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Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial economics'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Jacquesson, Svetlana. "The Time of Dishonour: Land and Murder under Colonial Rule in the Tian Shan." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 55, no. 4-5 (2012): 664–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341271.

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Abstract In this article I try to uncover the reasons for false accusations of murder, instigated murders, and staged murders among the Tian Shan Kyrgyz under Russian colonial rule. Towards this end, I read, contrapuntally, field data, ethnohistorical accounts, colonial statutory laws, and colonial ethnography. I argue that colonial interventions—namely, the hybrid adjudication of murders, the newly designed system of self-government, and the imposition of an arbitrary land-rights regime—correlated in unexpected ways and triggered instigated and staged murders and false accusations of murder as an extreme recourse in defence of land-use rights. I conclude by relating the particular legal setting of Russian colonial rule to its representation as “the time of dishonour.” Dans cet article j’essaie d’élucider les fausses accusations de meurtre, les meurtres prémédités et les meurtres simulés attestés parmi les Kirghiz du Tian Shan à l’époque colonial. A cette fin, j’analyse des récits ethno-historiques, les lois statutaires coloniales et les écrits des ethnographes coloniaux. Je soutiens que des interventions coloniales, telles le jugement hybride des meurtres, le système d’auto-gouvernance nouvellement introduit et la gestion ambiguë de la terre, se combinent de façon inattendue pour produire les meurtres bizarres comme ultime remède aux injustices terriennes. Dans les conclusions, je relie l’environnement légal de la domination coloniale à sa représentation comme “le temps de déshonneur.”

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2

THOMAS, MARTIN. "FRENCH EMPIRE ELITES AND THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC OBLIGATION IN THE INTERWAR YEARS." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 989–1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990379.

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ABSTRACTThis article considers the changing ways in which French political elites understood imperial obligation in the interwar years. It suggests that the economics of imperial rule and disputes over what could and should be done to develop colonial economies provide the key to understanding both the failure of interwar colonial reforms and the irreversible decline in France's grip over its colonies. In making this case, the article investigates four related colonial policy debates, all variously linked to changing conceptualizations of economic obligation among France's law-makers. The first concerns Albert Sarraut's 1921 empire development plan. The second reviews discussions over the respective obligations of the state and private financiers in regenerating colonial economies during the depression years of the early 1930s. The third debate reassesses policymakers' disputes over colonial industrialization. Finally, the article revisits the apparent failure of the investigative studies of economic and labour reforms conceived by the left-leaning Popular Front in 1936–8. The point is to highlight the extent to which senior political figures clashed over concepts of ‘colonial obligation’ viewed less in the cultural terms of ‘civilizing mission’ than in the material sense of economic outlay.

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3

Toye, John. "Herbert Frankel: From Colonial Economics to Development Economics." Oxford Development Studies 37, no. 2 (June 2009): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600810902887636.

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4

Bolt, Jutta, and Leigh Gardner. "How Africans Shaped British Colonial Institutions: Evidence from Local Taxation." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 4 (October 2, 2020): 1189–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000455.

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The institutions that governed most of the rural population in British colonial Africa have been neglected in the literature on colonialism. We use new data on local governments, or “Native Authorities,” to present the first quantitative comparison of African institutions under indirect rule in four colonies in 1948: Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Nyasaland, and Kenya. Tax data show that Native Authorities’ capacity varied within and between colonies, due to both underlying economic inequalities and African elites’ relations with the colonial government. Our findings suggest that Africans had a bigger hand in shaping British colonial institutions than often acknowledged.

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5

McDermott, Phil. "A colonial take on island life." Dialogues in Human Geography 2, no. 2 (July 2012): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820612449305.

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Peck’s (2012) reaction to the colonizing impulse of economics is a call to consolidation of economic geography, better connecting diverse sites of inquiry. This appears to be a reaction to the current incursion of orthodoxy in the form of the New Economic Geography into the domain of the old economic geography. This incursion carries with it the ideological eminence of the market which oversimplifies the nature of exchange and consequently obscures the processes which shape places. I question Peck’s proposition. From an applied perspective our understanding of the real world benefits from the heterogeneity of economic geography. Academic resilience comes from diversity. As a result, economic geography already provides a strong and grounded basis for resisting the monotheism of orthodox economics. (I also question the use of the island life analogy as a didactic device in a critique of a similar device, the neoclassical market model.)

