Journal articles on the topic 'Collective memory – Turkey'

Based on precedent theories on collective memory and urban studies, this article develops a framework of approach to contemporary urban collective memory. Understanding urban collective memory by handling people and urban space as a system provides a sociospatial perspective for critical approaches to cities. The study initially provides overviews of theoretical approaches to collective memory and city, and then puts forth constituents of urban collective memory. Based on these constituents, contemporary urban collective memory is discussed, and a framework for analyzing contemporary cities in terms of urban space and urban experience is introduced. For a clear portrayal of urban issues within the context, the introduced framework is devised through the case of Ankara, the capital city of Turkey and the inspiring force behind this study. This framework aims to present a ground to assess people’s relation to urban spaces in the contemporary era.

Monuments, schools, hospitals and named streets, parks or squares that are mutually constructed in big cities as examples of historical and cultural values are places of common memory in Turkey and Pakistan. Accurate understanding of the collective past and historical consciousness affects not only the present, but also the shaping of the future. Therefore, cultural phenomena such as tradition, language, and religion, national and religious holidays in the collective past of a society contribute to the formation of historical consciousness and national identity. The memory places, which play an important role in the construction of the common future through the cultural values of the Pakistani and Turkish societies, also reflect the socio-political and cultural memory objects of both societies. In this study, memory spaces that play an active role in the cultural interaction between Pakistan and Turkey will be discussed with the theory of memory space (lieu de mèmoire) of French historian Pierre Nora. In addition, how and what memory spaces that reflect the identity of a society symbolize in terms of both symbolic and historical reality will be examined.

Increasing immigration activities due to globalized economies, political conflicts, wars and disasters of the recent years not only had a serious impact on the tangible heritage fabric, but also on the intangible values of heritage sites. With the challenges of managing drastic changes the field of heritage is faced with in mind, this paper proposes a documentation strategy that utilizes “collective memory” as a tool for risk mitigation of culturally diverse sites. Intangible and tangible values of two cases studies, from Turkey and Canada, are studied in a comparative way to create a methodology for the use of collected data on “collective memory and identity” in risk mitigation and managing change as a living value of the site.

The childhood memories of most Turkish citizens are full of images of national holiday celebrations. Loudly recited heroic poems, enthusiastic folk dance performances, costume parades and school shows, anxious teachers, and involuntary laughter during the long, silent moments of commemoration-all are part of these images. A few years ago (in 1998), Turkey celebrated the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Republic, giving us an opportunity to rethink these remembrances as both collective and personal experiences, with all their political and social implications. As in any other country with a state-controlled educational system, the structure of these celebrations had been well established and consolidated over the years, having “an accumulative effect upon successive generations” (Ben-Amos 1994, p. 54). The formalism and the overemphasized nationalism of the celebrations, repeated over and over for years, eventually created a sense of alienation. Nevertheless, when the Islamist Welfare Party assumed power over the municipalities of Istanbul and Ankara in 1994, the revival of the national holiday celebrations was remarkable. Thus began a new approach to celebrating national holidays, with rock concerts, extensive TV coverage, and public interviews. The seventh-fifth anniversary celebrations further revived the national holidays, with contributions from state as well as nongovernmental organizations. After the Welfare Party's assumption of power, the celebration of national holidays symbolized support for the Republic's reforms and secularism, in opposition to rising Islamic fundamentalism.

This article explores the spatialization of a collective memory in Turkey’s north coast city of Samsun. In 1919, Mustafa Kemal Paşa’s first step onto the Bandırma, the steamer that carried him from the Ottoman capital of Istanbul to Samsun, was also the first step of the Turkish struggle for independence. The dock that led him to the city and the hotel that accommodated him were also thus slated to be narrated as representational spaces of Samsun in the future. Decades later, for securing Samsun’s historic role in Turkey’s independence, the by-then abandoned Mantika Hotel, the dismantled Bandırma and the demolished Tobacco Dock were successively restored (1998), reconstructed (2001) and rebuilt (2009). Abstract spaces of the official historiography were physically produced in order to represent and remember. Within this context, the author scrutinizes the production of space in the particular case of Samsun and analyses it through Lefebvre’s theoretical framework.

AbstractThis article examines the growing interest in questions of memory, trauma, and justice in Turkey, with a special focus on the notion of “coming to terms with the past.” Through an analysis of key academic and popular texts published between 2002 and 2013, it argues that “coming to terms with the past” is a therapeutic public discourse that rewrites national history through the temporality of trauma. In other words, this discourse reconfigures the sequence of past, present, and future as the beginning, development, and end of a case of collective trauma, applying the psychotherapeutic terminology of victimhood, healing, and forgiveness to social realities. The article offers new perspective on existing debates over “coming to terms with the past” by analyzing the limits of this therapeutic discourse and by exploring the potential and open-endedness of the politics of memory in Turkey.

There is unprecedented domestic and international interest in Turkey's political past, accompanied by a societal demand for truth and justice in addressing past human rights violations. This article poses the question: Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Drawing upon the literature on nationalism, identity, and collective memory, I argue that the Turkish state has recently taken steps to acknowledge and redress some of the past human rights violations. However, these limited and strategic acts of acknowledgment fall short of initiating a more comprehensive process of addressing past wrongs. The emergence of the Justice and Development Party as a dominant political force brings along the possibility that the discarded Kemalist memory framework will be replaced by what I callmajoritarian conservatism, a new government-sanctioned shared memory that promotes uncritical and conservative-nationalist interpretations of the past that have popular appeal, while enforcing silence on critical historiographies that challenge this hegemonic memory and identity project. Nonetheless, majoritarian conservatism will probably fail to assert state control over memory and history, even under a dominant government, as unofficial memory initiatives unsettle the hegemonic appropriation of the past.

Abstract Gezi Park protests that rocked Turkey in 2013 left a significant mark in the country’s collective memory and contributed to the construction of a new language of political resistance. To challenge an increasingly authoritarian government, the protesters used novel repertoires of contention, particularly political graffiti. To better understand different types of linguistic and symbolic communication tools used in the public space during Gezi Park protests and their impact on different set of audiences, this article explores the following research questions: (i) What indexical properties are used in the languages used in graffiti, and what do they mean for understanding the various audiences that the protesters engaged? (ii) What counter-narratives are created in the graffiti produced during Gezi Park protests?

AbstractOn the night of July 15, 2016, the Republic of Turkey experienced yet another military coup attempt. However, this attempt failed, mainly due to civilian protest and casualties. Their sacrifice, according to the Turkish state, led to the creation of a new national celebration in Turkey, the “Democracy and National Unity Day.” Following the growing interest of historians in the field of national celebrations, this paper examines the creation of this holiday. It argues that the AKP government used this new holiday to shape the Turkish collective national memory and to introduce a national celebration that does not revolve around the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who symbolizes the secular camp in Turkey, but rather around the Justice and Development Party government and its more traditional and religious ideology, in the guise of celebrating Turkish democracy.

This essay is a meditation on memory and democracy. I will argue that democracy as a way of life is conditioned upon how well a community remembers its past. The concept of democracy as a way of life, as distinct from a particular form of governance, has its origins in the political philosophy of John Dewey. I will approach this issue in a somewhat roundabout manner. In the first part, I will examine a series of Dewey’s writings from the early 1920s that resulted from his visit of the newly established Republic of Turkey. I contend that the se­rious shortcomings in Dewey’s analysis of Turkish state nation-building highlight deficiencies in his otherwise laudable and nuanced democratic theory. In the second part, I provide a more sustained analysis of the role of collective memory within a community, especially one that aspires to a democratic way of life. I will then conclude with a few reflections upon issues arising from Turkish collective memory as it relates to the Armenian Genocide.

The literature on martyrdom has not, so far, systematically analysed a constitutionally secular state’s extensive use of religion in propagating martyrdom narratives by using state-controlled religious institutions. This paper addresses this gap in martyrdom literature. In addition, even though some studies have analysed how martyrdom narratives have been used for political purposes in Turkey for mythmaking and building a collective memory, a religious institution’s active use by the state for the purposes of mythmaking and collective memory building has not been studied. This paper shows that the contents of the Friday sermons, that reach at least 50 percent of the country’s adult males every week, have moved from Turkish nationalist understanding of militarism and martyrdom to more radical, Islamist and pro-violence interpretations that actively promote dying for the nation, homeland, religion and God. The sermons also emphasise that new generations must be raised with this pro-violence religious spirit, which is also novel.

Dominant representations of history evolve through differential exercise of power to enable memory of collective triumphs and silence memory of collective misdeeds. We examined silence regarding minorities in official constructions of history and the implications of this silence for national identity and intergroup relations in Turkey. A content analysis of official constructions of history inscribed in Turkish national university admissions exams (Study 1) revealed an emphasis on celebratory events, silence about ethnic and religious minorities, and a construction of national identity in ethno-cultural (e.g., as “Turk” and “Muslim”) rather than civic terms (e.g., in terms of citizenship). An investigation with Turkish participants (Study 2) revealed that denial of historical information regarding minority populations documented in sources outside the national curriculum was associated with greater endorsement of ethno-cultural constructions of identity and less support for minority rights and freedom of expression. We discuss the liberatory potential of alternative forms of historical knowledge to promote more inclusive models of identification and improve intergroup relations.

Migration has significantly shaped the changing demographics of Turkey and the interplay between the self-image of the state and its citizens as elements of nation-building policies, dating back to the late Ottoman period. Although the effects of migration and its representations have been the subject of scholarly studies about collective memory, textbooks have largely been omitted from studies about migration. This article analyzes the topics and discursive strategies used to construct narratives of migration and migrants in secondary-level history textbooks by considering ways in which textbooks construct and transmit collective self-images. Adopting a critical discourse analysis approach, the author demonstrates how topoi are used to present a favorable or problematic image of migration.

‘Build Memories’ is a collage series that explores the layered historic and geographic landscape of Istanbul and Thessaloniki. The work focuses on the shared Byzantine and Ottoman past of the two cities, which is interlinked with the multicultural lives and transcultural memories of their inhabitants. The collaging of images of popular culture sourced from tourist catalogues of Greece and Turkey becomes in the work a strategy for the transformation of collective memories into a composite landscape. The collages literally build memory as a transcultural space deposited in the urban fabric.

Since the official history-writing is a defining aspect for the formation and consolidation of nation-states, it is crucial to explore the attempts to legitimize particular discourses regarding historical atrocities. The selective representations of the past, in this regard, contradict counter-memories and propagate hegemonic patterns of remembrance and/or forgetting of past crimes. This article accordingly addresses how the representations of counter-memories as threats to national security and the silencing of gender-specific experiences and remembrances by sanctioned historical narratives become manifest in the history-making of the Turkish nation-state. By focusing on the Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide as two cases of crimes against humanity, it is intended to discuss the shifting positions and roles that the Turkish state adopts in the remembering and forgetting of historical offences. The article argues that through prioritizing national security and national interests, the securitization of memory reconstructs collective traumas of distinct ethnic and religious groups on the basis of a nation-state’s perceived internal and external threats. It also claims that the competing voices of women and their distinct experiences and patterns of remembrance and forgetting past atrocities are suppressed for the sake of the preservation of national security. By incorporating the issue of gender into the debate on the securitization of memory, this article elucidates the mismatch between positions of femininity and masculinity within the official national historiography of the Turkish state.

This article surveys Ottoman reserve officers’ autobiographical texts and emphasizes the potential these personal narratives present to revise both the existing historiog- raphy on the Ottoman First World War and the official memory of the war in Turkey. After briefly exploring the evolution of the Ottoman reserve officer system as an in- tegrated part of Ottoman conscription, the article shows how reserve officers’ war memories shed light on the neglected aspects of Ottoman soldiers’ experience of the front, particularly the daily life of trench warfare. Reserve officers’ personal narratives include critical observations and remarks about the Ottoman war experience, and the article discusses how these critical memories may be significant for the revision of the official narrative of the war in Turkey. Yet it also argues that as these personal nar- ratives are diverse, they do not present an all-embracing counter-narrative of disil- lusionment. The article also draws attention to the shaping effect of the context in which these autobiographies were written down and explores the organic ties between personal and collective memories of the Great War in Turkey.

A review of the Arab publications on modern Turkey that have appeared since the 1970s and their examination with regard to the image of the founder of the Turkish republic, M. K. Atatürk (1881-1938), reveals a rather negative image and leads one to assume that this is the one and only image of Atatürk in Arab perception. The fact is, however, that it is by no means a static image of Atatürk. If the perceptions of Arab authors regarding Atatürk are embedded in the respective historical and political context, it becomes evident that these perceptions can be seen as the result of a process. Moreover, the content of the respective “perceptions” is obviously influenced by socio-political changes. My aim in this paper is to investigate the aspects of these perceptions as they appear in Arabic discourse. I would also like to highlight the various ways that they have been employed in the construction of the collective memory of the Arabs.

In my paper I intend to examine how the historical marginalization of Sami and Kurdish history and culture affects the cultural identity of these ethnic groups. I discuss how recent political discourses and state interventions have influenced the images of the past and identity politics in the Sami communities living in Finland and in the Kurdish society living in Turkey. Furthermore, I describe how these assimilated minorities have alienated from their own identity due to a damage of their collective memory caused by devastating historical events. The paper also focuses on the ways these two minorities give meaning to the past and strengthen their cultural identities through different forms of art. Both Samis and Kurds express their identities in several creative ways. Their historical realities, individual histories, memories of assimilation and common values are reflected in joiks, folk music and cinema. These are strong ways of remembering and expressions of identity in both cultures. Traditional songs, films, documentaries reveal histories, reproduce cultures and shape the memories of both Sami and Kurdish people. Therefore, I will discuss how the patterns of their cultural memory have an impact on the representation of their identities in the above art forms.

