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1
Beim, Aaron. "The Cognitive Aspects of Collective Memory." Symbolic Interaction 30, no. 1 (February 2007): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.2007.30.1.7.
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Ilin, V. "Memory studies: from memory to oblivion." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-2.
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The article examines the concept of memory studies, which is a separate discipline that studies and analyzes memory issues. The phenomenon of memory is an important part of life, although not presented as a necessary condition of mental activity. Memory, the author notes, is a way for people to construct their past through books, movies, documents, ceremonies, and so on. In memory studies, memory arises in various aspects – collective, social, cultural, genetic, and historical. The reason for claiming a worldwide "memory age" is criticism of official versions of history, the return of memory to communities and peoples whose history has been ignored, the activation of various memorial events, and more. It is shown that a social and cultural construct collective memory retains the authentic past as its version and serves as a means to achieve certain goals. Collective memory is in constant change, which is nonlinear, irrational, and not always subject to logical analysis. New events and ideas affect the perception of the past, and patterns of interpretation of the past determine the understanding of the present. The relation between collective and individual memory appears as the relation between memory and history. The primary function of historical memory is to form an identity. The development of memory studies distinguishes the political, functional, cumulative memory that use the past to shape national identity. The context of historical memory includes the concepts of "oblivion", "custom" and "tradition" that help to identify the turning points of history as they are indicators of the emergence of a new society. Historical memory is a tool for using the past to achieve goals dictated by the current situation. Mobilizing memory and collective perceptions of the past has been an integral part of the political process in recent centuries.
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Promyslov, Nikolay. "Digitalization and Collective Memory: Thoughts Reading a Book “Individual and Collective Memory in the Digital Age”." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024289-6.
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The “cultural turn” in social and humanitarian knowledge has led to the intensive development of various aspects of the problem of collective representations and related models of forming the identity of a community. A lot of modern research is devoted to the problem how people perceive events that they are contemporaries or participants, how they preserve and relay information about these events. The process of total digitalization of society that has taken place in recent decades also leaves its mark on the mechanisms of formation and retransmission of collective memory. These problems are the focus of the monograph published in 2022 and edited by a team of authors led by Elena Trufanova, Natalya Emelyanova, Aleksandra Yakovleva.
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Vervečkienė, Liucija. "Memory in Family: Theoretical Aspects and Insights from the Study on Past Regime’s Memory Transmission." Politologija 107, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 8–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.1.
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Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side – specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the begining of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.
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D’yakov, Aleksandr V. "Ghosts of Derrida: Between the Discourse of Memory and the History of Philosophy." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences 22, no. 5 (November 20, 2022): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v208.
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The paper turns to a well-known philosophical experiment of J. Derrida, who introduced hauntology, an imaginary science of ghosts orientated towards the texts of K. Marx. Based on Derrida’s productive idea , the author of this article suggests considering the figure of the ghost as being essential for the practice of memory and as constituting self-attitude of collective consciousness. The paper demonstrates the practical aspects of Derrida’s thesis about the need to address the ghost, which is a figure necessary for the formation of collective memory. The ghost is viewed as an actor constituting the space and the internal structure of collective memory, at the same time being an initiator of and a catalyst for the development of relations introjected by collective consciousness. Oftentimes, the most significant are those ghosts that have no real referent in the historical past and constitute collective memories by themselves. Thus, the ghosts inhabiting the collective memory of humankind are always constructs of human consciousness, entities from the register of the imaginary. The author demonstrates how the mechanisms of fixing ghosts as points of crystallization of collective memory can be described in terms of political economy as paradoxical objects irreducible to universal equivalence, but supporting it. Taking Derrida’s discourse about ghosts as a starting point, the author shows in what directions the sociological, political, aesthetic and philosophical aspects of this topic can be further developed. Moreover, according to the author, philosophy should retain in this process the function of integral discourse, which allows us to stay away from pure essayism and always remember our own goals and objectives.