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6

Calomiris, Charles W. "Institutional Failure, Monetary Scarcity, and the Depreciation of the Continental." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (March 1988): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004149.

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The efforts of some American colonials, who complained of monetary scarcity and advocated increased government involvement in supplying paper money, were valid attempts to improve economic welfare and facilitate transactions. The potential for improvement depended crucially on the fiscal and monetary policies of colonial governments. This approach to monetary scarcity is useful for explaining variation in the real supply of money across colonies and over time. The role of fiscal and monetary policies in determining the changing value of the continental, and the consequences for real currency supply during and after the Revolution, are examined in detail.

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7

PARKER, R. S. "Economics before politics- a colonial phantasy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 17, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1971.tb00837.x.

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8

Seers, Dudley. "From Colonial Economics to Development Studies." Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 1, no. 1 (May 22, 2009): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.1968.mp1001002.x.

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9

Sartori, Paolo, and Ido Shahar. "Legal Pluralism in Muslim-Majority Colonies: Mapping the Terrain." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 55, no. 4-5 (2012): 637–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341274.

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Abstract This essay aims to provide some analytical foundations for the study of legal pluralism in Muslim-majority colonies. Specifically, we contend that the incorporation of Islamic law into the colonial legal systems should be distinguished from the process of integration and codification of oral customs. As Islamic law constitutes a well-established legal system, based on written traditions and on elaborate institutions of learning and adjudication, its incorporation into the colonial legal system carried with it a number of implications. These are discussed, as are the tripartite relations that often emerge in Muslim-majority colonies between statutory laws, Islamic, and customary laws (ʿādat, ʿurf). The final section of the essay aims to present the articles included in this special issue and to place them within this broad context. Le présent article vise à établir des fondements théoriques à l’étude du pluralisme juridique dans les colonies à majorité musulmane. Il insiste en particulier sur la nécessité qu’il y a à distinguer l’incorporation de la loi islamique aux systèmes juridiques coloniaux, du processus d’intégration et de codification du droit coutumier non écrit. La loi islamique constitue un système bien établi, fondé sur des traditions écrites et pourvu d’institutions de formation et d’exercice complexes. Son incorporation au sein du système juridique colonial a entraîné un certain nombre de conséquences spécifiques, qui sont analysées ici. Une attention particulière est en outre accordée aux relations triangulaires qui se font jour entre loi statutaire, loi islamique et droit coutumier (ʿādat, ʿurf) dans les colonies à majorité musulmane. Enfin, la dernière partie est consacrée à la présentation des articles réunis dans le numéro spécial dédié à ces enjeux.

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Angeli, Sergio. "Los oidores de la Real Audiencia de Lima en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI." Allpanchis 40, no. 71 (June 14, 2008): 77–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.36901/allpanchis.v40i71.438.

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Las Audiencias americanas jugaron un papel fundamental en la vida social y política de las colonias castellanas. Como tribunal superior en cuestiones civiles y criminales, las Audiencias tuvieron una enorme gravitación en la sociedad colonial. Sus magistrados fueron parte fundamental de la vida de los Virreinatos, adicionando prestigio y lustre intelectual a las élites locales. Una amplia gama de prohibiciones se cernía sobre los oidores, a fin de evitar el contacto con la sociedad circundante. Pese a ellas, los jueces coloniales participaron activamente en negocios, fueron compadres, padrinos y benefactores de una variada gama de españoles asentados en Lima. Ningún negociado escapaba, al parecer, a su gravitación e influjo. Fue así como lograron convertirse en la flor y nata de los Virreinatos americanos. Entre 1549 y 1564 los oidores limeños se hicieron cargo del gobierno colonial en tres oportunidades. Durante aquel lapso los magistrados lograron acrecentar su poder e influencia social. Este trabajo intentará analizar la conformación de la Audiencia de Lima, las formas en las que se expidió justicia y las relaciones que se mantuvieron con la sociedad colonial peruana. La superposición de funciones que tuvo la alta magistratura indiana ejemplifica las anquilosadas prácticas de favores y corruptelas que se conformaron alrededor de la práctica jurídica. En este sentido, se tratará de desvelar la actuación de los letrados insertos en una red de relaciones que afectó a todo el entorno social y que perduró en los siglos posteriores.