This article aims to contribute on reflecting about the strict relation between an object (an image) and the memory, particularly regarding the memory in the news on September 2nd 2015 about the refugee crisis. Every year, Porto Editora (a Portuguese press company) holds a survey with ten words in order to elect the word of the year, and, for 2015, the elected one was “Refugees” (Palavra do Ano, 2015); this would be one more evidence of the impact of this issue in the news. The photo of a dead Syrian child on a beach in Turkey has become one of the most striking images of the refugee crisis in 2015. Curiously, Muerte a las puertas del paraíso (Death on paradise’s gates) was the headline exactly fifteen years ago, on September 2nd 2000, when photojournalist Javier Bauluz caught the image of a dead immigrant who tried to cross illegally, facing down the sand on a beach in Spain. In both cases, could we say the image overcomes the news? Which one is to be considered the object of the memory: the refugee crisis itself or the image of the dead Syrian child as an icon of this crisis? The theoretical framework stands on a threefold argument: 1. Object, memory and discourse; 2. The memory of the news; 3. Europe, migration and refugee crisis. Finally, two interviews were undertaken (as part of the pilot study) in order to verify if the memory of the object were sufficient enough to turn it into the object of the memory, as well as, whether one’s memory were somehow relevant to establish a collective memory.

The role of the charismatic power and charismatic leadership increases during the authoritarian modernization of traditional society. Authoritites use different methods to construct and fabricate their images of charismatic leadership. During the one-party period in Early Turkish Republic the leader of the state exalted his personality through the transmission of his images, translating it into political cult. Common ground for this process was national holidays. Examining these ceremonies and rituals as invented traditions we look at the fabrication of the cult. Through these events collective historical memory and identity were formed and citizens imagined New Turkey and Turkish power. Using the example of Lozan Day Holiday as an illustration of construction of charismatic leadership in traditional societies, this paper demonstrates the history of representations of power in authoritarian regimes. Large range of textual and visual materials (archival documents, memories, newspapers and journals) are examined.

This article explores the 2020 Turkish Netflix series Bir Başkadır ( Ethos) written and directed by Berkun Oya about contemporary Turkey through its objects. With objects surge memories, which are both personal and collective. From the charged objects that convey private attachments, traumas, and histories to ordinary household trinkets and finally archival audiovisual material, this series assumes the status of museum in its drive to carefully exhibit the material world on screen. As the Turkish title of the series indicates, these objects are “ bir başkadır”: one of a kind. Through themes and practices of lost innocence, counter-archives, and archiveology, I sift through the quotidian objects, miniatures, old photos, souvenirs, and analogue film footage re-presented and re-collected in this series with an eye to their new scope and allure. The past and present rest adjacent to one another in the mise-en-scène of this series. In engagement with the philosophical writings of Walter Benjamin on the collector, the archive, and memory, Andreas Huyssen's concept of the “museal gaze,” Jennifer Culbert's “counter-archival sensibility,” and finally Catherine Russell's practice of “archiveology,” this article examines how the objects that fashion the on-screen world acquire depth and meaning and the film as museum comes to form.

While railways are considered as a sign of development for countries, the railway structures are part of the industrial heritage of cities and comprise some of the most important urban public places. In Turkey, the Eskişehir railway buildings, constructed between 1886 and 1894, are at the west of the main railroad between the Enveriye and Eskişehir stations. They are also public places having strong resonance in the collective memory. Because of the fast development in technology, they face the threat of losing their function. Conservation of former industrial structures requires, first and foremost, identifying and documenting the distinctive features that makes them cultural heritage sites. It is a shared responsibility between public institutions and sectors to identify and protect the distinguishing features of industrial heritage sites. With this awareness, at the Anadolu University Architecture Department, integrated student work focused on the Railroad Roundhouse—built in 1896—and Staff Housing Quarters—built in the early 20th century—which are part of this district and embody a series of urban problems, was carried out over four academic semesters. This study focuses on historic railway buildings in the Eskişehir railway district that is known for its urban problems. An exhibition combining these student works was opened at the Railcar Repair Facility on 16 November 2017. This exhibition showcased the student involvement in history of Eskişehir and increased public awareness of cultural heritage.

The annual conference of the British Society for Middle EasternStudies (BRISMES) was hosted by the Department of Middle EasternStudies at the University of Manchester and concentrated on thetheme of "Culture: Unity and Diversity." About two hundred participantsdeliberated over approximately ninety papers of varying standards,in addition to the three plenary sessions. This was achieved bygrouping the speakers, many of whom were from overseas, intothirty-four panels covering such diverse themes as law, politics, language,literature, poetry, culture, identity, history, religion, architecture,mysticism, media, economics, and agriculture. A balance wasalso maintained between the historical and the contemporary in manyof these areas. Each session. featured up to five panels, each withbetween two and four speakers. These were held simultaneously inorder to give all of the participants in each session the opportunity tochoose the one panel that would be of most interest to them. Some ofthe panels were hosted by special interest groups: The Society forMoroccan Studies; The Association for Cypriot, Greek and TurkishAffairs; The Manchester University Research Group on Central Asiaand the Caucasus; and two panels in memory of Avriel Butovsky.The focus of the conference's attention was the plenary session oneach of the three days. A different guest speaker was present for eachsession. The most striking presentation was that of Seyyed HosseinNasr (George Washington University, USA). The opening plenaryaddress was by Bozkurt Guvem; (Ankara, Turkey), and the closingplenary session featured Tayeb Salih (London, UK).After the opening speeches, Bozkurt Guven????. currently advisor tothe President of Turkey and formerly an anthropologist and architect,was called upon to speak on the "Quest for National Identity inTurkey: Cultural Continuity of Historical Diversities." He began byfocusing on the dilemma that a quest for identity generates due to itsdeep-rootedness in the sociocultural and historical consciousness ofpeople at the individual, collective, local, national, static, and transitionallevels. In answer to the question "Who are you?," one's identityis as much dependent on the attitude of the perceiver as it is on theperception that the perceived has of himself or herself. It is therefore ...

The Pan-Armenian Declaration, adopted on January 29, 2015 at the meeting of the State Commission on Coordination of the events for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, notes that it “considers the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide an important milestone on the ongoing struggle for historical justice under the motto “I remember and I demand.”” Thus, it was proposed to consider this motto as a short formulation of the policy of memory of Armenians. This raises questions related to the components of this motto and requiring clarification in the context of conveying the memory of the Genocide in the 21st century: Who do I remember? What do I remember? How do I remember? What do I demand? From whom do I demand? How do I demand? The article proposes and justifies the answers to these questions. In particular, on the first issue, it is proposed to compile an electronic database of victims and survivors of the Genocide, their memories, video and audio recordings. The necessity of reformulating the name of the day of commemoration of the victims of the Genocide is substantiated. Answering the question “what do I remember?,” it is proposed to remember also the self-defense battles during the Genocide; the humanitarian assistance of Armenian and foreign benefactors; humanitarian resistance to the perpetrators of the genocide; mutual assistance of family members, relatives, friends; moral victories; the struggle to stay alive. In answer to the question “how do I remember?” talks about the problems of mourning and worthy memory; commemorative processions; the construction of monuments (khachkars); the introduction of the “Park of Memory” culture; forms of using the memory of the Genocide as a means of strengthening the Armenian Diaspora communities; the need to organize exhibitions; highlighting specific people and organizations from the collective image of the victims of the Genocide processions with their portraits; creation of methods of teaching genocide and other problems. In connection with the question “what do I demand?” talks about various manifestations of Armenian demands (land, financial, moral), the question of the need to form a state approach to the problem is raised. Touching upon the question “from whom do I demand?,” the views prevailing in the society (from the world, from Turkey, from the Armenians, etc.) are considered. When discussing the question “how do I demand?” we are talking about the creation of such structures, similar to which were formed in due time to solve analogous problems and successfully passed the exam for decades, and have an experience, knowledge of which will also be useful for Armenians (for example, the “Conference on Jewish material claims against Germany”).

The current study is the first detailed report on a savant case in Turkey. We collected data from a 25-year-old-male savant on attention span, short-term memory, working memory, autobiographical memory, overall intelligence, reading speed, text interpretation, and advanced calendar calculation. Data collection tools included the Test of Nonverbal Intelligence (4th edition), Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised, Stanford-Binet 5 Working Memory Test and Raven's Colored Progressive Matrices for assessing general intellectual functioning; the Verbal Short-Term Memory Test for assessing memory assessment; d2 for assessing attention; a structured reading text; family interview protocols; and an individual interview protocol. The savant has a composite intellectual level of 85 and was recently diagnosed with pervasive developmental disorder when he was 25 years old. He evidenced limited attention span but excellent short-term memory, working memory, autobiographical memory and calendar calculation.

Traditions transfer a culture of a society from one generation to another. Traditions that are carriers of collective memory are getting affected by the changes of societies and take new sizes and shapes. Rain prayer is the most common and interesting one among these traditions. A religious influence might be considered in practice, whereas several sub-meanings emerge when pre-prayer and post-prayer stages are examined in detail. Rain prayer might take different practice styles and structures according to the structure of societies and regions where they live. The result we would like to reach with this study conducted in the region of İzmir- Dikili is to determine the way rain prayer is practiced, to identify differences and common points of rain prayers in different regions of Turkey, and to uncover cultural codes in meaning sets that are embedded in practice. This is because rain prayer carries deeper meanings than its functional structure. Taking sub-meanings of this practice that is being shaped around a religious discourse into consideration, patterns from different belief structures are being observed.Two types of rain prayer in Dikili region are identified in this study. First one is made by stone- reading, and the second one is made only by charity-meal prayer. Non-Islamic elements were observed and practices that were supported by religious discourses were identified in the ceremony.This study is based on the research in the villages of Dikili. Moreover, audial and visual recording information that were gathered through participant observation from the rain prayer in Yahsibey Village in September 2016 were used. The technique of in-depth interviews and oral history method were used in the research. The information gathered was evaluated with interpretive paradigm. Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetGelenekler, bir toplumun maddi olmayan kültürünü bir kuşaktan diğer kuşağa aktarır. Halkın, beklentilerini simgeleştirdiği kolektif hafızanın taşıyıcısı olan gelenekler, toplumların zamanla değişmelerinden etkilenerek yeni boyut ve şekiller alır. Yağmur duası bu geleneklerden en yaygın olarak görüleni ve ilgi çekici olanıdır. Uygulamaya bakıldığında dini motiflerin ağır bastığı düşünülebilir ama dua öncesi ve sonrasında yapılan pratikler ayrıntılı incelendiğinde farklı motifleri barındırdığı da gözlemlenebilmektedir. Yağmur duası; uygulandığı bölgeye göre de çeşitlilik göstermektedir. İzmir’in Dikili bölgesinde yaptığımız bu çalışmada yağmur duasının uygulanış şekli, Türkiye’nin farklı bölgelerinde yapılan yağmur dualarından farkları ve bu pratiğin ifade ettiği farklı anlamlar ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır. Yağmur duası, işlevsel bir çözümlemenin ortaya koyabileceğinden çok daha derin anlamlar taşımaktadır. Dinsel bir söylem çerçevesinde şekillenen bu uygulama farklı inanç sistemlerinden izler de taşımaktadır.Yapılan çalışmada, Dikili bölgesinde iki tip yağmur duası şekli olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bunlardan birincisi taş okuma ile yapılan, ikincisi ise sadece hayır yemeği verilerek yapılandır. Uygulamada İslamiyet dışı unsurlara sıkça rastlanılmıştır. Bunların en başında ise yağmur duası öncesi tutulan oruç gelmektedir. Oruç, yağmur duasının yapılacağı gün sabah ezanıyla başlamış ve hayır yemeğinin dağıtılmasına kadar sürmüştür.Çalışmada, İzmir’in Dikili ilçesine bağlı köylerde yapılan “Dikilinin Köylerinde Alan Araştırması” isimli proje kapsamında toplanan bilgiler ve sonrasında 2016 Eylül ayında Yahşibey köyünde yapılan yağmur duasında katılımlı gözlem ile elde edilen işitsel ve görsel malzeme kullanılmıştır. Araştırma yöntemi olarak derinlemesine görüşme tekniği ve sözlü tarih yöntemi de tercih edilmiştir. Belirtilen yöntemlerle elde edilen bu bilgiler yorumsamacı paradigma doğrultusunda değerlendirilip anlamlandırılmaya çalışılmıştır.