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Volkhonsky, Mikhail A., and Akhmet A. Yarlykapov. "THE IMAGE OF GAREGIN NZHDEH IN ARMENIAN AND RUSSIAN COLLECTIVE MEMORY: SYMBOLIC CONFLICT IN URBAN SPACE (BASED ON RESEARCH IN ARMAVIR AND KRASNODAR)." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 1126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch1841126-1140.
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This article analyzes the symbolic aspects of the protracted conflict in Armavir between the city authorities and the leadership of Armavir branch of the Union of Armenians of Russia (from 2012 to 2019) in connection with the installation of a memorial plaque near the Armenian church in honor of the political figure Garegin Nzhdeh. The analysis of the conflict from the perspective of the concept of "symbolic politics" allowed us to identify some specifics of the policy of remembrance carried out by the Armenian diaspora in Russia. The conflict was caused by the different perception of Garegin Nzhdeh's image in the Russian and Armenian cultural memory. For the collective memory of the Russian Armenians Nzhdeh is primarily a national hero, who fought for the independence of Armenia. In the Russian collective memory Nzhdeh is only a politician, who collaborated with the Nazi Germany during the Second World War. As the study showed, during the conflict Armenian and Russian activists used different kinds of memory policy strategies ("symbolic erasure", "symbolic camouflage" and "reformatting" of the previously created memorial space). The study also revealed some structural peculiarities of the collective, cultural and functional memory of Russian Armenians. In particular, the study showed that the collective memory of Russian Armenians has the character of an amalgam, which combines uncomplementary elements of Russian and Armenian collective, cultural memory.
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Bakuła, Bogusław. "1956, 1968, 1981: The Faces of Central-European Memory: A Postcolonial Perspective." Porównania 27, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/por.2020.2.2.
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This article deals with two issues. The first concerns the problem of collective memory of the past, which is divided here into shared memory, separate memory and non-memory. Shared memory plays a lesser role in Central Europe than separate memory, the latter being the core of national and social identity. Shared memory is an unattainable ideal proposed by some politicians and cultural researchers. A significant role is played by non-memory, which temporarily annihilates difficult matters related to the past. History vies with collective memory in Central Europe as a means of preserving the past. This is the result of centuries-old conflicts, changing political systems, shifting borders and, above all, many nations losing their sovereignty. This situation made the problem of domination and subordination a fundamental problem of history and collective memory. For this reason, the second part of the article focuses on the postcolonial aspects of collective memory, and in particular on its relation to the events of 1956, 1968, and 1981 connected with the military reaction of the communist system to attempts at reform. These events, with all their historical differences, are caused by external violence (1956, 1968) or by internal violence caused by external pressure (1981). Central European societies also shape mutual relations through their attitudes to selected elements of the past. The author of the article depicts the inconspicuous aspects of shared internal and international memory by means of an analysis of four aspects: ressentiment, unremembering, historical politics and aesthetisation.An analysis of the events that took place in 1956, 1968, and 1981 in the context of these four aspects of postcolonial memory reveals the fragile (moderately strong) existence of common areas. These areas are dominated by non-memory and separate memory, which deform historical realities. This proves that it is difficult for Central European societies to move beyond slogans and general declarations. True shared memory is the task for the future.
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Kuźma, Inga B., and Edyta Pietrzak. "Gendering Memory: Intersectional Aspects of the Polish Politics of Memory." Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej 16, no. 1 (February 29, 2020): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8069.16.1.07.