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11

Mixon, Franklin G., and Robert Shaw Bridges. "The lighthouse in economics: colonial America's experience." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 33, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569118x15214757915591.

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With the 1974 publication of his study titled 'The lighthouse in economics', Nobel Laureate Ronald Coase demonstrated that England's history of lighthouse services provision includes examples of private sector involvement, dating back to 1614 and going forward to 1816. Critics argue, however, that Coase perhaps overstated the case in concluding that most lighthouse services during this period were 'privately provided', and instead explain that this particular industry provides an example of a mixed system of private-public partnerships. This study integrates these critiques into a Coase-type examination of the existence of 'private-ness' in lighthouse services provision in colonial American history. In doing so, it fills a hole in the literature that has existed since Coase's examination of the history of lighthouse services provision in England.

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12

Pretel, David. "Invenciones institucionales: el sistema de patentes en las colonias españolas durante el siglo XIX." América Latina en la Historia Económica 26, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 961. http://dx.doi.org/10.18232/alhe.961.

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Este trabajo ofrece un estudio de los sistemas coloniales de patentes durante el siglo xix. En primer lugar, se muestra la heterogeneidad en la regulación y práctica administrativa de las instituciones de patentes coloniales en los distintos imperios atlánticos, con especial atención al caso de América Latina. En segundo lugar, se estudia en detalle el funcionamiento y la evolución institucional del sistema de patentes colonial en Puerto Rico, Cuba y Filipinas. Se sostiene que entre 1820 y 1860 este sistema fue una institución imperfecta, de corte neomercantilista, controlada por las corporaciones coloniales y que servía de espacio colectivo de intercambio de información tecnológica. En tercer lugar, se muestra la reconfiguración del sistema de patentes en las colonias españolas durante las dos últimas décadas del siglo xix, en un contexto de acuerdos multilaterales y creciente influencia estadunidense.

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13

Jackson, R. V. "The Colonial Economies: An Introduction." Australian Economic History Review 38, no. 1 (March 1998): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8446.00022.

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14

Boot, H. M. "Government and the Colonial Economies." Australian Economic History Review 38, no. 1 (March 1998): 74–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8446.00025.

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15

PARENT, ANTOINE, and ROBERT BUTLER. "Clément Juglar and Algeria: three pillars of modern anti-colonial criticism." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 2 (July 24, 2017): 393–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000303.

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AbstractThe objective of this paper is to recall the forgotten opposition of Clément Juglar to the colonization of Algeria, the originality of this position, and his contributions to the genesis of analysing colonial institutions. Juglar was not a theoretician of colonialism, but a liberal economist who rejected the process of colonization on economic grounds. This paper provides evidence that conventional wisdom on French colonialism is indebted to his work. The issues of capital returns in the colonies, French colonialism as mercantilism and protectionism, and the role of colonial institutions in economic development were all addressed by Juglar. He identified property rights and colonial institutions as central issues in his explanation of the predictable failure of colonialism, and in doing so he can be regarded as a forerunner of neo-institutionalist analysis of colonialism.

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16

Raju, Saraswati, M. Satish Kumar, and Stuart Corbridge. "Colonial and Post-Colonial Geographies of India." Economic Geography 84, no. 2 (April 2008): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1944-8287.2008.tb00411.x.

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17

Dormois, Jean-Pierre, and François Crouzet. "The Significance of the French Colonial Empire for French Economic Development (1815–1960)." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261090000714x.

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In May 1940, among panic-stricken ministers and politicians, General de Gaulle was virtually alone to reflect and proclaim that France was not vanquished as long as it retained its colonial empire, which would serve as the springboard for France's future liberation and status as a world power. Not many of his contemporaries shared his conviction, and his loneliness testifies to the detachment of public opinion and politicians vis-a-vis an empire which in extent ranked second only to the British. In spite of the headlines, newsreels, slogans, colonial exhibitions and propaganda, most Frenchmen would have probably agreed that, over the years, the mother country had spent more on its colonies than it had received.