The existence of subjects in a society is accepted in groups formed on the basis of gender and in communities and thus gains meaning. We have heard the statement “does a manly man do such a thing?” so many times when a man displays behaviour outside the gender roles described for men in the practice of social structure. It is necessary to look at the components constituting manliness and to examine the behavioural practices with which those components are related so as to understand the status called manliness. The functionality of military service remains constantly dynamic in Turkey due to its political and socio-cultural effects. Military service is influential in social organisation both as political and social power in the formation of the mechanism for manliness. Military service, which is institutionalised in accordance with the needs of political organisation, has gained sacredness in a various discourse, practices and in collective memory. In consequence of its sacredness, it has gained new meanings and it has become a determinant in the life of men. This study found that military service had great impacts in the formation of the mechanism for manliness. Sacredness attributed to military service especially in rural areas has strengthened the impact and caused men to see military service as the turning point of their life. Consequently, military service has gone beyond being a civic duty and become a social duty. The author of this article agrees with the argument that military organisation is one of the dynamics forming the foundation in building men’s social gender roles. In this context, the cultural codes of manliness should be searched in “military service”. This study uses the method of autoethnography. Additionally, the method of oral history is also employed. The data used in this study came from two sources- namely, my personal observations, experiences and conversations during my military service in Ankara in 2014; and interviews with people who had performed their military service. The data obtained will be evaluated in interpretivist paradigm. Extended English abstract is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.ÖzetÖznelerin toplum içindeki varlıkları, cinsiyetlere göre oluşturulmuş gruplar ve cemaatler içinde kabul edilerek, anlam kazanmaktadır. Toplumsal yapının pratiklerinde, erkeklere tanımlanmış olan cinsiyet rollerinin dışında bir davranışta bulunulduğunda “Erkek adam da bunu yapar mı?” söylemini çok defa duymuşuzdur. Erkeklik denilen toplumsal statüyü anlamak için oluşumundaki katmanlara bakmak ve bu katmaların ilişkide olduğu davranış pratiklerini incelemek gerekmektedir. Türkiye’de askerlik hizmetinin siyasal ve sosyo – kültürel etkilerden dolayı işlerliği sürekli dinamik kalmaktadır. Erkeklik mekanizmasının oluşmasında askerlik hizmeti, toplumsal örgütlenme içerisinde hem siyasal hem de toplumsal iktidar bir güç olarak etkisini göstermektedir. Siyasal bir örgütlenmenin ihtiyaçları doğrultusunda kurumsallaşan askerlik hizmeti, çeşitli söylem ve pratikler ile kolektif hafızalarda bir kutsallık kazanmaktadır. Kazandığı bu kutsiyet sonucunda yeni anlam dizgelerine bürünerek, erkeklerin hayatlarında belirteç bir konuma gelmektedir. Bu çalışma neticesinde askerlik hizmetinin, erkeklik mekanizmasının oluşmasında büyük bir etkisinin olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Geleneksel toplumlarda özellikle kırsal bölgelerde askerliğe yüklenen kutsallık bu etkiyi daha da güçlendirerek, erkeklerin askerlik hizmetini, hayatlarının bir dönüm noktası olarak görmelerine neden olmuştur. Bunun sonucunda askerlik hizmeti bir vatandaşlık görevi olmaktan uzaklaşarak, toplumsal bir görev halini almıştır.Askerlik örgütlenmesinin erkeklerin toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin inşasında temel teşkil eden dinamiklerden birisi olduğu argümanını kabul etmekteyim. Bu bağlamda erkekliğin kültürel kodları “askerlik hizmetinde” aranacaktır. Çalışmada otoetnografi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca sözlü tarih yönteminden de yararlanılmıştır. Araştırmada kullanılan bilgiler iki kaynaktan toplanmıştır; 2014 yılında Ankara’da Jandarma olarak askerliğimi yaptığım dönemde ki gözlemlerim, deneyimlerim ve görüşmelerim ilk kaynak bilgileri oluştururken, askerlik hizmetini yapmış kişiler ile yapılan görüşmelerden elde edilen bulgular ise ikinci kaynak bilgilerimi oluşturmaktadır. Elde edilen bu bilgiler yorumsamacı paradigma ile değerlendirilecektir.

В исследовании рассматривается чапщ черкесское (адыгское) врачевальное игрище, архаичный обряд, увеселительные ночные посиделки, устраиваемые у постели больного или раненого, включающие в себя приуроченные игры, песни, танцы, поэтические ристалища. Цель статьи выявить локальные терминологические версии мифоритуального комплекса чапщ, его связь с мифоэпической традицией, прагматикосемиотические особенности обряда, обратить внимание на существование нарративных рефлексивных суждений, касающихся текста (вербального, акционального) ныне уже не существующего обряда. Актуальность исследования обусловлена востребованностью новых разработок в области локалистики и регионоведения. В статью включены полевые материалы автора, в т. ч. по народнотерминологическому лексикону, впервые вводимые в научный оборот. Этим определяется новизна исследования. Автор рассматривает ряд символических элементов чапща, в их числе предметные символы (жезл в руках распорядителя обряда, шкуры жертвенных животных, обрядовая пища). Отмечается, что вербальноакциональные тексты (заговоры дутье и нашептывание , апотропеические действия, чапщевые игры и др.) необходимо рассматривать в связи с коммуникативным контекстом, сопоставляются терминологические варианты лексики обряда чапщ, фиксируемые в разных локальных традициях черкесов. Методы исследования: сравнительносопоставительный, прагматикосемиотический, функциональный подход. Излагаемые наблюдения основываются в т. ч. и на полевых материалах автора, собранных как на исторической территории проживания черкесов (республики Северного Кавказа), так и в диаспоре (Турция). Делается вывод о том, что разрушение коммуникативного контекста обряда влечет за собой определенное непонимание , отрицание, связанное с трансформацией этических представлений, в ряде случаев замалчивание, а порой и отказ информантов распространяться на тему чапщевых игр. В сравнении, например, с эпическими текстами, которые информанты относят к престижным жанрам, чапщевый фольклор оттеснен на периферию коллективной памяти. Возвращение к изучению обряда с привлечением новых полевых и исследовательских методик представляет собой перспективную задачу для изучения семиотики фольклорной культуры, истории поэтического языка словесных жанров, выявления локальных версий обрядовых и мифоэпических текстов. Abstract. The study examines chapshch the Circassian (Adyghe) healing game, the archaic rite entertaining night gatherings arranged at the bedside of a sick or wounded person, including timed games, songs, dances, and poetic lists. The purpose of the article is to identify the local terminological versions of the chapsh mythological ritual complex, its connection with the mythoepic tradition, the pragmatic and semiotic features of the rite, to draw attention to the existence of the narrative reflective judgments regarding the text (the verbal or action one) of the nowdefunct rite. The relevance of the study is due to the demand for the new developments in the field of localistics and regional studies. The article contains the field materials of the author including the ones on the folk terminological lexicon, first introduced into the scientific circulation. This determines the relevance of the study. The author considers a number of symbolic elements of the chapsh including subject symbols (a rod in the hands of the ritual master, skins of the sacrificial animals, the ritual food). It is noted that verbalaction texts (the spell blowing and whispering, the apotropic actions, the chapsh games, etc.) must be considered in connection with the communicative context. The terminological variants of the chapsh rite vocabulary fixed in the different local traditions of the Circassians are compared. The research methods: comparative, pragmatic, semiotic, functional approach. The stated observations are based on the authors field materials collected both in the historical homeland of the Circassians (the republics of the North Caucasus) and in the diaspora (Turkey). It is concluded that the destruction of the communicative context of the rite entails a certain misunderstanding, a denial associated with the transformation of the ethical ideas, in some cases silence, and sometimes the refusal of informants to spread on the theme of the chapsh plays. In comparison, for example, with epic texts that informants refer to prestigious genres, chapsh folklore is pushed to the periphery of the collective memory. A return to the study of the rite with the use of the new field and research methods is a promising task for studying the semiotics of folklore culture, the history of the poetic language of the verbal genres, and the identification of the local versions of ritual and the mythical epic texts.

Furniture, as a design element is an important part of design theory as well as design history. It has acted both as a part of the architectural context and individually in history. It reflects the context of the time, lifestyles, choice and behavior. The manifestation of modernism at the beginning of the 20th century can be indicated as a milestone regarding the whole history of furniture. However, when the history of furniture in Turkey during this time is analyzed, it is observed that one can only come across limited literature. Departing from this lack of historic writing and rewriting, a scientific research project, “DATUMM: Documenting and Archiving Turkish Modern Furniture”, was initiated based on exhibiting, documenting and archiving the history of modern furniture design in Turkey. The aim of this project is to highlight the modern furniture designed and produced in Turkey in the modern periods that can be defined as 1930’s “Cubism” or “Functional Architecture Period”, and the period of “International Style” in 1950s, 1960s and the 1970s. The sense of a comprehensive experience was needed to tell this story, and that is why it is composed of a variety of methods and related outcomes. With the array of outcomes planned to take its place in memory, the aim is to enable a remembered and developing process filled with significant moments to not only put together a collection, but to provide an inclusive impression. The methods and products -online archive, documentary film, catalog, colloquium, and exhibition work together to fulfill this aim. The first stage of the project has now been completed and has brought designers as well as furniture designs of the time together. The paper includes the assessment of the process, as well as the strategies for the future to enable the continuation of the success of the project.Keywords: Turkish modern furniture design, design heritage, design history, archiving, documentation, exhibition

This article focuses on how political actors appropriate the past by utilizing collective traumas for their populist cause. We demonstrate how the Ulucanlar Prison Museum in Turkey and the oppression of military interventions, for which it served as a backyard, became a tool for the AKP’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-Justice and Development Party) populist agenda. Through a particular narration of history embedded in the museum, the AKP aimed to forge an internal frontier within the society between an envisioned homogenous body of people on the one hand and the elite on the other. Situating itself as the people’s authentic voice against this elite, the AKP tried to further its popular appeal and legitimize its extension of power. What appeared as coming to terms with the past was instead the instrumentalization of the past for a singular political agenda, eager to remove the complexities and pluralism of the past for the sake of telling a politically useful story.

This article proposes to read the history of Izmir’s Kültürpark as symptomatic of Turkey’s troubled relationship with its political past and urban heritage. Combining insights from political theory, urban and architectural history, and memory studies for a transdisciplinary analysis, it problematizes the oblivion surrounding Kültürpark and explores the ways in which this collective amnesia is questioned by contemporary artists and civic initiatives. First, we examine how Kültürpark rose on a foundation of forgetting of the uprooting of Izmir’s non-Muslim communities from their homeland and the disappearance of their cultural traces from collective memory. Second, we explore how contemporary artistic and civic interventions that engage with the themes of remembrance and coming to terms with the past contest highly selective memory constructs. Third, we raise the question of whether the agonistic debates on the national narratives about the past might open up a new memoryscape and signal a relatively late ‘memory turn’ in Turkey. Finally, we argue that these artistic and civic interventions might shed new light on the theoretical disputes in memory studies, in particular on the debates about cosmopolitan and agonistic modes of remembering. More specifically, we suggest that the recent memory turn Turkey has been experiencing demonstrates that these two modes of remembering are not mutually exclusive.

The paper explores and compares the ways in which Neolithic heritage in Greece and Turkey—two archaeologically and historically influential cases—has been used at the level of the state and the diverse meanings, values and histories ascribed to it by local communities and public discourse. Using four very representative examples as case studies, including the World Heritage sites of Çatalhöyük and Göbekli Tepe in Turkey as well as Dimini and Dispilio in Greece, the paper demonstrates how Neolithic spaces are used by different agents to install a certain image of history and to form a collective memory, but also to emphasize difference and discontinuity. The main aim is to explore the relationship between heritage, space and history. Special emphasis is placed on the politics of history or historiography and identity at all levels and on the placement of the debates into a larger historical and discursive context.

Just as beginnings and endings direct the course of history, it also leaves traces in individual or social memory layers. The 20th century, in which memory studies are given importance, interdisciplinary researches are carried out, and human is the main element based on the results of these researches, is a period in which historiography was reshaped. Handling memory as a kind of remembering mechanism, in other words, carrying the signs of the transition from oral culture to written culture, making the abstract visible by turning into concrete ensures that the memory is kept alive even more. While the reality behind the image expresses the subjectivity of individual memory inferences, it also exhibits the objective units of collective memory. The history of humanity almost opens its doors to future times and generations. In memory, details, myths, tales, and epics bearing the traces of oral culture are followed by places, manuscripts, and works of art transitioning to written culture. Technological opportunities have brought a memory to a digital dimension, and archives using image language have been created. Human expressions that stand out from frames were embodied on the white screen. The power and popularity of the art of cinema to influence large audiences in a short time have led to its use as a frequently preferred tool in memory formations. Timelessness in the expression language of cinema can take the audience on a journey through memory layers. Television using the power of cinema and today’s digital broadcasting platforms also produces original productions by referring to the memory of different societal perspectives. “Kulüp” series, which is among the original productions of Netflix, the digital broadcasting platform with the highest share of views in the world and Turkey, conveys the defining features of the period from the perspective of Sephardic Jews, shedding light on 1950s Turkey and specifically Istanbul’s Beyoğlu district, where predominantly non-Muslims lived. The 10 episodes of the Kulüp series that constitute the study’s sample will be analyzed according to the typical case sampling method, which is one of the purposive sampling methods used in qualitative research. The “time,” “space," “minorities,” and “belief” factors determined for typical sampling will enable us to reveal the social reflections of memory formation on the subject of the study.

The purpose of this study was to analyze the contribution of collaborative reflection to individual and collective processes of learning how to become a facilitator in Physical Education teacher education (PETE). Collaborative self-study of teacher education practices (S-STEP) was used as methodology. Participants were three teacher educators from Brazil, Turkey, and the USA. Group meetings, individuals’ memory work, field notes, and reflective journals were the data sources. Data were collaboratively analyzed by using constant comparative content analysis. Results were organized in two themes: (a) Challenges and opportunities to become facilitators; (b) Self-study: the rise of new insights; which represented their pathways to become facilitators in PETE programs. This self-study process challenged the understanding of the process of becoming a facilitator and demonstrated that this process is a never-ending journey in which teacher educators’ careers are continuously shaped and redefined.