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The article is devoted to the process of gendering memory as a counterpoint to the politicization of memory observed in the Polish context. The core problem of the paper is a description of a local case of this type of gender ‘memory practising’ in the area of the public urban sphere, specifically one created by the Łódź Women’s Heritage Trail Foundation (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet) – a gender-profiled female grass-roots initiative that is concerned with the city’s past. The article consists of three main parts referring to, respectively, the functioning of memory in the urban public sphere as a form of dialogue (hemerneutic-interpretative anthropology with Jurgen Habermas’ and Seyla Benhabib’s theories is the theoretical foundation here), the process of gendering memory (appearing alongside the narrative phrase and feminist proposals for the interpretation of memory as a form of its pluralization), and the presentation of the activities within the Łódź Women’s HeritageTrail Foundation’s particular initiative – namely ‘Women Routes in Łódź’ – as a kind of case study for the city as a landscape of memory. The paper deals with the tension observed between the politics of memory and the political practice, and the alternative memories that arise from the idea of multiplicity and polyphony, including the voice of women. The authors raise the issue of the genderization of memory in the context of an inquiry into how the pluralism of collective memory and the diversification of the public sphere develops as a result of the discourses and operation of the alternative memory, including gender-focused memory.
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ADAMCZYK, Anita, Elżbieta LESIEWICZ, Witold MAZURCZAK, and Paweł STACHOWIAK. "Obchody dwudziestolecia III Rzeczypospolitej. Próby kształtowania pamięci zbiorowej polskiego społeczeństwa." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.4.1.
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The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achievements of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.
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Timcke, Scott. "Is All Reification Forgetting?: On Connerton’s Types of Forgetting." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 375–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v11i2.469.
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Drawing upon the Frankfurt School Critical Theory tradition, I offer a defence of Connerton’s version of collective forgetting against recent detractors. This defence, however, is qualified and pertains strictly to geography and material culture aspects of collective forgetting. In this respect, the paper argues that models of individual and collective memory must attend to the historical forces that combine to (re)produce a particular environment, and further, they should consider the subsequent role the reproduction process plays on triggering moments of recollection or collective memory actions. To explicate this claim, I draw upon a Marxist inspired account of the labour process to show that variations in types of consciousness are related to particular modes of production. It is my intent to explicate Connerton’s theoretical reasoning such that readers from diverse backgrounds are better informed about his underlying set of assumptions. In this respect, this paper aims to contribute to advancing a political economy of memory.
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Timcke, Scott. "Is All Reification Forgetting?: On Connerton’s Types of Forgetting." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 375–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol11iss2pp375-387.
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Drawing upon the Frankfurt School Critical Theory tradition, I offer a defence of Connerton’s version of collective forgetting against recent detractors. This defence, however, is qualified and pertains strictly to geography and material culture aspects of collective forgetting. In this respect, the paper argues that models of individual and collective memory must attend to the historical forces that combine to (re)produce a particular environment, and further, they should consider the subsequent role the reproduction process plays on triggering moments of recollection or collective memory actions. To explicate this claim, I draw upon a Marxist inspired account of the labour process to show that variations in types of consciousness are related to particular modes of production. It is my intent to explicate Connerton’s theoretical reasoning such that readers from diverse backgrounds are better informed about his underlying set of assumptions. In this respect, this paper aims to contribute to advancing a political economy of memory.
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Kyrchanoff, M. W. "Science Fiction Series <i>Star Trek</i> and <i>Babylon 5</i> as Forms of Political and Memorial Cultures Construction." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 4 (December 21, 2022): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-4-24-115-137.
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The author analyzes Star Trek and Babylon 5 series as segments of American political culture and collective memory. The purpose of the article is to analyze how American popular culture, represented by the TV series, actualizes and visualizes the problems of the admissibility / inadmissibility of external influence / non-influence of more developed societies on less developed ones and demonstrates the features of collective memory developments. The author studies the assimilation of the political in the visual discourses of mass culture. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles proposed in the memorial turn and the analysis of the politics of memory within the paradigm of intellectual history. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of common and unique features and directions of assimilation of the political, reduced to the problems of interference / nonintervention, in modern mass culture and historical memory. The article considers 1) the modes of actualization of political and social differences between societies in Star Trek and Babylon 5 TV series; 2) the political and ideological dimensions of intervention through the prism of mass culture and aspects of the functioning of various memorial cultures; 3) the problems of memory as the trauma received during the forced interaction of imagined societies with different identities in the contexts of the development of collective memories and the uncomfortable past revision through the formation of a compromise memorial canon. The article shows the contribution of the series as elements of mass cultural discourse to the development of Western political culture and of Selfness and Otherness concepts, and indicates their role in the revision of the past in popular culture. The results of the study suggest that the assimilation of the political in mass cultural discourse became both an incentive for ideological modifications and transformations of modern society, and a form of promoting the principles of political correctness and tolerance as its systemic characteristics. Moreover, it can be viewed as an attempt to revise the memorial canon and to enhance it by alternative visions of history, based on the revitalization of marginalized collective memories.