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18

MISHRA, SAURABH. "The Economics of Reproduction: Horse-breeding in early colonial India, 1790–1840." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 5 (May 22, 2012): 1116–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000339.

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AbstractThe expansionist policies of the early colonial regime led to a significant emphasis on the importance of a large cavalry, but horses of a suitable quality appeared difficult to obtain within the subcontinent. Several measures were consequently taken to encourage horse-breeding, including the establishment of government studs and policies directed towards the creation of a ‘native’ market in quality horses. However, these measures did not appear to produce any significant results, despite sustained implementation. This paper examines in detail colonial policies on horse-breeding and links them to the larger economic logic of empire. It touches on several related themes such as early colonial interaction with ‘native’ agents, the question of free markets, and the impact of utilitarian and physiocratic doctrines on colonial policies.

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19

Roy, Tirthankar. "THE BRITISH EMPIRE AND THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF INDIA (1858-1947)." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, no. 2 (November 25, 2015): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000336.

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ABSTRACTInterpretations of the role of the state in economic change in colonial (1858-1947) and post-colonial India (1947-) tend to presume that the colonial was an exploitative and the post-colonial a developmental state. This article shows that the opposition does not work well as a framework for economic history. The differences between the two states lay elsewhere than in the drive to exploit Indian resources by a foreign power. The difference was that British colonial policy was framed with reference to global market integration, whereas post-colonial policy was framed with reference to nationalism. The article applies this lesson to reread the economic effects of the two types of state, and reflects on ongoing debates in the global history of European expansion.

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20

Lains, Pedro. "An Account of the Portuguese African Empire, 1885–1975." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007114.

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From the independence of Brazil in 1822 down to the independence of the African colonies in 1975, successive Portuguese governments became engaged in maintaining, enlarging, developing and, ultimately, in defending an empire in Africa. The literature on the Portuguese African empire is largely concerned with discussing the economic and political motives behind imperial policy1. Thus, the evaluation of the costs and benefits of the empire for the metropolitan economy —or, for that matter, the colonial economies— has not received much attention. This paper attempts to provide some of the evidence necessary to conduct such an evaluation2.

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21

McAllister, J. "Colonial America, 1607-1776." Economic History Review 42, no. 2 (May 1989): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596204.

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22

Olds, Kelly Barton. "Colonial Taiwan's Financial Revolution." Australian Economic History Review 58, no. 1 (July 27, 2017): 36–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12133.

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23

Batteau, Allen W., and Bradley J. Trainor. "The Ethical Epistemes of Anthropology and Economics." Journal of Business Anthropology 1, no. 1 (March 11, 2014): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/jba.v1i1.4264.

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This article examines the separate epistemologies of anthropology and neoclassical economics, suggesting that both epistemologies are tied to and represent ethical stances. After discussing the differences between morality and ethics, it suggests that the epistemologies of both disciplines are rooted in colonial encounters. Although numerous states and empires had previously encountered populations on their peripheries, the European colonial encounter of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth century was uniquely on an industrial scale, creating new epistemological and ethical problems, out of which both economics and anthropology emerged. The global episteme and ethical stance of anthropology in its engagement with diversity now has as its frontier an engagement with powerful institutions in the business world.

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PARENT, ANTOINE. "Introduction to the Special Issue on colonial institutions and African development." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 2 (November 9, 2017): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000510.

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AbstractThis special issue, devoted to the analysis of colonial institutions in the economic performance of countries both pre- and post-colonialism Africa, aims to be a contribution, in the vein of North (2005), to the field of colonial studies in comparative institutional perspective. The papers in this issue combine the history of economic thought, econometrics, economic history, cliometrics and the analysis of colonial institutions. These approaches shed a new light on the question of path-dependence and historical dynamics. They suggest that as former African colonial countries move away from the colonial period, the shadow of colonial institutions is less marked and is now rivalled in importance by the extent of democracy, which now plays a crucial role in their economic development.

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De Juan, Alexander, and Jan Henryk Pierskalla. "The Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies: An Introduction." Politics & Society 45, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329217704434.