What happens to the notion of commemoration when its object is not fixed in time? Intervening in scholarly discussions on the contested nature of public remembering, this ethnographic research analyses how the afterlives of genocidal violence, of people and of mythical characters, are intermingled in divergent temporalities of public memorials. Through the case of the statue commemorating a locally known holy-madman, Şeywuşen (1930–1994), inaugurated in 1995 in Dersim (Tunceli), Turkey, it examines the possibilities and limitations of the statue's aesthetic form in representing madness and holiness both of which lie beyond the bounded character of rationality in its normative form. The article first juxtaposes the fluctuating temporality generated by the statue of Şeywuşen with that of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938), representing the official memory regime of nationalism. Secondly, it contrasts the temporal multiplicity enabled by the statue of Şeywuşen with the statue of Seyyid Rıza (1863–1937), which commemorates the officially denied Dersim Genocide (1937–1938) and represents collective trauma. By putting it into conversation with monumental and counter-monumental aesthetic representations, the article illustrates that the statue of Şeywuşen paradoxically memorializes what is uncontainable within the political order and temporality of the nation-state. It argues that this case presents the possibility of joining different communities of loss by generating space for open-ended mourning for multiple injuries resulting from state violence.

Oral history, transcending the boundaries of the discipline of history, emerges as one of the most popular qualitative data collection methods of the twentieth century. Especially since the 1970s, there as on why oral history has become increasingly widespread and used within the various fields of social sciences and humanities is related to its potential for the reconstruction of the recent past. Oral history interviews not only allows to access the undocumented experiences of leaders, elected and appointed bureaucrats who were in decision-making bodies at the local, national and international level but also gives opportunity to include voices and experiences of workers, women, ethnic minorities, marginalized and disadvantaged groups in the narrative of history. Oral history has not only been widely used but also stringently criticized since the 1970s. Since the end of the 1980s, as a result of the secriticisms and the theoretical developments in humanities and social sciences, oral history has emerged as a method that contains different tendencies and interpretations and is nurtured by various disciplines. Oral history studies which started to gain momentum in Europe and North America in the 1960s was incorporated into the academic literature in Turkey in the early 1990s. Looking at the history of oral history in Turkey from the 1990s to the present, it is possible to argue that oral history studies focus on different historical backgrounds, events, and actors in order to write the past in a more inclusive way. However, when compared with the oral history studies conducted in both Western and non-Western geographies, it is observed that academic studies and oral history projects based on oral history in Turkey are both numerically very low and do not have enough subject diversity and plurality in approaches to reflect the potential of oral history. Thus, the purpose of this study is two folds: First, it examines what the oral history method is, why it emerged, how and why oral history studies transformed over years. Secondly, it maps out the landscape of oral history in Turkey. This study is based upon critical reading of the existing literature on oral history produced in Turkey and beyond.

Inspired by a Danez Smith poem, this essay is a ‘little prayer’ for LGBTQIA+ people and organizers to be able to collectively grieve the family and friends they have lost, the relations they had to end, the social privileges they never had, or lost before and after sharing their queerness. It argues for the militant force of this slow-paced, ghostly, and ambiguous grief in queer lives, and in the LGBTQIA+ movements in Turkey and elsewhere. The author draws on 4 years of organizing at Boysan’ s House – a living memory space, and community hub in Istanbul – and the 12-hour oral history conducted with Mother Sema, who has been mobilizing her motherhood and her grief as a pro-LGBTQIA+ organizer since 2006. The essay suggests that ambiguous grief can be relearned and re-membered as a radically transformative force that is already constitutive of queer communities. It situates the histories and presents of Mother Sema and Boysan’s House amid diverse experiences of resilience and resistance through motherhood, queer kin making, and mourning. In so doing, the essay builds on the militant activisms of the Saturday Mothers/People, the Peace Mothers, the organized family members of LGBTQIA+ people, and the trans communities in Turkey. It is thus an inquiry into ways of housing and transforming ambiguous grief in the LGBTQIA+ movement, in the post-July 2016 coup attempt Turkey.

This article engages with the spatial turn in the analyses of and activism against political violence. It does so through an ethnography of memory activism around an arson attack in Turkey, which took place in 1993 in the central-eastern city of Sivas before live TV cameras and thousands of onlookers, including law enforcement officers. The attack killed 33 guests of a culture festival organized by an association representing Alevism, one of Turkey’s demographically minor faiths. A prevalent approach to remembering the arson attack has hinged on mobilizing testimony’s cognates witnessing and martyrdom as spatial mechanisms, drawing on the site of the arson attack and/or its widely televised images. This mobilization has followed its contemporaries from around the world in that it has considered violence’s effects on the subjectivity of its spatial witnesses reducible to unambiguous subject positions adopted in discrete historical moments, using the affective trope of shame to rigidify and hierarchize this positionality. In-depth conversations with, and observations among, memory activists discussed in this article, however, indicate two reasons why this consideration might be limited. First, the mutual impact between activists’ subjectivity and each in-person or visually mediated encounter they have had with the site of the arson attack has taken shape in entanglement with rather than in isolation from other such encounters. Second, the historical moments featuring in these encounters are also manifold rather than singular. The article argues that the politics of spatial testimony hinges on this manifoldness and entanglement.

Toplumsal belleğin geçmişe ilişkin kurguları, varlığını kalıcı biçimde sürdürmez; aksine dinamiktir ve sürekli olarak yeniden üretilir. Toplumsal belleği yeniden kurgulamak ve canlı tutmaksa, ancak mekânı ortak belleği besleyecek şekilde inşa etmekle gerçekleşebilmektedir. Bu nedenle toplumsal belleğe müdahale etmenin en önemli yollarından biri mekânsal düzenlemelerdir. Türkiye’nin yakın tarihinin önemli toplumsal hareketlerinden biri olan 28 Nisan Olayları’nda yaşamını yitiren Turan Emeksiz, 27 Mayıs Darbesi’ni izleyen dönemde “şehit” ilan edilmiş ve sistematik biçimde topluma hatırlatılmıştır. 1970’li yıllarda Emeksiz’in giderek muhalefeti hatırlatır bir simgeye dönüşmesiyle devlet önce Emeksiz’in hatırlatma pratiklerinden çekilmiş; 12 Eylül'ün başlattığı süreçte muhalif toplumsal hareketleri anımsatan mekân üzerindeki bu hatıralar silinmiştir. Çalışmada vaka analizi yönteminden yararlanılarak Emeksiz’i mekân dolayımıyla hatırlama ve unutmanın siyasal bağın kuruluşu açısından analizi amaçlanmıştır. Çalışmanın başlıca bulgusu Emeksiz’in naaşının Anıtkabir’e defnedilmesi, onu hatırlatan anıt ve büstlerin dikilmesi, isminin çeşitli ortak alanlara verilmesi yoluyla toplumsal hafızaya dahil edildiğidir. Bir diğer önemli bulgu ise bahsedilen mekânların imhasının Emeksiz’in toplumsal hafızadan silinmesine yol açtığıdır. Bu konu, daha geniş bir biçimde şu çalışmada incelenmiştir: Turgay Gülpınar (2012) Şehitliğin İnşası ve İmhası: Turan Emeksiz Örneği, Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Siyaset Bilimi ve Kamu Yönetimi ABD, Siyaset Bilimi, Ankara.

Furniture, as a design element is an important part of design theory as well as design history. It has acted both as a part of the architectural context and individually in history. It reflects the context of the time, lifestyles, choice and behavior. The manifestation of modernism at the beginning of the 20th century can be indicated as a milestone regarding the whole history of furniture. However, when the history of furniture in Turkey during this time is analyzed, it is observed that one can only come across limited literature. Departing from this lack of historic writing and rewriting, a scientific research project, “DATUMM: Documenting and Archiving Turkish Modern Furniture”, was initiated based on exhibiting, documenting and archiving the history of modern furniture design in Turkey. The aim of this project is to highlight the modern furniture designed and produced in Turkey in the modern periods that can be defined as 1930’s “Cubism” or “Functional Architecture Period”, and the period of “International Style” in 1950s, 1960s and the 1970s. The sense of a comprehensive experience was needed to tell this story, and that is why it is composed of a variety of methods and related outcomes. With the array of outcomes planned to take its place in memory, the aim is to enable a remembered and developing process filled with significant moments to not only put together a collection, but to provide an inclusive impression. The methods and products -online archive, documentary film, catalog, colloquium, and exhibition work together to fulfill this aim. The first stage of the project has now been completed and has brought designers as well as furniture designs of the time together. The paper includes the assessment of the process, as well as the strategies for the future to enable the continuation of the success of the project.Keywords: Turkish modern furniture design, design heritage, design history, archiving, documentation, exhibition

The effects on the success of students in examination by using a three-dimensional plastic model and a three-dimensional digital computer application for the teaching of the subject of "Eye anatomy" under the title of "Sensory organs" were aimed in the study. The study was conducted on the three groups of high school students (N=43). The groups were split into different laboratories for freelance work. The first group was given standard lecture notes, the second group was given 3D plastic eye models and the third group was given a 3D digital eye model application in the computer environment and they were left to work for equal periods. Pre-test and post-test achievement exams were used as data collection tools to measure the achievement levels of the students on the subject of "Eye anatomy". At the end of this study, no significant difference was found between the groups according to the results of the statistical analysis. It is assumed that the results may be related to the study habits of the students for the university entrance exam in Turkey; the characteristics of the three-dimensional models used; or the fact that only short-term memory has been tested. So, extensive research is needed considering these issues.

People’s Houses that served as a bridge between the state and people carried out activities of museology and exhibition across the country to popularize the revolutions during the early Republican era. One of the most important parts of such activities were the exhibition of “Ankara in Revolution” organized in the capital in 1934. This exhibition aimed to preserve the historical memory while displaying how the Republic was founded to the citizens. There was a cultural dynamism in the fields of language and history in the 1930s and efforts made to the visualization of such developments. In fact, this exhibition was the first seed of the long standing efforts. In other words, It was assumed that this exhibition would form the basis of the Revolution Museum, which was planned to be established in the following years. The documents and items related with Liberation War and Republican revolutions were collected in the exhibition so that the visitors could encounter authentic items as much as possible. Raising the citizens’ awareness of history through the visualization of the revolutions was not special to Turkey.The Revolutionary Museum of the Soviet Union in Moscow, the Die Front exhibition in Germany and the Mostra Della Rivoluzione Fascista museum in Italy set an example for the young Republic. The idea of the establishment of a revolution museum was subsumed under the programme of the Republican People’s Party and it drawed firm support from the state. Thus, it flourished as an idea supported by many state apparatus. However, such an idea would take many years to be acceptably materialized. The collection of the items related with the Turkish Liberation War and Revolutions took a long time due to bureaucratic reasons. Nevertheless, visualization and museology loomed large in the making of Turkish national identity and its consolidation. The museology branch of People’s House that took roots like a tree across the country played a leading role for the adoption of the Republican revolutions by all the citizens.