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Goc, Murat. "Forgetting to Re-member: Politics of Amnesia and the Reconstruction of Memory in Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, Everything Is Illuminated and Memento." American, British and Canadian Studies 33, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/abcsj-2019-0019.
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AbstractThis essay aims to discuss the ideological aspects of memory loss as a reconstruction of personal and collective memory with reference to several Hollywood movies, Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, Memento and Everything Is Illuminated. The essay explores the construction of memory within a network of power relations and the profound influence that the reproduction of memory has on the embodiment of personal identities. The unreliability of human memory has been a major issue in philosophical debates and works of art from early Greek philosophy to cyberpunk novels. Memory studies draw on a wide range of academic fields varying from neuroscience to political science, with an emphasis on prosthetic memories, identity and body politics, displaced cultural identities, and consumer culture. Often intermingled with collective narratives, memory is an ideological artifact or rather a form of language that can be institutionally manipulated or manufactured. The mass production of personal and collective memories further deprives human beings of control over their personal histories and identity constructions. In this regard, this article elaborates the formation, reinforcement, and reconstruction of memory in contemporary culture with particular references to the inclusion of hegemony, cultural politics, and identity politics in selected movies.
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Kontopodis, Michalis, and Vincenzo Matera. "Doing Memory, Doing Identity: Politics of the Everyday in Contemporary Global Communities." Outlines. Critical Practice Studies 12, no. 2 (August 30, 2010): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ocps.v12i2.2776.
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The special issue Doing Memory, Doing Identity: Politics of the Everyday in Contemporary Global Communities draws on anthropological theory, performance studies, feminism, post-colonial studies and other theoretical traditions for an insightful examination of the everyday practices of doing memory. A series of ethnographies and qualitative studies from locations as diverse as Italy, Norway, Greece, France, Brazil and China complement profound theoretical analyses to investigate the multiple links between individual and collective pasts, futures and identities, especially focusing on emotions, embodiment, the senses, difference and power relations. Taking a critical stance in regard to current social-scientific and socio-political debates, this special issue reflects on the political and ethical aspects of day-to-day memory practices and examines issues related to identity, imagination and otherness.
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Kolář, Ondřej. "Different Stories of One Battle: The Moravian-Ostrava Offensive in Historiography and Collective Memory." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ppbs2039.
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The paper focuses on the historiography and remembrance of a significant battle, fought between the Red Army and German forces in the last week of World War II in Europe on the present Czech-Polish border. In the opening part of the paper, the historical surveys are depicted and analysed. The text also examines “official” forms of remembrance, such as museums and memorials, as well as popular narratives, myths and common tales surrounding the military operation, which are seen in the context of a specific collective identity of the population of the borderland. The article seeks correlations between professional research, political rhetoric and other aspects that created the “popular image” of the offensive. The question of regional memory is understood in the context of nationwide debates about contemporary history.
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Biegieułow, Rustam. "Deportacja w pamięci historycznej i praktykach kommemoracyjnych Karaczajów." Studia Polityczne 49, no. 2 (November 22, 2021): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2021.49.2.04.