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What are the causes and consequences of colonial rule? This introduction to the special issue “Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies” surveys recent literature in political science, sociology, and economics that addresses colonial state building and colonial legacies. Past research has made important contributions to our understanding of colonialism’s long-term effects on political, social, and economic development. Existing work emphasizes the role of critical junctures and institutions in understanding the transmission of those effects to present-day outcomes and embraces the idea of design-based inference for empirical analysis. The four articles of this special issue add to existing research but also represent new research trends: increased attention to (1) the internal dynamics of colonial intervention; (2) noninstitutional transmission mechanisms; (3) the role of context conditions at times of colonial intervention; and (4) a finer-grained disaggregation of outcomes, explanatory factors, and units of analysis.

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Nunn, Nathan. "Religious Conversion in Colonial Africa." American Economic Review 100, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.2.147.

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Grossman, Herschel I., and Murat F. Iyigun. "THE PROFITABILITY OF COLONIAL INVESTMENT." Economics & Politics 7, no. 3 (November 1995): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.1995.tb00112.x.

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LOMAX, K. S. "COLONIAL DEMAND FOR COTTON GOODS1." Bulletin of Economic Research 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2007): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8586.1952.tb00644.x.

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Fraile, Pedro, and Alvaro Escribano. "The Spanish 1898 Disaster: The Drift towards Natonal-Protectionism." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007126.

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Two interrelated ideas are developed in this essay: first, that the consequences for the Spanish economy of loosing the last colonies —Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines— at the end of the nineteenth century were relatively small, and that it hardly can be regarded, as many historians have done as the Disaster of 1898. Second, that despite its small overall direct impact on the Spanish economy, the independence wars fought with the colonies, and the defeat at the hands of the Americans in 1898, started a process of intense political nationalism that resulted in the adoption of western Europe's most stringent autarchy at the beginning of the twentieth century. The colonial Disaster was therefore, an indirect one. Its economic consequences were first felt by Bentham's «ruling few» —in Spain's case, the wheat, flour, and textile traders of Castile and Catalonia— and later reached the «subject many» by way of their influence on the adoption of extreme protective measures («integral protection», as it became known by Spanish nationalists) facilitated by the general climate caused by the colonial loss.

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Cervellati, Matteo, Florian Jung, Uwe Sunde, and Thomas Vischer. "Income and Democracy: Comment." American Economic Review 104, no. 2 (February 1, 2014): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.2.707.

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Acemoglu et al. (2008) document that the correlation between income per capita and democracy disappears when including time and country fixed effects. While their results are robust for the full sample, we find evidence for significant but heterogeneous effects of income on democracy: negative for former colonies, but positive for non-colonies. Within the sample of colonies we detect heterogeneous effects related to colonial history and early institutions. The zero mean effect estimated by Acemoglu et al. (2008) is consistent with effects of opposite signs in the different subsamples. Our findings are robust to the use of alternative data and estimation techniques. (JEL D72, O17, O47)

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31

Tribe, Keith. "The Colonial Office and British Development Economics, 1940–60." History of Political Economy 50, S1 (2018): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-7033872.

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SIMELANE, HAMILTON SIPHO. "THE STATE, CHIEFS AND THE CONTROL OF FEMALE MIGRATION IN COLONIAL SWAZILAND, c. 1930s–1950s." Journal of African History 45, no. 1 (March 2004): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008612.

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Human migration has played an important role in the construction or dissolution of states in southern Africa. With the coming of the colonial period there was an intensification of the process of migration, mainly for work. Such movements were premised on the uneven development of colonial economies in which some areas became suppliers of labour while others became labour markets. In the case of Swaziland, the migration of labour was dominated by male migrants as the existing labour markets offered more opportunities for men. This view has become a conventional interpretation of the disparity in the mobility of men and women within states or across borders. This article uses the experience of Swaziland to extend the discourse on why men dominated the migration currents in Swaziland during the colonial period. It points out that it is no longer useful to rely on purely economic explanations of why more men were migrating than women in colonial Swaziland. The argument pushes the frontier of analysis beyond economics and argues that a more significant explanation is to be found in the power relations at the homestead level, whereby men had the power to determine if and when women could migrate. The discussion shows that Swazi men, in collaboration with colonial administrators, employed different strategies to control the mobility of women. The intention of the men was to keep women in the rural areas and they used their power in the homestead and their influence on the colonial administration to create barriers against female migration to local and cross-border industrial centres.

