highly visible in the U.S.and they have been viewed as potential terrorist suspects. Therefore, in the light of these circumstances, Ayad Akhtar’s Play Disgraced is most apropos to be revisited as his works focus on the existence of Muslims in America as a post-colonial contact zone. In fact, the play puts the interracial marriage of Amir, and his wife Emily, a White American woman on center stage and makes it fall down before our eyes. Despite the fact that Amir’s credentials qualify him to be a model minority citizen, and reach the American Dream, he falls out of grace as soon as he appears in court to show support as a pro bono lawyer to a Muslim Imam who is tried for raising fund for a mosque in the Middle East. This paper belabors the reasons that led to the reversal of the hero’s fortune from prosperity to misery in the wake of the collapse of New York twin towers.
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Setiyono, Budi, Dio Satrio Jati, and Teten Jamaludin. "Konflik Hubungan Pusat-Daerah antara Pemerintah Pusat dan Kabupaten Blora Terkaiat dengan Dana Bagi Hasil Blok Cepu." Jurnal Desentralisasi 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37378/jd.2012.2.147-162.
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Cepu Block located between Centre Jawa and East Java. It is known as a rich block because it has a source of oil and gas. Block Cepu, where geographically located between three districts, Blora (Centre Java), Bojonegoro and Tuban (East Java) has given a contribution to national budget (APBN) and respected local government budget (APBD). About 33 per cent of the land of Cepu Block is owned by Blora, 67 per cent owned by Bojonegoro and the rest is owned by Tuban. Ironically, however, although 33 per cent of the Block belongs to Blora, the district does not receive any financial income from the oil exploration. There is no resources share fund from Cepu Block. Moreover, the district has to deal with the negative impacts of exploration activities at the Block Cepu such as damaging of infrastructure, environmental pollution, and social disturbance. Blora District has protested to Centre Government, but so far there is no outcome. Centre Government asked that this problem should be studied first. The central government argue that if it is approved, then there will be domino impact: other districts will do the same like Blora. Blora district is struggling to get equality in resources share fund (dana bagi hasil). Efforts have done, seminars and workshops, lobby to DPD (Upper House) to find a solution. Now the district government is proposing judicial review to constitution court. This research examines the history of Block Cepu. It reveals the history of the block from the colonial era up to the reformation era. Further, the research aims to know how the tension between local government (Blora Government) and central government regarding Blok Cepu oil exploration. The research suggests that there is injustice in the distribution of revenue from the exploration and it is understandable if Blora district government struggle to get proportional revenue sharing.
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Dzhandosova, Zarine A. "Семиреченский областной отдел по делам национальностей (1918–1920) на защите мусульманского населения края." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 138, no. 1 (2022): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-138-1-40-58.
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The article is based on documents stored in the State Archives of the Almaty Region (Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan), Fund 489, Op. 1: «Documents of the Semirechye Regional Department for National Affairs» (1918–1919) «, highlights the activities of the Regional Department for National Affairs in the early years of Soviet power in Semirechye (Zhetysu). The department, establised in November 1918, was at that time the only body connecting the Muslim population with the Soviet regime and protecting it in the difficult conditions of the Civil War and social changes. This was the period of the so-called “Colonial revolution”, when the “proletarian” government lobbied for the interests of the Russian population (including the Cossacks and the wealthy peasantry), ignoring the interests of the impoverished (“proletarian”) Muslim population. The Soviet government treated the Muslims, who were mostly nomadic and semi-nomadic population, as the «dark masses». The article argues that the Regional Department for National Affairs acted as a defender of Muslims during ethnic conflicts caused by the anti-colonial uprising of 1916 and its aftermath. The department defended the Muslim, primarily Kazakh and Kyrgyz, population from the new government, which the Muslims perceived to be genuinely Russian. The main directions of the Regional Department’s work related to the protection of the indigenous population are considered: 1) general legal assistance; 2) assistance in the settlement of interethnic conflicts; 3) aid to the starving people; 4) assistance and protection during the mobilization of Muslims for agricultural and public works; 5) assistance to Kazakh women in trouble; 6) helping Muslim children; 7) the fight against the Russification of office work; 8) upholding the special position of the nomads and explaining the essence of the nomadic economy to the Russian leaders of the region.