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This article deals with the problem of the collective memory of the Deportation of the Karachays. The repressions carried out by the Soviets in 1943 left a deep mark on the people’s consciousness. This study focuses on several aspects of popular beliefs about the deportation and its consequences.The author considers the main reasons for the eviction that have remained in the national memory. It is noted that they continue to have a certain influence not only on the regional political culture, the system of interethnic relations, but also on the organisation and conduct of research into the history of the Karachays during World War II. This article also describes the evolution of the ideological and practical approaches of the regional authorities to the coverage and interpretation of this problem after the repatriation of the Karachays. It also deals with the established forms of national memorial practices that help preserve the collective memory of the deportation, the time spent in places of settlement and repatriation.
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Wojdon, Joanna. "The Impact of Communist Rule on History Education in Poland." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2012.040105.
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This article analyzes textbooks and curricula for primary schools in Poland published between 1944 and 1989 to show how the communist regime attempted to influence Polish history education via political change and educational reform. The article focuses on five aspects of this influence: Marxist methodology of history, portrayals of political parties, promotion of a “scientific“ worldview, justification of new boundaries and alliances of the People's Poland, and a new pantheon of national heroes. In conclusion, the article investigates the effectiveness of history education in shaping Polish collective memory under the communist regime.
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Fehlhaber, Svenja. "The Anti-Experience as Cultural Memory: Francis Ford Coppola’s Apocalypse Now and the Vietnam War." aspeers: emerging voices in american studies 6 (2013): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54465/aspeers.06-08.
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Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of trauma studies and of memory studies as well as on prominent postwar discourses, this paper investigates the position and function of Francis Ford Coppola’s 1979 Vietnam War film Apocalypse Now with regard to a materializing collective memory of this war. The paper starts out by establishing the theoretical framework of memory studies as well as those intratextual and intertextual criteria through which a respective cultural product may enter the realm of cultural memory. It contextualizes the film within the interrelated history of Hollywood war cinema, the reintegration of Vietnam veterans into US society, and the political and medical discourses surrounding the conceptualization of PTSD. The close reading of the film reveals that the functional unity of an intratextually generated “experiential mode” (Erll 390), which enables a mass audience’s experience of Benjamin Willard’s ‘anti-experience,’ actualizes Apocalypse Now’s potential through the use of intertextual generic and contextual references to become part of an active cultural memory of the Vietnam War.
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Nemer, Nassar Ali. "The Collective Memory of the Motherland in Palestinian and Israeli Cinema." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 6 (December 21, 2021): 662–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-6-662-668.
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The author examines the differences in the interpretation of historical events in the cinematography of the two opposing sides — Palestine and Israel, and the ways of forming a particular point of view by means of dramaturgy. This subject is relevant in the light of the growing information confrontation between different states, as well as political and social movements. The article analyzes the event context of the creation of Israel as a state in the view of Israeli and Palestinian filmmakers. The author considers samples of Israeli and Palestinian film production — feature films and documentaries, television series that reflect the transfer of Palestinian territory to the Israelis in 1948. The day of the Arabs’ exodus from Palestine in 1948 is considered tragic for the Palestinians and is known among them as “Nakba” (catastrophe, cataclysm), but at the same time it is the Independence Day for the Jews of Israel.The article demonstrates what plot devices and narrative techniques are used by directors to emphasize aspects of historical events that are beneficial to them, using cinematography as an instrument of ideological confrontation between the two peoples who have claims to the same land. Trying to have an impartial take, without siding with either of the conflicting parties, the author focuses exclusively on studying the means used by the creators of the films considered. This article can be useful for art historians, culturologists and sociologists dealing with issues of the Middle East, as well as for humanitarians whose research interests include theoretical understanding of ideology and propaganda without reference to specific epochs and regions (territories).
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Gundle, Stephen. "How Berlusconi will be remembered: notoriety, collective memory and the mediatisation of posterity." Modern Italy 20, no. 1 (February 2015): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.985584.