IntroductionThey shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old; Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning We will remember them.Recited at many Anzac and Remembrance Day services, ‘The Ode’, an excerpt from a poem by Laurence Binyon, speaks of a timelessness within the inexorable march of time. When we memorialise those for whom time no longer matters, time stands still. Whether those who died in service of their country have finally “beaten time” or been forced to acknowledge that “their time on earth was up”, depends on your preference for clichés. Time and death are natural bedfellows. War memorials, be they physical or digital, declare a commitment to “remember them”. This article will compare and contrast the purpose of, and community response to, virtual and physical war memorials. It will examine whether virtual war memorials are a sign of the times – a natural response to the internet era. If, as Marshall McLuhan says, the medium is the message, what experiences do we gain and lose through online war memorials?Physical War MemorialsDuring and immediately after the First World War, physical war memorials were built in almost every city, town and village of the Allied countries involved in the war. They served many purposes. One of the roles of physical war memorials was to keep the impact of war at the centre of a town’s consciousness. In a regional centre like Bathurst, in New South Wales, the town appears to be built around the memorial – the court, council chambers, library, churches and pubs gather around the war memorials.Similarly, in small towns such as Bega, Picton and Kiama, war memorial arches form a gateway to the town centre. It is an architectural signal that you are entering a community that has known pain, death and immense loss. Time has passed, but the names of the men and women who served remain etched in stone: “lest we forget”.The names are listed in a democratic fashion: usually in alphabetical order without their rank. However, including all those who offered their service to “God, King and Country” (not just those who died) also had a more sinister and divisive effect. It reminded communities of those “eligibles” in their midst whom some regarded as “shirkers”, even if they were conscientious objectors or needed to stay and continue vital industries, like farming (Inglis & Phillips 186).Ken Inglis (97) estimated that every second Australian family was in mourning after the Great War. Jay Winter (Sites 2) goes further arguing that “almost every family” in the British Commonwealth was grieving, either for a relative; or for a friend, work colleague, neighbour or lover. Nations were traumatised. Physical war memorials provided a focal point for that universal grief. They signalled, through their prominence in the landscape or dominance of a hilltop, that it was acceptable to grieve. Mourners were encouraged to gather around the memorial in a public place, particularly on Anzac Day and Remembrance Day each year. Grief was seen, observed, respected.Such was the industrial carnage of the Western Front, that about one third of Australia and New Zealand’s fatal casualties were not brought home. Families lost a family member, body and soul, in the Great War. For those people who subscribed to a Victorian view of death, who needed a body to grieve over, the war memorial took on the role of a gravesite and became a place where people would place a sprig of wattle, poke a poppy into the crevice beside a name, or simply touch the letters etched or embossed in the stone (Winter, Experience 206). As Ken Inglis states: “the statue on its pedestal does stand for each dead man whose body, identified or missing, intact or dispersed, had not been returned” to his home town (11).Physical war memorials were also a place where women could forge new identities over time. Women accepted, or claimed their status as war widows, grieving mothers or bereft fiancés, while at the same time coming to terms with their loss. As Joy Damousi writes: “mourning of wartime loss involved a process of sustaining both a continuity with, and a detachment from, a lost soldier” (1). Thus, physical war memorials were transitional, liminal spaces.Jay Winter (Sites 85) believes that physical war memorials were places to both honour and mourn the dead, wounded, missing and shell-shocked. These dual functions of both esteeming and grieving those who served was reinforced at ceremonies, such as Anzac or Remembrance Day.As Joy Damousi (156) and Ken Inglis (457, 463) point out, war memorials in Australia are rarely sites of protest, either for war widows or veterans campaigning for a better pension, or peace activists who opposed militarism. When they are used in this way, it makes headlines in the news (Legge). They are seldom used to highlight the tragedy, inhumanity or futility of war. The exception to this, were the protests against the Vietnam War.The physical war memorials which mushroomed in Australian country towns and cities after the First World War captured and claimed those cataclysmic four years for the families and communities who were devastated by the war. They provided a place to both honour and mourn those who served, not just once, but for as long as the memorial remained. They were also a place of pilgrimage, particularly for families who did not have a grave to visit and a focal point for the annual rituals of remembrance.However, over the past 100 years, some unmaintained physical war memorials are beginning to look like untended graves. They have become obstacles rather than sentinels in the landscape. Laurence Aberhart’s haunting photographs show that memorials in places like Dorrigo in rural New South Wales “go largely unnoticed year-round, encroached on by street signage and suburbia” (Lakin 49). Have physical war memorials largely fulfilled their purpose and are they becoming obsolete? Perhaps they have been supplanted by the gathering space of the 21st century: the Internet.Digital War MemorialsThe centenary of the Great War heralded a mushrooming of virtual war memorials. Online First World War memorials focus on collecting and amassing information that commemorates individuals. They are able to include far more information than will fit on a physical war memorial. They encourage users to search the digitised records that are available on the site and create profiles of people who served. While they deal in records from the past, they are very much about the present: the user experience and their connection to their ancestors who served.The Imperial War Museum’s website Lives of the First World War asks users to “help us build the permanent digital memorial to all who contributed during the First World War”. This request deserves scrutiny. Firstly, “permanent” – is this possible in the digital age? When the head of Google, Vint Cerf, disclosed in 2015 that software programming wizards were still grappling with how to create digital formats that can be accessed in 10, 100 or a 1000 years’ time; and recommended that we print out our precious digital data and store it in hard copy or risk losing it forever; then it appears that online permanency is a mirage.Secondly, “all who contributed” – the website administrators informed me that “all” currently includes people who served with Canada and Britain but the intention is to include other Commonwealth nations. It seems that the former British Empire “owns” the First World War – non-allied, non-Commonwealth nations that contributed to the First World War will not be included. One hundred years on, have we really made peace with Germany and Turkey? The armistice has not yet spread to the digital war memorial. The Lives of the First world War website missed an opportunity to be leaders in online trans-national memorialisation.Discovering Anzacs, a website built by the National Archives of Australia and Archives New Zealand, is a little more subdued and honest, as visitors are invited to “enhance a profile dedicated to the wartime journey of someone who served”.Physical and online war memorials can work in tandem. In 2015, the Supreme Court of Victoria created a website that provides background information on the military service of the 159 members of the legal profession who are named on their Memorial board. This is an excellent example of a digital medium expanding on and reinvigorating a physical memorial.It is noteworthy that all of these online memorial websites commemorate those who served in the First World War, and sometimes the Boer or South African War. There is no space for remembering those who served or died in more recent wars like Afghanistan or Iraq. James Brown and others discuss how the cult of Anzac is overshadowing the service and sacrifices of the men and women who have been to more recent wars. The proximity of their service mitigates against its recognition – it is too close for comfortable, detached remembrance.Complementary But Not ExclusiveA comparison of their functions indicates that online memorials which focus on the First World War complement, but will never replace the role of physical war memorials. As discussed, physical war memorials were sites for grieving, pilgrimage and collectively honouring the men and women who served and died. Online websites which allow users to upload scanned documents and photographs; transcribe diary entries or letters; post tribute poems, songs or video clips; and provide links to other relevant records online are neither places of pilgrimage nor sites for grieving. They are about remembrance, not memory (Scates, “Finding” 221).Ken Inglis describes physical war memorials as “bearers of collective memory” (7). In a sense, online war memorials are keepers of individual, user-enhanced archival records. It can be argued that online memorials to the First World War tap into the desire for hero-worship, the boom in family history research and what Scates calls the “cult of remembrance” (“Finding” 218). They provide a way for individuals, often two or three generations removed, to discover, understand and document the wartime experiences of individuals in their family. By allowing descendants to situate their family story within the larger, historically significant narrative of the First World War, online memorials encourage people to feel that the suffering and untimely death of their forbear wasn’t in vain – that it contributed to something worthwhile and worth remembering. At a collective level, this contributes to the ANZAC myth and former Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s attempt to use it as a foundational myth for Australia’s nationhood.Kylie Veale (9) argues that cyberspace has encouraged improvements on traditional memorial practices because online memorials can be created in a more timely fashion, they are more affordable and they are accessible and enable the sharing of grief and bereavement on a global scale. As evidence of this, an enterprising group in the USA has developed an android app which provides a template for creating an online memorial. They compete with Memorialsonline.com. Veale’s arguments remind us that the Internet is a hyper-democratic space where interactions and sites that are collaborative or contemplative exist alongside trolling and prejudice. Veale also contends that memorial websites facilitate digital immortality, which helps keep the memory of the deceased alive. However, given the impermanence of much of the content on the Internet, this final attribute is a bold claim.It is interesting to compare the way individual soldiers are remembered prior to and after the arrival of the Internet. Now that it is possible to create a tribute website, or Facebook page in memory of someone who served, do families do this instead of creating large physical scrapbooks or photo albums? Or do they do both? Garry Roberts created a ‘mourning diary’ as a record of his journey of agonising grief for his eldest son who died in 1918. His diary consists of 27 scrapbooks, weighing 10 kilograms in total. Pat Jalland (318) suggests this helped Roberts to create some sort of order out of his emotional turmoil. Similarly, building websites or digital tribute pages can help friends and relatives through the grieving process. They can also contribute the service person’s story to official websites such as those managed by the Australian Defence Forces. Do grieving family members look up a website or tribute page they’ve created in the same way that they might open up a scrapbook and remind themselves of their loved one? Kylie Veale’s research into online memorials created for anyone who has died, not necessarily those killed by war, suggests online memorials are used in this way (5).Do grieving relatives take comfort from the number of likes, tags or comments on a memorial or tribute website, in the same way that they might feel supported by the number of people who attend a memorial service or send a condolence card? Do they archive the comments? Garry Roberts kept copies of the letters of sympathy and condolence that he received from friends and relatives after his son’s tragic death and added them to his 27 scrapbooks.Both onsite and online memorials can suffer from lack of maintenance and relevance. Memorial websites can become moribund like untended headstones in a graveyard. Once they have passed their use as a focal point of grief, a place to post tributes; they can languish, un-updated and un-commented on.Memorials and PilgrimageOne thing that online memorials will never be, however, are sites of pilgrimage or ritual. One does not need to set out on a journey to visit an online memorial. It is as far away as your portable electronic device. Online memorials cannot provide the closure or sense of identity and community that comes from visiting a memorial or gravesite.This was evident in December 2014 when people felt the need to visit the Lindt Café in Sydney’s Martin Place after the terrorist siege and lay flowers and tributes. While there were also Facebook tribute pages set up for these victims of violence, mourners still felt the need to visit the sites. A permanent memorial to the victims of the siege has now opened in Martin Place.Do people gather around a memorial website for the annual rituals which take place on Anzac or Remembrance Day, or the anniversaries of significant battles? In 2013, the Australian War Memorial (AWM) saw a spike in people logging onto the Memorial’s Remembrance Day web page just prior to 11am. They left the site immediately after the minute’s silence. The AWM web team think they were looking for a live broadcast of the Remembrance Day service in Canberra. When that wasn’t available online, they chose to stay on the site until after the minute’s silence. Perhaps this helped them to focus on the reason for Remembrance Day. Perhaps, as Internet speeds get faster, it will be possible to conduct your own virtual ceremony in real time with friends and family in cyberspace.However, I cannot imagine a time when visiting dignitaries from other countries will post virtual wreaths to virtual war memorials. Ken Inglis argues that the tomb of the Unknown Soldier in the AWM has become the ritual centre of the Australian nation, “receiving obligatory wreaths from every visiting head of state” (459).Physical and Online Memorials to the War in AfghanistanThere are only eight physical war memorials to the Afghanistan conflict in Australia, even though this is the longest war Australia has been involved in to date (2001-2015). Does the lack of physical memorials to the war in Afghanistan mean that our communities no longer need them, and that people are memorialising online instead?One grieving father in far north Queensland certainly felt that an online memorial would never suffice. Gordon Chuck’s son, Private Benjamin Chuck, was killed in a Black Hawk helicopter crash in Afghanistan in 2010 when he was only 27 years old. Spurred by his son’s premature death, Gordon Chuck rallied family, community and government support, in the tiny hinterland town of Yungaburra, west of Cairns in Queensland, to establish an Avenue of Honour. He knocked on the doors of local businesses, the Returned Servicemen’s League (RSL), the Australian Defence Forces and every level of government to raise $300,000. His intention was to create a timeless memorial of world standard and national significance. On 21 June 2013, the third anniversary of his son’s death, the Chief of the Defence Force and the Prime Minister formally opened the Avenue of Honour in front of “thousands” of people (Nancarrow).Diggers from Afghanistan who have visited the Yungaburra Avenue of Honour speak of the closure and sense of healing it gave them (Nancarrow). The Avenue, built on the shores of Lake Tinaroo, features parallel rows of Illawarra flame trees, whose red blossoms are in full bloom around Remembrance Day and symbolise the blood and fire of war and the cycle of life. It commemorates all the Australian soldiers who have died in the Afghanistan war.The Avenue of Honour, and the memorial in Martin Place clearly demonstrate that physical war memorials are not redundant. They are needed and cherished as sites of grief, hope and commemoration. The rituals conducted there gather gravitas from the solemnity that falls when a sea of people is silent and they provide healing through the comfort of reverent strangers.ConclusionEven though we live in an era when most of us are online every day of our lives, it is unlikely that virtual war memorials will ever supplant their physical forebears. When it comes to commemorating the First World War or contemporary conflicts and those who fought or died in them, physical and virtual war memorials can be complementary but they fulfil fundamentally different roles. Because of their medium as virtual memorials, they will never fulfil the human need for a place of remembrance in the real world.ReferencesBinyon, Laurence. “For the Fallen.” The Times. 21 Sep. 1914. 7 Oct. 2019 <https://www.army.gov.au/our-history/traditions/for-the-fallen>.Brown, James. Anzac’s Long Shadow. Sydney: Black Inc., 2014.Damousi, Joy. The Labour of Loss. Great Britain: Cambridge UP, 1999.Hunter, Kathryn. “States of Mind: Remembering the Australian-New Zealand Relationship.” Journal of the Australian War Memorial 36 (2002). 7 Oct. 2019 <https://www.awm.gov.au/articles/journal/j36/nzmemorial>.Inglis, Ken. Sacred Places: War Memorials in the Australian Landscape. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1998.Inglis, Ken, and Jock Phillips. “War Memorials in Australia and New Zealand: A Comparative Survey.” Australian Historical Studies 24.96 (1991): 179-191.Jalland, Pat. Australian Ways of Death: A Social and Cultural History 1840-1918. London: Oxford University Press, 2002.Knapton, Sarah. “Print Out Digital Photos or Risk Losing Them, Google Boss Warns.” Telegraph 13 Feb. 2015. 7 Oct. 2019 <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/science/science-news/11410506/Print-out-digital-photos-or-risk-losing-them-Google-boss-warns.html>.Lakin, Shaune. “Laurence Aberhart ANZAC.” Artlink 35.1 (2015): 48-51.Legge, James. “Vandals Deface Two London War Memorials with ‘Islam’ Graffiti”. Independent 27 May 2013. 7 Oct. 2019 <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/vandals-deface-two-london-war-memorials-with-islam-graffiti-8633386.html>.Luckins, Tanya. The Gates of Memory. Fremantle, WA: Curtin University Books, 2004.McLuhan, Marshall. Understating Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: Mentor, 1964.McPhedran, Ian. “Families of Dead Soldiers Angered after Defence Chief David Hurley Donates Memorial Plinth to Avenue of Honour.” Cairns Post 7 June 2014. 7 Oct. 2019 <http://www.cairnspost.com.au/news/cairns/families-of-dead-soldiers-angered-after-defence-chief-david-hurley-donates-memorial-plinth-to-avenue-of-honour/story-fnjpusyw-1226946540125>.McPhedran, Ian. “Backflip over Donation of Memorial Stone from Afghanistan to Avenue of Honour at Yungaburra.” Cairns Post 11 June 2014. 7 Oct. 2019 <http://www.cairnspost.com.au/news/cairns/backflip-over-donation-of-memorial-stone-from-afghanistan-to-avenue-of-honour-at-yungaburra/story-fnkxmm0j-1226950508126>.Ministry for Culture and Heritage. “Interpreting First World War Memorials.” Updated 4 Sep. 2014. <http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/war/interpreting-first-world-war-memorials>.Nancarrow, Kirsty. “Thousands Attend Opening of Avenue of Honour, a Memorial to Diggers Killed in Afghanistan”. ABC News 7 Nov. 2014. 2 Oct. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-06-22/avenue-of-honour-remembers-fallen-diggers/4773592>.Scates, Bruce. “Finding the Missing of Fromelles: When Soldiers Return.” Anzac Legacies: Australians and the Aftermath of War. Eds. Martin Crotty and Marina Larsson. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2010. 212-231.Scates, Bruce. “Soldiers’ Journeys: Returning to the Battlefields of the Great War.” Journal of the Australian War Memorial 40 (2007): n.p.Scott, Ernest. Australia during the War: The Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–1918. Vol. XI. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1941.Stanley, Peter. “Ten Kilos of First World War Grief at the Melbourne Museum.” The Conversation 27 Aug. 2014. 10 Oct. 2019 <https://theconversation.com/ten-kilos-of-first-world-war-grief-at-the-melbourne-museum-30362>.Veale, Kylie. “Online Memorialisation: The Web as a Collective Memorial Landscape for Remembering the Dead.” Fibreculture Journal 3 (2004). 7 Oct. 2019 <http://three.fibreculturejournal.org/fcj-014-online-memorialisation-the-web-as-a-collective-memorial-landscape-for-remembering-the-dead/>.Winter, Jay. Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning. Cambrigde: Cambridge UP, 1995.———. The Experience of World War I. London: Macmillan, 1988.