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Haynes, Douglas E., and Tirthankar Roy. "Conceiving mobility: Weavers' migrations in pre-colonial and colonial India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 36, no. 1 (March 1999): 35–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469903600102.

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34

ZOUACHE, ABDALLAH. "Institutions and the colonisation of Africa: some lessons from French colonial economics." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 2 (January 26, 2017): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000503.

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AbstractThis paper will propose a comparative analysis of the conceptualization of colonisation that could shed light on the contemporary economic analysis of the colonial legacy in Africa. More specifically, this article will propose a return to old debates on colonisation, with a special focus on French 19th century political economy. Three main institutionalist lessons can be drawn from a careful analysis of French colonial economics of the 19th century. First, by institutions, the authors referred not only to the modes of colonisation – liberalism or collectivism? – but also to the actors: What should be the respective role of states and of private actors (entrepreneurs, banks, settlers) in the colonisation of Africa? Second, the colonial debates involved a discussion of property, whether in the sense of land ownership (individual vs. collective) or under the prism of property rights. Third, the analysis of the colonisation of Africa by French economists reveals an understanding of institutions as cultural values, norms or even racial attributes.

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Hardy, Andrew. "The Economics of French Rule in Indochina: A Biography of Paul Bernard (1892–1960)." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1998): 807–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002911.

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This article uses a biography of banker and economist Paul Bernard to describe the debates that influenced economic policy makers and business circles during the last quarter century of French rule in Indochina. Bernard, from the Great Depression through to his death in 1960, exercised considerable influence on the way French leaders thought about the economy of their Southeast Asian colony and of their overseas territories as a whole. As a financier, he also played a part in its shaping. This article outlines his business activities, especially as managing director of the French and Colonial Finance Company (SFFC), an important colonial finance house, and is to this extent a business history. Bernard, finally, participated in the state planning of the colonial economy during the heyday of French interventionism. From the point of view of his involvement, the article describes the role of the state in colonial economic development. His involvement was both constructive, in the drawing up of Indochina's industrialization plans, and critical, in repeated attacks on what he saw as misguided or irrelevant policy. He did not confine his comments to economic matters, and his criticism of the administration of Indochina may be taken as a running commentary of the final decades of France's colonial engagement in Southeast Asia.

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Hanson, John R. "Education, Economic Development, and Technology Transfer: A Colonial Test." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 4 (December 1989): 939–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700009517.

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I test the hypothesis advanced by Richard Easterlin and others that the importation of modern technology and prospects for economic development in the Third World are principally a function of the local population's formal schooling. According to orthodoxy, manufacturing more than any other sector should repay investment in human capital. Yet the correlation of schooling with the manufacturing sector is much lower than with the mineral sector, an enclave in colonial economies and a symbol of underdevelopment.

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Sumardi, Sumardi, Aryni Ayu, and M. Naim. "Surplus Dutch Colonial Big Profits in Indonesia 1878-1942." GATR Journal of Business and Economics Review 4, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/jber.2019.4.2(1).

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Objective – This study aims to analyse the Colonial Drain process to prove the colonial land profits based on the theoretical framework. The Surplus Colonial Profit is conceptualized through the term "colonial drain". The study uses historical economics based on the theories of Lenin Imperialism and Gramsci’s Hegemony. Methodology/Technique –This research will draw upon both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include official and organizational publications including The Netherlands-Indies. The secondary sources include all relevant published and unpublished materials collected from diverse sources. Findings –The calculation of the surplus of colonial profits is scrutinized using historical causality by Gramsci's Hegemony theory to strengthen the data where the profits are obtained from public and private companies, and beyond predictions, "private profits" became the biggest commodity. Research Limitations / Implications – This research provides a basis for determining the direction of Indonesia's future economic development, and can also be a consideration of recent Indonesian lawsuits regarding Dutch debt, and can be a useful for reference material for further research. Novelty – Royal Dutch wealth was obtained from international trade and shipping of goods to Europe and ranges from 5.29 billion in 1878-1939 in the trade, services, international shipping sectors for and from Indonesia. This means that about 1 billion guilders missed from the recording of previous research that was around 4.12 billion. Type of Paper: Empirical. Keywords: Colonial Drain; Profits; Surplus; Metropolitan Economics; Dutch. Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Sumardi, Ayu, A.; Naim, M. 2019. Surplus Dutch Colonial Big Profits in Indonesia 1878-1942, J. Bus. Econ. Review 4 (2): 74 – 82 https://doi.org/10.35609/jber.2019.4.2(1) JEL Classification: N00, N.