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This article explores the ways in which Silvio Berlusconi might figure in collective memory. It approaches this from a number of angles. First, consideration is given to the way political figures of the past have resonated culturally and the role of institutions including the mass media in this. Second, Berlusconi's own efforts to situate himself in relation to a shared past are explored, with reference to the place of three nostalgic appeals that figured with varying intensity at different points in his career. Third, Berlusconian aesthetics are investigated to explore the relative roles of kitsch and glamour. It is shown that kitsch gained the upper hand and that this also manifested itself in the monarchical aspects that his personality cult took on. Finally, Berlusconi is considered as a possible subject for a biopic and a discussion is offered of the way his life and career might be presented in different variants of this genre. Overall, it is suggested that expectations that he will be damned by history fail to take account both of the way he imposed himself on the collective consciousness and of the generic requirements of the mass media.
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Pakhomenko, Sergii, and Olga Sarajeva. "Securitization of Memory: a Theoretical Framework to Study the Latvian Case." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.24.
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The article suggests and argues a theoretical framework for studying a particular case of memory securitization. It is based on the constructivist perception of security that is systematically framed in the studies of representatives of the Copenhagen School, who consider security as a socially constructed phenomenon and define identity protection to be one of its primary goals.
Pursuant to this approach, the article presents a correlation between memory and security in at least three aspects. In the first instance, similar to security, collective memory is socially determined. In the second instance, collective memory lies at the core of various forms of identity, including national identity. In the third instance, collective memory is not only an object of protection but also a resource, which is used by securitization actors for threat identification, enemy image modeling as well as for defining the means of protection.
The Latvian case is applied for setting the theoretical framework of the memory securitization model. In future, it might be used to study specific juridical and political mechanisms of memory securitization in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
The authors perceive the securitization of memory as a diverse complex of measures aimed at establishing and setting a certain historical narrative, as well as convincing society to be actively loyal to it. Accordingly, the policy of memory is defined as a mechanism for putting securitization in practice. The initial conditions for understanding this process in Latvia are the post-communist transition, ethnocultural divisions of the society, and the external factor represented by Russia, that promotes its historical narratives.
In one respect, R. Brubaker’s concept of the “nationalized” state is taken as a theoretical model of the politics of memory in Latvia. According to this concept, the official narrative of post-communist countries has been set as a nation-oriented one. On the other hand, the concept of the memory regime developed by M. Bernhard and J. Kubik is also considered. As per their theory, the memory regime in Latvia can be described as being divided into the official and alternative narrative of counter-memory, which is based on the Soviet legacy.
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Bogatova, Olga A., Anastasia V. Mitrofanova, and Svetlana V. Riazanova. "A Mordovian settlement as a site and community of historical memory: collective narratives and representations." Finno-Ugric World 14, no. 4 (December 29, 2022): 402–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.014.2022.04.402-417.
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Introduction. The article summarizes the results of a study of social practices and narratives of the commemoration of the victims of mass political repression in the village of Kruglyi (the Republic of Mordovia) that was established as a permanent settlement in the period of collectivization. Materials and Methods. The theoretical framework of the study consists of social theories of “memory sites” and collective trauma. The method of collecting empirical data corresponded to case study, including observation, in-depth interviews and discourse analysis of media publications. The data were analyzed using the methods of thick ethnographic description and narrative discourse analysis. Results and Discussion. The article reviews the social context of local commemoration; identifies the main stages and practices of creating a “place of memory” in the village of Kruglyi by constructing a self-made monument of stained oak with a memorial plaque, and its subsequent mediatization. The authors analyze local discourses and narratives of social memory and material aspects of commemoration; regional, identify national and international mnemonic actors, acting as agents of the process of cultural trauma. They reveal and interpret the content of competing narratives of victimization and devictimization of the local community. Conclusion. Based on the data obtained in the course of fieldwork, the authors deconstruct media of the history of the village and identify two different models of its description. They conclude that these models are conditioned by various models of commemorating social trauma: one is “therapeutic”, focused more on deprivation and the loss of group identity; another one is “macrohistoric”, or in other words based on interpreting trauma as an aspect of social transformation seen as a process containing prerequisites for working the trauma out.