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Frewen, Kathleen, and Hinematau McNeill. "Urupa Tautaiao: Young Maori explore ancient burial practices towards sustanable approaches." DAT Journal 8, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 450–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.29147/datjournal.v8i1.702.
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The turn to indigenous epistemologies is one of the most exciting and revolutionary shifts to happen in the university within the last three decades and is nowadays accelerating in influence in Aotearoa New Zealand. It is bringing with it dynamic new ways of thinking about research and new methodologies for conducting it, a raised awareness of the different kinds of knowledge that indigenous practice can convey and an illuminating body of information about the creative process. Indigenous practice provide access into other ways of knowing, and alternative approaches to conducting and presenting knowledge. This article discusses one Māori project in this context, that is intended to challenge indigenous people to (re) evaluate post-colonial environmentally harmful practices in the death space. The project explores the concept of rangatahi (Māori youth) attitudes to revitalising ancient Māori death practices to inform the development of design intervention aimed to challenge mortuary colonial practices. As such, it is part of a larger research that is supported by Marsden Fund from Royal Society of New Zealand. The project outcome includes the design of modern urupā tautaiao (natural burial) commemoration site, applying technology such as tribal social media platforms regarding death, and GPS mapping of wāhi tapu (sacred sites). Death is highly tapu (sacred) to Māori and requires strict observations of rituals to ensure spiritual safety. The revitalisation of tribal knowledge is not just the prerogative of the elders, the voices of indigenous youth must be heard as they are the future, of the planet and the people. This project contributes to the understanding of research that navigates across philosophical, inter-generational, territorial and community boundaries, evidencing theories and methodologies that inform to culture studies and creative practice.
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Mohamud, Abdinur Sheikh Mohamed. "Contested education: A case study of Somalia." African Educational Research Journal 11, no. 4 (2023): 552–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30918/aerj.114.23.e96.
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Education is a fundamental human right crucial for individual growth and societal progress. In Somalia, modern education started during the colonial era with a focus on producing clerical workers for the colonial administration. Western Christian missionaries arrived to establish "modern schools," but suspicions of Westernization and proselytization led to their expulsion. This case study delves into the history of Somali education, highlighting persistent conflicts over objectives, management, and outcomes. Disagreements persist over language of instruction, curriculum unification, resource sharing, and mandates, hindering effective education implementation. The study adopts a qualitative case study approach, collecting data through interviews to shed light on the complex issues plaguing Somalia's education system. It emphasizes that the system remains rudimentary and reliant on external support due to insufficient local investment and ownership. Notably, the research reveals that parents and guardians invest more in their children's education than the government, challenging the belief that donor organizations heavily fund education in Somalia. The study proposes key recommendations. First, it calls for prioritizing education to meet the needs of all school-age children, including the millions out of school. Second, it suggests increasing the education budget to 20% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), aligning with neighboring countries' norms. Third, it advocates for clarifying constitutional mandates, roles, responsibilities, and resource sharing at all government levels. In summary, education's pivotal role in human development and societal advancement is underscored in Somalia's context. The study's findings illuminate the historical struggles and current challenges facing the education system, emphasizing the need for increased investment, clear mandates, and resource allocation to ensure quality education for all Somali children and youth. Keywords: History of Somali education, modern education, literacy campaign, post-conflict education, education in fragile states.
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Long, Joshua. "Crisis Capitalism and Climate Finance: The Framing, Monetizing, and Orchestration of Resilience-Amidst-Crisis." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3739.
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Throughout the development sector there has been a pronounced call for new funding mechanisms to address the climate crisis, and much of this is focused on attracting private sources of capital to fund ‘bankable’ projects in climate-vulnerable cities throughout the world. Enacted amidst a 21st century landscape of interlocking financial, epidemiological, and ecological crises, this call features an urgent narrative of ‘resilience-amidst-crisis’ that promotes large-scale, profitable investments as a form of green growth through debt-financing. The political orchestration and administration of new funding mechanisms (particularly green bonds and sustainable bonds) requires a new form of climate governance focused on the channeling of enormous sums of private capital through an assemblage of intermediaries toward profitable climate projects. This article interrogates this trend in climate finance, revealing that the framing, monetization, and orchestration of climate projects is dependent on a narrative of crisis capitalism deeply rooted in a colonial mindset of exploitation and profit. A key aim of this article is to deconstruct the contemporary dominance of crisis-oriented development and suggest the goal of decolonizing and democratizing the climate finance system.