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Gelman, Jorge Daniel. "El gran comerciante y el sentido de la circulación monetaria en el Río de la Plata colonial tardío." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 5, no. 3 (December 1987): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900015329.

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Sobre el papel del capital comercial y los comerciantes en America colonial se han escrito algunos trabajos importantes en los últimos años. Sin embargo, quedan muchos interrogantes y problemas pendientes.Uno de ellos, cuyo estudio abordaremos aquí, se refiere a la escasez y sentido de la circulación monetaria en el ámbito americano y, en particular, al rol de los grandes mercaderes coloniales en ello.

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Grafe, Regina, and Maria Alejandra Irigoin. "The Spanish Empire and its legacy: fiscal redistribution and political conflict in colonial and post-colonial Spanish America." Journal of Global History 1, no. 2 (July 2006): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000155.

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The comparative history of the Americas has been used to identify factors determining longterm economic growth. One approach, new institutional economics (NIE), claims that the colonial origins of respective institutional structures explain North American success and Spanish American failure. Another argues that differences in resources encountered by Europeans fostered divergent levels of equality impacting on institutions and growth. This paper challenges the theoretical premises and historical evidence of both views offering a historicized, statistically and economically validated explanation for the institutional and economic development of Spanish America. First, it revises the structure of the fiscal system challenging the characterization of Spain as an absolutist ruler. Secondly, an analysis of fiscal data at regional levels assesses the performance of the Imperial state. It shows the existence of massive revenue redistribution within the colonies, disputing the notion of a predatory extractive empire based on endowments as the source of original inequality. Finally, we discuss how a contingent event, the imprisonment of the Spanish king in 1808, contributed to the disintegration of a 300-year-old empire. The crisis of legitimacy in the empire turned fiscal interdependence between regions into beggar-thy-neighbour strategies and internecine conflict. We conclude by arguing for a reversal of the causality from weak institutions causing economic failure to fiscal (and economic) failure leading to political instability.

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Obeng-Odoom, Franklin. "Understanding Land Reform in Ghana." Review of Radical Political Economics 48, no. 4 (August 3, 2016): 661–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613415603161.

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Land reform has become particularly prominent in development discourse in recent times. Advocates emphasize its importance for poverty reduction in underdeveloped economies. However, how reform comes about and evolves and what it is and does is situated, not universal, as neoclassical economists suggest. This paper sheds light on the meaning, evolution, and outcomes of land reform in Ghana. It draws on historical and contemporary socio-legal and political-economic sources of evidence, analyzed within a critical postcolonial institutional framework. It shows important features of continuity and change in both colonial and post-colonial land reform. While pre-colonial land tenure relations are misrepresented as entailing no market activities, the concerted effort to introduce “capitalist markets” into the land sector to produce “socially efficient outcomes” has led to contradictory results.

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McFarlane, Anthony, and David Robinson. "Migration in Colonial Spanish America." Economic History Review 44, no. 4 (November 1991): 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597849.

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Lindert, Peter H., and Jeffrey G. Williamson. "American colonial incomes, 1650-1774." Economic History Review 69, no. 1 (March 23, 2015): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12106.

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Culleton, Alfredo. "The influence of Aristotle's Practical Philosophy on the formulation of a Philosophy of Economics in colonial Scholasticism." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 64, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 35262. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2019.3.35262.