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Ioakimidis, Vasilios, and Nicos Trimikliniotis. "Making Sense of Social Work’s Troubled Past: Professional Identity, Collective Memory and the Quest for Historical Justice." British Journal of Social Work 50, no. 6 (August 2, 2020): 1890–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcaa040.
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Abstract Social work historiography has neglected to engage meaningfully with the most troubling aspects of the profession’s past: the histories of complicity, or at least acquiescence, in acts of state violence and institutionalised oppression. Through the exploration of historical case studies, this article provides a tentative typology of social work’s ‘horrible histories’ focusing on the project of engineering the ideal-type family, in colonial and oppressive socio-political contexts. The authors argue that practices of oppression and complicity can neither be reduced to the ‘few bad apples’ approach nor judged through the individualising prism of moralism, prevalent in Kantian Ethics. Instead, they propose an ethics of transformative reconciliation which is based on the principles of apology, respect for victims and collective action for—professional and social—change.
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Louhichi, Soumaya. "Representations of M. K. Atatürk in the Arabic Discourse and the Formation of the Collective Memory of the Arabs." DIYÂR 3, no. 2 (2022): 262–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2022-2-262.
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A review of the Arab publications on modern Turkey that have appeared since the 1970s and their examination with regard to the image of the founder of the Turkish republic, M. K. Atatürk (1881-1938), reveals a rather negative image and leads one to assume that this is the one and only image of Atatürk in Arab perception. The fact is, however, that it is by no means a static image of Atatürk. If the perceptions of Arab authors regarding Atatürk are embedded in the respective historical and political context, it becomes evident that these perceptions can be seen as the result of a process. Moreover, the content of the respective “perceptions” is obviously influenced by socio-political changes. My aim in this paper is to investigate the aspects of these perceptions as they appear in Arabic discourse. I would also like to highlight the various ways that they have been employed in the construction of the collective memory of the Arabs.
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Brunalas, Benas. "Fear Without Rationality: Emotions in Lithuanian Foreign Policy." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 36, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2017-0002.
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Abstract The paper reflects on the conception of the phenomenon of fear employed in the international relations theory. A critique of understanding of fear as a rational incentive of conventional international relations theories paves the way for the notion of fear as an emotion. It is argued that the behaviour of states in international politics should be explained via their psychological and emotional aspects. The paper proposes to connect the arising of and experiencing fear with collective memory and the imagery entrenched in nations’ subconscious. It also proposes to distinguish the two levels of arising of and experiencing the emotion of fear, namely the attempt to consciously arouse fear and its nonconscious experience. On the first level, mnemonic-emotive agents consciously activate collective emotions via the nation’s collective memory. On the second, once the contents/imagery of the society’s subconscious are activated, the aroused emotions are nonconsciously experienced by the society. The paper offers a case study from the Lithuanian foreign policy: its relations with Russia. Discourse analysis of Lithuania-Russia relations, where President Dalia Grybauskaitė plays an active and important role in discourse formation, suggests that the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy, with regard to Russia, is affected by the emotion of fear.
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Peri, Alexis. "Revisiting the Past: History and Historical Memory during the Leningrad Blockade." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38, no. 2 (2011): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633211x589097.
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AbstractThis article examines the everyday practices of historical reflection, recollection, and reconstruction as revealed in diaries of the Leningrad Blockade. In particular, it focuses on how Leningraders who chose to keep diaries of their experiences worked to make sense of the siege by situating it historically and comparing it to two other historical moments, the blockade of Petrograd during the Civil War and the siege of Sevastopol' during the Crimean War. Their evaluations of these historical analogies were based on a combination of personal and collective memories as well as on their understandings of state-sanctioned accounts of these events. Ultimately, these historical refl ections alerted the diarists to what they came to see as the unique and incomparable aspects of Blockade.
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Gnatenko, P. I. "National Identity and Historical Memory." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 19, 2018): 164–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718143.