Previous studies contend that Philippines is still a ‘collectivist’ society (Cf. Hofstede Center; Cukur et al. 2004:613-634). In this collectivist or community-oriented society, individualism is not something that is highly valued. Being ‘individualistic’ is often associated to being narcissistic, loner, asocial, selfish, etc. However, one may ask whether the youth in the Philippines are not spared from this insidious culture of individualism, notwithstanding the seemingly dominant collective and communitarian character of the society. Although the overwhelming poverty is still the main problem in the Philippines, where according to Wostyn (2010:26) “only the wonderland of movies gives some respite to their consciousness of suffering and oppression”, the Filipino youth of today are also exposed to the consumeristic values of the ‘city’ and are not spared from the contradictions and insecurities posed by the pluralistic society. They are citizens of an increasing social and cultural pluralism characteristic of many liberal societies. Is it possible that individualism may also exist within this culture, especially among the younger generation? Is individualism slowly creeping in as caused by their exposure and easy access to modern technology, to higher education, mobility, interactions with other cultures, etc. Would this individualistic tendency have any influence on their religious beliefs, especially their belief on salvation? What would be the implications and challenges of these findings to the families in the Philippines? These are the questions we wish to answer in this study. This paper is structured in four parts: first, we will discuss the theoretical framework of individualism and salvation; second, we will examine the empirical attitudes on individualism and salvation; third, we will explore the relationship between individualism and salvation; and finally, we will draw some pastoral implication especially in relation to the document “Lineamenta - The Vocation and Mission of the Family in the church and Contemporary Word” (henceforth, Lineamenta). References Atkins, P. (2004). Memory and Liturgy. The Place of Memory in the Composition and Practice of Liturgy. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing. Bauman, Z. (1993). Postmodern Ethics. Oxford/Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Beck, U. (1992). Risk society. London: Sage Publications. Bellah, R. N. , Madsen, R., Sullivan, W., Swidler, A., Tipton, S. (1985). Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press. Berger, P. (1970). A Rumour of Angels: Modern Society and Rediscovery of the Supernatural. New York: Doubleday.Berger, Peter L. (1967). The Sacred Canopy. New York: Anchor Books. Bosch, D. (1995). Believing in the Future. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Trinity Press International. Billiet, J.B. (1995). Church Involvement, individualism, and ethnic prejudice among Flemish Roman Catholics: New evidence of a moderating effect. Journal for the Scientifica Study of Religion, 34, 224-233. Brazal, A. (2004). Reinventing Pakikipagkapwa: An Exploration of Its potential for Promoting Respect for Plurality and Difference. In D. Gonzalez (Ed.), Fundamentalism and Pluralism. Manila: DAKATEO, 50-70. Burnett, G. (2001). Paul and the Salvation of the Individual. Leiden: Brill. Capucao, D. (2010). Religion and Ethnocentrism. Leiden/New York: Brill. Carter, A. (1990). On Individualism, Collectivism and Interrelationism. Heythrop Journal, 23-38. Chaves, Mark. (1994). Secularization as Declining Religious Authority. Social Forces 72, 749-774. Cukur, C. S., De Guzman, Maria Rosario T., and Carlo, Gustavo. (2004). Religiosity, Values, and Horizontal and Vertical Individualism – Collectivism: A Study of Turkey, the United States, and the Philippines. The Journal of Social Psychology, 144(6). Washington, DC: Heldref Publications, Helen Dwight Reid Educational Foundation, 613-634. Curran, Mary Bernard. (2013). Expressive Individualism: A Change in the Idea of the Good and of Happiness. Heythrop Journal. LIV, 978-991. Davie, Grace. (2002). Europe: The Exceptional Case: Parameters of Faith in the Modern World. London: Dartman, Longman, and Todd. De Mesa, J. (1987). In Solidarity with the Culture. : Studies in Theological Re-rooting. Quezon City: Maryhill School of Theology. De Vellis, R.F. (1991). Scale Development: Theory and applications. Newbury, Ca: Sage. Dobbelaere, K. (2001). Individualisation: A Multi-Dimensional Process?. In A. Harskamp & A. Musschenga (Eds.), The Many Faces of Individualism. Leuven: Peeters, 47-61. Doorman, M. (2004): The Romantic Imperative. Amsterdam: Prometheus/Bert Bakker. Dupuis, J. (1999). The Truth Will set you Free. Louvain Studies, 24, 211-263. Duriez, B., Luyten, P. Snauwaert, B., and Hutsebaut, D. (2002). The relative importance of religiosity and value orientations in predicting political attitudes: Empirical evidence for the continuing importance of religiosity in Flanders (Belgium). Mental Health, Religion & Culture, 5, 35-54. Durkheim, Emile. (2009). Sociology and Philosophy. Taylor and Francis. ISBN ISBN 978-0-415-55770-2. Accessed May 8, 2015. Edwards, D.L. (1997). Christianity: The First Two Thousand Years. New York: Orbis books. Ester, P., Halman, L. & De Moor, R. (Eds.). (1994). The Individualizing Society. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press. Federation of Asian Bishop’s Conferences (FABC). Office of the Laity and Family-Youth Desk.(2009). Asian Youth and the Eucharist. A Regional survey 2008. Taytay, Rizal: FABC-OLF-Youth Desk. Fiske, A. (2002). Using Individualism and Collectivism to Compare Cultures – A Critique of the Validity of Measurement of the Constructs: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002). Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 128, No. 1, 78-88. Froese, Paul D. (2009). The Plot to Kill God: Findings from the Soviet Experiment in Secularization. Berkeley: University of California Press. Furnham, A. (1990). A content, correlational and factor analysis study of seven questionnaire measures of the Protestant work ethic. Human Relations, 43, 383-399. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge: Polity Press Giddens, A., Beck, U., and Lash, S. (1994). Reflexive Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Cambridge: Polity Press. Goffman, E. (1971). Relations in Public. London: Allen Lane. Gonzalez, D. (Eds.). (2004). Fundamentalism and Pluralism in the Church. Manila: DAKATEO. Gorospe, V. (1988). Filipino Values Revisited. Manila: National bookstore. Gorski, Philip & Altinordu, A. (2008). After Secularization. Annual Review of Sociology 34:55-85. Gorski, Philip. (2005). The Return of the Repressed: Religion and the Political Unconscious of Historical Sociology. In J. Adams, E. Clemens, and A.Orloff. (Eds.). Remaking Modernity. Durham: Duke University Press. Goizueta, Roberto S. (1991). Democratic Capitalism and the Spirit of Individualism: An Analysis of Thought of Michael Novak. Voices from the Third World: Journal of the Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians, Volume 14, 147-69. Halman, Loek. (2001). Individualism in Contemporary Europe. In A. Harskamp & A. W. Musschenga. (Eds.). The Many Faces of Individualism. Leuven: Peeters, . 25-45. Harskamp, A.V. & Musschenga, A. (2001). The Many Faces of Individualism. Leuven: Peeters. Heitmeyer, W. (2001). Lack of Recognition: The Socially Destructive Consequences of New Capitalis. In A. V. Harskamp, A.V. & Musschenga, A. (Eds.), The Many Faces of Individualism. Leuven: Peeters. Hellemans, S. (2001). From ‘Cathokicism Against Modernity’ to the Problematic ‘Modernity of Catholicism. Ethical Perspectives 8, 2, 117-127. Hellemans, S. & Wissink, J. (Eds). (2012). Towards a New Catholic Church in Advanced Modernity. Transformations, Visions, Tensions. Zúrich/Múnster: LIT Verlag. Hofstede Center. Philippines. http://geert-hofstede.com/philippines.html. Accessed May 2, 2015. Huismans, S. (1994). The impact of differences in religion on the relation between religiosity and values. In A. Bouvy, F.J.R. van de Vijver, P. Boski, and P. Schmitz (Eds.), Journeys into cross-cultural psychology. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger, 255-268. Ikalwese. (2013). Family, For real? Ppeople and friends,Philippine society,thoughts, Thoughts - Philippines. Blog Entry posted October 24, 2013. Accessed from: https://whenthenailsticksout.wordpress.com/2013/10/24/philippines-japan-collectivism-and-i/. Inglehart, R. & W. Baker (2000). Modernization, Cultural Change, and the Persistence of Traditional Values. American Sociological Review, Vol. 65, no. 1, 2000, 81–82. Inglehart, R. (1990). Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Inglehart, R. (1997). Modernization and Postmodernization. Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Countries. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Iyengar, Sheena. (2010). The Art of Choosing. New York: Hachette Book Group, 34-35. Jeurissen, R. (1993). Peace & Religion. Kamken Kok Pharos Publishing House. Jocano, F. L. (1992). Issues and Challenges in Filipino Value Formation. Punlad Research Paper No. 1. Series on Filipino Values. Quezon City: Punlad Research House. Jocano, F. L. (1992a). Notion of Value in Filipino Culture. The concept of Pamantayan. Punlad Research Paper No. 2 . Series on Filipino Values. Quezon City: Punlad Research House. Kagitcibasi, C. (1997). Individualism and Collectivism. In J. W. Berry, M.H. Segall, and C. Kagitcibasi (Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology Vol. 3. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon, 1-5. Kerkhofs, J. (1998). Some European Reflections about Individualism. Ethical Perspectives 5, 2, 102-108. Lambert, Y. (2004). A Turning Point in Religious Evolution in Europe. Journal of Contemporary Religion, Vol. 19, no. 1, 29–45. Lane, D. (2011). Stepping stones to other religions: a Christian Theology of Inter-religious Dialogue. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books Luckmann, Th. (1979). Persönliche Identität, Soziale Rolle und Rollendistanz. In O. Marquardt (Ed.), Identität. München: Fink, 293-313. Luhmann, N. (1989). Individuum, Individualität, Individualismus. Gesellschaftsstruktur und Semantik. Studien zur Wissensoziologie, Bd. 3, Frankfurt a.M.:Suhrkamp, 149-259. Mangahas, M & Labucay, I. (2013). “9% of Catholics Sometimes Think of Leaving the Church”, SWS Special Report, 7 April 2013. http://www.sws.org.ph/pr20130407.htm, Accessed: 30 April 2013. Martin, David. (1991). The Secularization Issue: Prospect and Retrospect. British Journal of Sociology 42 (3), 465-74. Menamparampil, T. (2012). Between secularization and Fundamentalism. Omnis Terra. n. 425, XLVI, 143- 155. Miranda, D. (1989). Loob: The Filipino Within. Manila: Divine word Publications. Musschenga, A. (2001). “Introduction. The Many Faces of Individualism,” In Harskamp, A.V. & Musschenga, A. The Many Faces of Individualism. Leuven: Peeters, pp. 3-23. Norris, P. & Inglehart, R. (2004). Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.Oyserman, D., Coon H.M., & Kemmelmeier, M. (2002). Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluationof theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 3-73. Ponce, R. (2005). Spirituality and quality of Life. An Empirical-Theological Exploration among Filipino Migrants in the Netherlands. Quezon City: Institute of Spirituality in Asia. Pope, Stephen. Expressive Individualism and True Self-Love: A Thomistic Perspective. Journal of Religion, 383-399. Research Hub. “Secularization”. http://wiki.thearda.com/tcm/theories/secularization/. Accessed: 28 May 2015. Rokeach, M. (1973). The Nature of Human Values. New York: Free Press. Sampson, E.E. (2000). Reinterpreting individualism and collectivism. Their religious roots and monologic versus dialogic person-other relationship. American Psychologist 55, 1425-1432. Schreiter, R. (1997). The New Catholicity. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis. Schroeder, R. (1992). Max Weber and the sociology of culture. Newbury park, London: Sage. Sevilla, C.G., Ochave, J.A., Punsalan, T.G., Regala, B.P., Uriarte, G.G. (1992). Research Methods. Rev. ed. Manila: Rex Bookstore. Singelis, T.M., Triandis, H.C., Bhawuk, D.S., & Gelfand, M. (1995). Horizontal and Vertical dimensions of individualism and Collectivism: A Theoretical and measurement refinement. Cross Cultural Research, 29. Smith, Christian. (2003). The Secular Revolution. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 240-275. Sinha, D. & Tripathi, R.C. (1994). Individualism in a collective culture: A case of coexistence of opposites. Theoretical and methodological approaches to study of collectivism and individualism. In U. Kim, H.C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, and G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and application. London: Sage, 123-137. Stark, Rodney. (1999). Secularization, R.I.P. Sociology of Religion, vol. 60, no. 3, 249–73. Schwartz, S.H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 25, 1-65. Schwartz, S.H. (1994). Beyond individualism/collectivism: New Cultural Dimensions of Values: Theoretical and Methodological approaches to study of collectivism and invidualism. In U. Kim, H.c. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, and G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism. Theory, method, and application . London: Sage, 85-123. Stark, R. and Bainbridge, W.S. (1985). The future of Religion. Secularization, Revival, and Cult formation. Berkeley. Stark, R. and Bainbridge, W.S. (1987). A Theory of Religion. New York Taylor, Charles. (2007). A Secular Age. Cambridge/London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Taylor, Charles. (1975). Hegel. London/New York: Cambridge University Press. Tschannen, Oliver. (1991). The Secularization Paradigm: A Systematization. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, 395-415. Triandis, H.C. (1994). Theoretical and methodological approaches to study of collectivism and individualism. In U. Kin, H.C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, and G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and Collectivism: Theory, method, and application. London: Sage, 19-41. Triandis, H.C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder, CO: Westview. Triandis, H.C. (1996). The Psychological measurement of cultural syndromes. American Psychologist, 51, 407-415. Triandis, H.C., & Gelfand, M.J. (1998). Converging measurements of horizontal and vertical individualism and collectivism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 275-289. Van der Loo, H. & W. Van Reijen. (1993). Paradoxen van modernisering. Muiderberg: Coutinho. Van der Ven, J. (1993). Practical Theology. Kampen: Kok Pharos. Van der Ven, J. (1998). Education for Reflective Ministry. Louvain: Peeters. Veenhoeven, R. (1996). Leefbaarheid van landen. Utrecht: Research Papers Onderzoekschool Arbeid, Welzijn en Sociaal Beleid, nr. 7. Volf, M. (2006). The End of Memory. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans. Walzer, M. (1984). Liberalism and the Art of Separation. Political Theory 12, 315-333. Wostyn, L. (2010). In Search of A Human Jesus. n.p. Ziebertz, H-G. & Kay, W. K. (eds.). (2005). Youth in Europe 1. An International empirical study about Life Perspectives. Münster: LIT.