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After briefly presenting the approaches to price theory developed in American colonial scholasticism by Tomás de Mercado, Bartolomé de Albornoz and Juan de Matienzo, we intend to demonstrate the preponderant role played by Aristotle and the peculiar reception given to him by these authors in their respective works. *** A influência da Filosofia Prática de Aristóteles na formulação de uma filosofia da economia no escolasticismo colonial ***Depois de apresentar brevemente as abordagens relativas à Teoria do Preço desenvolvidas na Escolástica colonial americana por Tomás de Mercado, Bartolomé de Albornoz e Juan de Matienzo, pretendemos demonstrar o papel preponderante exercido por Aristóteles e a peculiar recepção dada a ele por estes autores nas suas respectivas obras. Palavras-Chave: Escolástica colonial; preço justo; Aristóteles; Tomás de Mercado.

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Dell, Melissa, and Benjamin A. Olken. "The Development Effects of the Extractive Colonial Economy: The Dutch Cultivation System in Java." Review of Economic Studies 87, no. 1 (March 18, 2019): 164–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdz017.

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AbstractColonial powers typically organized economic activity in the colonies to maximize their economic returns. While the literature has emphasized long-run negative economic impacts via institutional quality, the changes in economic organization implemented to spur production historically could also directly influence economic organization in the long-run, exerting countervailing effects. We examine these in the context of the Dutch Cultivation System, the integrated industrial and agricultural system for producing sugar that formed the core of the Dutch colonial enterprise in 19th century Java. We show that areas close to where the Dutch established sugar factories in the mid-19th century are today more industrialized, have better infrastructure, are more educated, and are richer than nearby counterfactual locations that would have been similarly suitable for colonial sugar factories. We also show, using a spatial regression discontinuity design on the catchment areas around each factory, that villages forced to grow sugar cane have more village-owned land and also have more schools and substantially higher education levels, both historically and today. The results suggest that the economic structures implemented by colonizers to facilitate production can continue to promote economic activity in the long run, and we discuss the contexts where such effects are most likely to be important.

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Cogneau, Denis, Yannick Dupraz, and Sandrine Mesplé-Somps. "Fiscal Capacity and Dualism in Colonial States: The French Empire 1830–1962." Journal of Economic History 81, no. 2 (April 6, 2021): 441–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000140.

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What was the capacity of European colonial states? How fiscally extractive were they? What was their capacity to provide public goods and services? And did this change in the “developmentalist” era of colonialism? To answer these questions, we use archival sources to build a new dataset on colonial states of the second French colonial empire (1830–1962). French colonial states extracted a substantial amount of revenue, but they were under-administered because public expenditure entailed high wage costs. These costs remained a strong constraint in the “developmentalist” era of colonialism, despite a dramatic increase in fiscal capacity and large overseas subsidies.

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Wells, K. M. "The Rationale of Korean Economic Nationalism Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1922–1932: The Case of Cho Man-sik's Products Promotion Society." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1985): 823–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015481.

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Economic nationalism may seem rather too grand a term for the contents of this paper. And indeed, I have not attempted any analysis of the economics of economic nationalism. My concern is with the nationalist element in the equation, in particular the basic perceptions of nationalists inside Korea who responded to the plight of their colonially oppressed nation. The question, ‘Is economic nationalism viable under colonial occupation?’ may be answered negatively in Korea's case. But one may equally assert that all nationalist movements and all economic action, of left or right, were not viable in Korea at this time. Even if a certain theory of the determinative role of economic superstructures is employed, I suspect this question of viability may generate only fruitless dispute over whether we strictly mean non-viability or simply failure. Hence I willingly leave the theoretical aspects of the case to those equipped to deal with them.

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Michelle Burnham. "Samuel Gorton's Leveller Aesthetics and the Economics of Colonial Dissent." William and Mary Quarterly 67, no. 3 (2010): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5309/willmaryquar.67.3.433.

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McGowan, Barry. "THE ECONOMICS AND ORGANISATION OF CHINESE MINING IN COLONIAL AUSTRALIA." Australian Economic History Review 45, no. 2 (July 2005): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8446.2005.00131.x.

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white, nicholas j. "Managing British colonial and post-colonial development: the Crown Agents, 1914–1974 – By David Sunderland." Economic History Review 61, no. 2 (May 2008): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2008.00432_12.x.

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Kimura, Mitsuhiko. "Public finance in Korea under Japanese rule: Deficit in the colonial account and colonial taxation." Explorations in Economic History 26, no. 3 (July 1989): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-4983(89)90023-5.

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