Introduction The evolution of creative city paradigm in the last three decades has dramatically changed the notion of placemaking and the meaning of art and design for urban development in the creative and cultural economy context. Very recently, a spontaneously emerging art district has been exploited by policy actions in many cities, resulting in its presence on the global stage at the UNESCO Creative City Network. The two most common approaches that drive art and design-based development policies are seen in the creative city approach and community development approach (Evans; Murdoch III et al.). The creative city approach aims to contribute to economic development by focussing on the economic role of art and design (Florida; Murdoch III et al.). The community development approach, on the other hand, is seen as an important factor for social benefit and democratic development (Murdoch III et al.; Grodach; Markusen and Gadwa). Grassroots arts movements and community arts organisations, in the community development approach, support the arts as a low-income community involvement and development initiative (Murdoch III et al.). According to Grodach, public spaces and art and design spaces have three main roles in community development, and are built on local assets to increase community engagement, interaction, and participation. Despite the vast range of economic considerations in the current literature, it remains unclear how creative placemaking through arts, crafts, and design operates in the context of creative cities. Particularly, there is a need for a more comprehensive perspective of how creative placemaking contributes to art district development. Economic competition among creative cities has increased, especially since neoliberal policies diffused to the urban agenda. The city of Izmir, located in the Aegean coast of Turkey, being one of the world's top 130 cities (Tekeli), contributes to globalisation of the region and occupies a unique position in Turkey’s democratic history. Regarding the global arena, Izmir has reformulated its governmental structure in the making of places, with particular neighbourhoods seeking to increase their attractiveness to the creative class, support the creative industries, and to become a ‘Creative City’. Since the Culture and Art Workshop in 2009, when the Izmir Metropolitan Municipality established a creative city vision to serve as a high point in a democratic era, in particular involving elements of culture and creativity of importance for local and global actors, there has been a series of programs with different design strategies and governance mechanisms, such as the design projects (e.g. Izmir Sea Project and Izmir History Project, and History Design Workshop), formations (e.g. establishment of Izmir Mediterranean Academy with branches of history, design, ecology, culture, and arts in 2013), events and organisations (e.g. Good Design Izmir in 2016, 5th World Design Talks by the World Design Organization [WDO] in 2018), and applications for candidacy (e.g. for the World Design Capital title 2020, and UNESCO Creative Cities Network in 2019). The purpose of this article is to explore the drivers for art and design-based development in the urban environment through the lens of creative placemaking, and how this is practiced by creative class grassroots initiatives in cities such as Izmir, Turkey, which was shortlisted in the Creative City Network competition in 2019. The methodology is built on 1) a framework analysis through the research on art and design districts and the utilisation of creative placemaking, and 2) a field study exploring the creative placemaking drivers in an emerging art district, Darağaç, in Izmir. The field study is composed of site visits, visual mappings, the use of snowball sampling to reach the creative class, and structured interviews. The framework analysis findings suggest a set of creative placemaking drivers for art and design-based developments, and the case study findings present implications for future policies for integration of localised initiatives into the creative city framework. Framework Analysis The practice of creative cities applies one-size-fits-all strategies based on tangible and intangible characteristics to attract talent and support economic growth, whereas creative placemaking offers some crucial approaches to contribute to a locale's success and involvement in larger-scale plans. Therefore, placemaking appears as a phenomenological process that explains a sense of place, attachments, and, more broadly, the interaction between a region and its inhabitants (Mengi and Guaralda). The term ‘creative placemaking’ was first used by economist Ann Markusen and art consultant Anne Gadwa in the 2010 White Paper of the National Endowment for the Arts, as a solution when cities, suburbs, and small towns are faced with structural changes and displacement. Creative placemaking aims to revitalise space and economic development with creative initiatives. Markusen and Gadwa argue that creative placemaking provides gains in areas such as innovative products and services, livability, diversity, jobs, and income opportunities. Creative placemaking is also defined as a community-participatory tool to strengthen and enrich the identity of a place as well as development of a place. Community identity enables local assets to build trust and relationships (Kelkar et al.) while exploiting social and civic fabric that brings out the local character and narratives (Borrup). Moreover, Redaelli formulates creative placemaking as an innovative way of thinking for solving community problems that utilises the creative power of art and artists. From an economic perspective, Gallagher et al. point out that creative placemaking can happen in communities of any size and uses art and cross-sector collaboration to benefit the space. Creative placemaking through cross-sector collaboration is directly related to political ideology, social division, community size, resource limitations, and capacity of arts organisations. The theoretical discussion derived from the literature enables us to reconsider the use of creative placemaking approaches for creative city strategies and provides a framework that brings the most significant drivers of creative placemaking, especially for art and design-based strategies in urban environments (Table 1). Drivers Indicators Creative Practices Products Artworks Events Festivals Cultural Production Local Assets Local Knowledge Context Listening & Gathering Stories Knowledge & Skill Exchange Creativity Exchange Experiential Learning Community Involvement Co-Creation Collaboration Creative Placemakers Artists Designers Craftspeople Resident of the Community Local Audience Virtual Platform Archive/Publications Creativity Productivity Collectivity Spatial Environment Neighbourhood Streets Place Identity Digital Hub Atelier Digital Studio/Maker Space Art Galleries Exhibition Spaces Art Equipment Maker/Supplier Meeting Place/Third Place Institutional Support Networking Platform for Dialogue Space for Exhibition Publicity Public Fund Private Fund Philanthropists Sponsorship Education Institutions Art Institutions Art Organisations Non-Government Organisations Government Table 1: Major drivers of creative placemaking. Creative Practices, as the first driver, aim to describe tangible outputs such as products, works of art, events, and festivals. Wyckoff defines projects and activities involving art, culture, and creative thinking as the driving forces of creative placemaking to create collective memory. In this regard, Mutero et al. emphasise the importance of listening and gathering stories, in which it associates definitions such as community, local knowledge, and context. Describing community participation as a tool to improve the development of a place, Kelkar et al. mention that it helps to change the perception of the community. In this context, it creates trust and relationships while building community identity and sense of belonging. Creative Placemakers, as the second driver, represent actors in creative placemaking. One of the six drivers suggested by Markusen and Gadwa for creating a successful place are the creative initiators. Borrup, on the other hand, underlines the role of crucial actors, named as creative placemakers, such as city planners, developers, artists, local policy makers. neighbourhood residents, and local audiences, who also take part in creative practices guided by artists, designers, and craftspeople. According to Gaumer et al. and Schupbach, local actors must be involved as partners to realise more effective successful creative placemaking practices. Similarly, Kelkar et al. argue that the relationships that are built on the collaborative nature of involving actors transform productivity and create social capital. Spatial Environment, as the third driver, focusses on the spaces of creative practices. Spatial environments can be referred to at different scales, such as the digital hubs, ateliers, maker spaces, and event areas such as art galleries and exhibition areas that bring creative placemakers together and enable them to produce together. According to Ellery et al., such spaces enhance the use of public spaces while providing a sense of aesthetics, security, and community. Wyckoff lists drivers of creative placemaking as art spaces where artistic, cultural, and creative projects take place, work and living spaces for the creative class, art, culture, and entertainment activities. Institutional Support, as the fourth driver, underlines the expectations of creative placemakers from institutions. The institutional support through networking provides a platform for creative placemakers to establish dialogue as well as opportunities for exhibition areas and performances. The importance of the support of institutions and organisations such as the public sector, private sector, NGOs, and sponsors are essential to creative placemaking practices. Particularly, cross-sector partnership between institutions such as education institutions, art institutions, art organisations, non-government organisations, and government plays an important role in art and design-based development (Markusen and Gadwa; Borrup). Emergence of Darağaç as an Art District Creative places are found at various scales, such as regions, districts, hubs, and studios, and constitute the very integral part of the creative city formation. They represent a high culture ground on which artists and designers can design, make, and exhibit art. The secret of the successful transformation of creative places lies in the spontaneity of their development. The spontaneously emerging creative places are found as the result of a bottom-up approach where the resident involvement in this transformation strengthens the bond between local people and the place. Spontaneous developments are visible where cultural producers come together to attract like-minded producers (Zukin & Braslow). Examples of this phenomenon include New York City's SoHo neighbourhood, Beijing's 798 Arts District, Kreuzberg in Berlin, and the Temple Bar district in Dublin (Goldenberg-Miller et al.). The development of a spontaneous art and design district starts with the coming together of artists, designers, and cultural workers to form a network. Factors strengthening the network and contributing to the success of the region include community perception, information exchange within the community, and working and living together (Kumer). Darağaç has very recently emerged as an art district in Umurbey neighbourhood in Izmir. Known formerly as an industrial zone, it now hosts small industries and artists. Darağaç Art District, home to pre-Republican era factories operated by non-Muslim minorities and nineteenth-century two-storey workers' residences, was developed in the twentieth century as an industrial zone hosting Şark Sanayi Electric Factory, İzmir Cotton Fabric Factory, and Sümerbank Basma Industry (Kayın qtd. in Pasin et al.). A small group of artists from Izmir settled in the region in 2013, in rented former workers' residences serving as studios and residences, and shortly afterwards the district started to attract more artists and designers (Darağaç Collective). Surrounded by inert and functionless industrial buildings, Darağaç Art District still maintains its industrial identity as well as hosting those on low incomes and providing artists with opportunity to live and produce (Kocaer). There has been an increasing dialogue established between the original inhabitants, mostly craftspeople, and the artists, especially after 2 craftspeople and 13 artists opened their first exhibitions in June 2016 (Darağaç Collective). Since then, Darağaç has evolved to an “art district”, home to many projects and national and international artists. This has greatly shaped the physical environment and neighbourhood identity in the Darağaç Art District (fig. 1). Fig. 1: The integration of artworks or installations with the physical environment and neighbourhood identity in the Darağaç Art District. (Source: Kanal.) For Yavuzcezzar, the main purpose of Darağaç is to provide a space or a common discourse for young artists to exhibit their works. Darağaç Art District hosts interdisciplinary art works covering painting, photography, sculpture, installation, video, and performance (Yavuzcezzar). Also, Children's Meetings held in Darağaç Art District aim to increase the engagement of children in the neighbourhood through culture and arts (Darağaç Collective). Kılınç et al. explain the three main factors contributing to the development of the Darağaç Art District: site specificity; collaborative art practice; and close personal relationships established between neighbours. The site specificity factor is defined as the expansion of production towards the street and the inert lots in the district, replacing the existing spatial configurations in the neighbourhood, which do not meet the needs of the artists. Collaborative art practice is defined as the exchange between local people and artists. Kılınç et al. argue that the productive roles of artists and craftspeople have enabled them to establish a cooperation. The third factor is the close relationship established between neighbours through the Darağaç Collective Association in 2020 (Kılınç et al.). This has been visible in one of the most influential projects, ‘Darağaç Bostan’, in Darağaç (fig. 2). Fig. 2: Co-creation efforts in the Darağaç Art District. (Source: Culture Civic.) The case of Darağaç illustrates a unique case of a spontaneously emerged art district and underlines the importance of creative placemaking drivers for bottom-up creative city strategies. The area has been a democratic space via meetings, exhibitions, and workshops (fig. 3). Fig. 3: Knowledge-sharing practices in the Darağaç Art District. (Source: Darağaç.) The Case of Darağaç The case study consists of site visits, visual mappings, use of snowball sampling for reaching the artists and craftspeople, and structured interviews, and discusses the major drivers of creative placemaking and how they are practiced in Darağaç in Izmir. First Studies The first site visit to the Darağaç Art District was conducted in November 2020. At the time, there were a total of 13 artists and over 30 craftspeople located in the area (fig. 4). Following this, the pilot survey was conducted in February 2021, with a total of six participants, four artists, and two craftspeople from Darağaç Art District. All six participants were interviewed face-to-face, and each survey took approximately 15-20 minutes. After feedback from the pilot study participants, several changes were made in the final version of the survey. The following image illustrates the spatial clustering of craftspeople and artists residing in the neighbourhood who participated in the study (fig. 4). Fig. 4: Darağaç Survey Map. The Survey and Findings The four above-mentioned main drivers of creative placemaking, namely creative practices, creative placemakers, spatial environment, and institutional support, were addressed by Likert-scale questions. In the framework of the previously identified creative placemaking drivers, the survey was carried out to collect the opinions of the art district residents and draw conclusions. The participants were classified into three categories: artists, designers, and craftspeople. The first part of the survey is composed of general questions (age, gender, field of study, etc.) to give an overall idea of the participants. In the following four sections, it was aimed to measure the major drivers of creative placemaking, categorised as creative practices, creative placemakers, spatial environment, and institutional support. The fifth part examined the spatiality of art and design-based development in Darağaç in terms of economic, environmental, cultural, and social aspects. The survey was conducted between February and March 2021 in Darağaç Art District. All the art district residents were contacted and the rate of return of surveys was approximately 50%. 58% of the participants were resident in the neighbourhood, 42% were non-resident. 42% of participants reported that they used shared workspaces; 58% used individual workspaces. According to the survey results, the driving forces that most contribute to the development of the region are creative practices (art and craft works), creative placemakers (artists, designers, and craftspeople), and spatial environment (place identity), followed by institutional support from public, private, and non-governmental organisations, respectively (fig. 5). Fig. 5: Contributions of drivers to creative placemaking in Darağaç. It seems that the interaction and collaboration grouped under creative practice contribute significantly to the development of Darağaç, closely followed by knowledge and skill exchange and the presence of art and design events, and, lastly, by the final products. Considering the role of placemakers in the spontaneous development of Darağaç, an art district, the findings reveal that artists make the greatest contribution, followed by designers and craftspeople, while the impact of the residents as placemakers is relatively low. The results for the place-based inspirations for creative placemakers show that the spatiality of placemaking has a considerable effect on the texture of the neighbourhood. For the placemakers in the district, the pre-existence of artists, designers, and craftspeople in Darağaç was one of the main reasons for locating there. The neighbourhood’s cultural and historical value and the communication with the local community have equal importance in terms of their contribution to the spontaneous development. Finally, we examine institutional support as the final driver, which falls behind the other three, as seen in fig. 5. Only 38% of the participants reported that they were able to collaborate with an institution before, while only 38% managed to receive financial support. According to the results, the main three actors supporting the grassroots activities through collaborations are art organisations, universities, and municipalities. The results also show that the financial support through funding comes mainly from the existing associations and public authorities. Evaluation The results obtained from the case study show that cultural exchange has been the most influential factor in art and design-based development. Regarding the creative placemaking drivers, dialogue between the residents of the neighborhood has considerably increased as they share and exchange knowledge and skills since the art district development spontaneously started. Changing perceptions of the neighborhood residents through time and their growing relationship with art, design, and crafts have greatly contributed to the emergence of an art district. When we examine the art and design-based development, it is visible that the neighbourhood has evolved to a more attractive and atmospheric space for art and design practices. The results underline the role of solidarity and sense of belonging for strengthening the community engagement. We can also argue that the adaptive reuse of vacant spaces and the design of possible exhibition spaces have dramatically changed the identity of the space. However, the economic impacts of spontaneous art and design-based development have remained moderate with regard to the creation of auxiliary sectors to the production process, creating new jobs and income opportunities and having a self-sufficient economy. Conclusion Since 2010, the placemaking process has been more sensitive, with the help of increased human input and indication of co-creation tactics through creative placemaking. Creative placemaking has been reshaped along the creative city policies and strategies. Before the conceptualisation of creative placemaking, many authors (see Jones; Weitz; Wositzsky), had referred to the link between art and community development, and highlighted how artists, art societies and local communities are positively affected by using art as a tool for the community. Within this context, this article provides a relatively more comprehensive approach to art and design-based development within the framework of creative placemaking for the creative cities of today. It examines and categorises the creative placemaking components, and explores how these components work and how they contribute to spontaneous art district development through the case of Darağaç, Izmir, in Turkey, a place where artists, designers, and craftspeople live and produce together. Culture and creativity as significant tools for economic development and urban renewal are found in many of the recent planning strategies (Codignola). The creative economy, cultural tourism, and creative placemaking have encouraged communities to use art for economic benefit (Gallagher et al.). According to Grodach, art and design spaces can contribute to tourism by attracting visitors from the immediate environment while providing employment opportunities to local artists and thus contributing to individual well-being and local economic development. Although this does not have the power to eliminate problems such as displacement, unemployment, and social exclusion, it makes a great contribution to urban inequality (Grodach). The four main drivers, creative practices, creative placemakers, spatial environment, and institutional support, all play a significant role in the emergence of Darağaç as an art district. The most influential driver, that of creative practices, highlights the importance of art and design production and events and festivals as creative practices, indicating a high concentration of local assets and tacit knowledge. Secondly, placemakers have a considerable importance in the spontaneous transformation from an industrial zone to an art district with regard to craftspeople’s and designers’ living and work environments. Also, their collective attitude towards the local residents in the area seems to have significantly contributed to this development through skill exchange, community involvement, and co-creation. Thirdly, the spatial environment, originating in the 1930s, and the available amenities have a great influence on the identity formation of the district. Lastly, the available institutional support underlines the strong role of art and design in economic development. However, Darağaç Art District has yet to receive sufficient support from the institutions, and tries to sustain its organic structure by operating as a self-sufficient entity. In further studies, additional drivers must be examined on an individual basis to arrive at policy suggestions, due to the strategic importance of building a feeling of place in the attraction and retention of creative talent. For the policy recommendations, it is important that the current urban agenda should present a combination of characteristics derived from the framework of creative placemaking for building better and more habitable creative places, rather than focussing solely on the more visible economic and physical urban goals. It is crucial to understand the strategic balance of the various drivers that enable the growth of creative places for future urban development. For the practical implications, the use of creative placemaking drivers for spontaneous art and design-based development enables the collaboration between different actors and engagement of grassroots activities in policymaking. References Borrup, Tom. "Creative Placemaking: Arts and Culture as a Partner in Community Revitalization." 2016. Codignola, Federica. "Culture and Creativity Management: Milan as a Global Capital for Value Creation." Symphonya: Emerging Issues in Management 2 (2016): 108-124. Culture Civic. "REENKARNE darağaç." 2022. 29 May 2022 <https://www.culture-civic.org/projeler/reenkarne-daragac>. Darağaç. "Neighborhood and Culture-Art Relationship." 2021. 22 May 2022 <https://www.daragac.com/en/neighborhood-and-culture-art-relationship/>. Darağaç Collective. “About Darağaç.” Darağaç_Kitap (2019): 136-139 Ellery, Jane, et al. "Placemaking: An Engaged Approach to Community Well-Being." Journal of Family & Consumer Sciences 109.2 (2017): 7-13. Evans, Graeme. "Creative Cities, Creative Spaces and Urban Policy." Urban Studies 46.5-6 (2009): 1003-1040. Gallagher, B. Kathleen, and Matthew P. Ehlman. "Arts at the Intersection: Cross-Sector Collaboration and Creative Placemaking in Rapid City, SD." Public Performance & Management Review 42.6 (2019): 1333-1350. Gaumer, Carol J., Kathie J. Shaffer, and Corey A. Knipple. "Creative Placemaking: Marketing Communities and Success Metrics." Journal of International Business Disciplines 14.1 (2019). Grodach, Carl. "Art Spaces, Public Space, and the Link to Community Development." Community Development Journal 45.4 (2010): 474-493. ———. "Art Spaces in Community and Economic Development: Connections to Neighborhoods, Artists, and the Cultural Economy." Journal of Planning Education and Research 31.1 (2011): 74-85. ———. "Urban Cultural Policy and Creative City Making." Cities 68 (2017): 82-91. Goldberg-Miller, Shoshanah B.D., and Joe E. Heimlich. "Creatives' Expectations: The Role of Supercreatives in Cultural District Development." Cities 62 (2017): 120-130. Jones, Bernie. "The Community Artist as Community Development Catalyst: An Evaluation of a Pilot Project." Community Development 19.1 (1988): 37-50. Kanal, Ali. "Gift." See: Darağaç. 2017. 27 Mar. 2022 <https://www.daragac.com/en/see-daragac/>. Kelkar, Nikita Prakash, and Gabriella Spinelli. "Building Social Capital through Creative Placemaking." Strategic Design Research Journal 9.2 (2016): 54-66. Kayın, Emel. “The Architecture of Industrial Buildings.” Izmir City Encyclopedia, Architecture 1 (2013). Kilinc, Kivanc, Burkay Pasin, and Guzden Varinlioglu. "Becoming One with the Neighborhood: Collaborative Art, Space-Making, and Urban Change in Izmir Daragac." 2021. Kocaer, Onur. “Darağaç III.” Platform Journal (2018): 51-52. Kumer, Peter. "Self-Governance and Social Inclusion in a Post-Socialist City: Contradictions between City-Designated and Naturally-Occurring Arts Districts." Družboslovna Revija 57.1 (2020): 28-48. Markusen, Ann, and Anne Gadwa. "Creative Placemaking." Washington, DC: National Endowment for the Arts, 2010. Mengi, Onur, and Mirko Guaralda. "Multidimensional Management Framework for Creative Places." Journal of Place Management and Development 13.3 (2020): 297–317. Murdoch III, James, Carl Grodach, and Nicole Foster. "The Importance of Neighborhood Context in Arts-Led Development: Community Anchor or Creative Class Magnet?" Journal of Planning Education and Research 36.1 (2016): 32-48. Mutero, Innocent Tinashe, and Ivan Gunass Govender. "Advancing the Exploration of Engaged Creative-Placemaking amongst Universities and Communities for Social Cohesion in South Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55.3 (2020): 429-445. Nowak, Jeremy. "Creativity and Neighborhood Development: Strategies for Community Investment." 2007. Pasin, Burkay, Güzden Varinlioğlu, and Kıvanç Kılınç. "Alternatif Bir Kentsel Tamirat Pratiği Olarak Darağaç [Darağaç as an Alternative Urban Repair Practice]." Ege Mimarlık 4.108 (2020): 78-85. Redaelli, Eleonora. "Creative Placemaking and the NEA: Unpacking a Multi-Level Governance." Policy Studies 37.4 (2016): 387-402. Schupbach, Jason. "Creative Placemaking." Economic Development Journal 14.4 (2015): 28-33. Tekeli, İlhan. “İzmir Modeli: İzmir İçin Demokratik Bir Belediyecilik Modeli Önerisi.” İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi (2018): 64. Weitz, Judith. Coming Up Taller: Arts and Humanities Programs for Children and Youth at Risk. Diane Publishing, 1996. Wositzky, Helen. "Out of the Ashes, a Community Responds: The Dandenong Ranges Bushfires, January 1997." The Australian Journal of Emergency Management 13.2 (1998): 17-20. Wyckoff, Mark A. "Definition of Dlacemaking: Four Different Types." Planning & Zoning News 32.3 (2014): 1. Yavuzcezzar, Zeynep. “Preface.” Darağaç_Kitap (2019): 6-7. Zukin, Sharon, and Laura Braslow. "The Life Cycle of New York’s Creative Districts: Reflections on the Unanticipated Consequences of Unplanned Cultural Zones." City, Culture and Society 2.3 (2011): 131-140.