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According to a British researcher of nation phenomenon A.D. Smith, national identity is a main form of collective identity, a dominant criteria of culture and identity. That’s way the aim of the article is a clarification of two notions: national identity and historical memory.National identity has relations with national self-consciousness. National self-consciousness consists of knowledge and presentations of national community, its historical past and present, spiritual and material culture, language and national character.There are three conceptions of roots of Ukrainian national identity. The first is a chauvinistic conception. According to this conception Ukrainian nation never existed. It’s only a dialect group of Russian nation. The second is unity of three nations – Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian and the senior brother is Russian nation and Ukrainian and Belorussian are juniors. The third conception is the autochthonous-autonomic conception (the author is M. Grushevs’ky).The autochthonic-autonomic conception has two poles of origins of Ukrainian nation. The first pole – Tripoli culture, Ukrainian nation was born in 7–2 millennium B.C. The second pole – 10–11 centuries A.C. The Illarion’s ‘Word about Law and Grace’, ‘Kyiv-Pechersky Patericum’ etc. are the basics of Ukrainian nation.In contemporary Europe we can observe reformation of the problem of national identity and rising of an ethnical factor and a historical memory. A historical memory is a complex of installations, stereotypes, habits, traditions, constant aspects of national character, national senses, their mark by social consciousness.National senses are ground of installations and stereotypes. They are emotional-psychological background of actions of a national character. National senses are a part of a political self-consciousness, a personal political culture.
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Stanislawski, Wojciech. "Westerplatte or Jedwabne?: Debates on history and "collective guilt" in Poland." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 21 (2003): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0321261s.
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The author analyzes recent Polish debates on researching silenced aspects of national history and the problem of the "collective guilt". One of the major questions arising in these debates is: does the study of "white spots" from the past (have to) lead to a trauma of continuous collective self-blame? In Poland, a specialized institution, the Institute of National Memory, was founded in 1998, engaging in research, documentation and public education on events related to German and Soviet occupation during WWII and the activity of political police under communism. Polish debates on the past got particularly inflamed after the discovery made by the historian J.T.Gross on the participation of Poles in the massacre of Jewish inhabitants of the town of Jedwabne in 1941. His book published in 2000 provoked a heated debate in which methodological, political and moral arguments were used on both sides. This case also occasioned a polemic between two prominent historians, identifying two basic visions of national history: the "monumental" one, recognizing only the heroic deeds that the nation takes pride in, and the "skeptical" one, which looks for silenced and shameful facts. Though both participants in the polemic opt for the third vision, the "objective" history which dispassionately seeks the truth, one of them stresses the role of the monumental history in maintaining the cohesion of the national community, while the other emphasizes that the collective acknowledgement of the nation's crimes can be a basis for national pride. .
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Fantoni, Gianluca. "‘La mineraria lavori o lasci lavorare’: myth and memory of a labour struggle in Tuscany." Modern Italy 16, no. 2 (May 2011): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.557230.
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This article is an analysis of a long union dispute between the workers and the management of the Società Mineraria del Valdarno (S.M.V.), a company which had mining rights in the lignite basin of Castelnuovo dei Sabbioni, in the municipality of Cavriglia. Cavriglia is in a ‘red zone’ in the province of Arezzo, in central Tuscany and the dispute raged on from the end of 1947 to the first half of the 1950s. The article focuses primarily on two aspects: (1) how the union dispute of the miners of Valdarno fits into the broader political strategy of the Italian Communist Party (PCI); (2) how this struggle was perceived and elaborated by workers and incorporated into the collective memory of local communities.
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Malinova, O. Yu. "SIGNS OF THE TIME: MEMORY ABOUT MASS POLITICS OF THE 1990s IN THE EXPOSITIONS OF RUSSIAN MUSEUMS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(58) (2022): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-3-138-151.
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The article explores framing of collective memory about the 1990s in two Russian museums of political history. It provides a comparative analysis of the expositions of the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia (SCMCHR) in Moscow and the Museum of Boris Yeltsin (MBY) in Yeltsin Center in Ekaterinburg, with a focus on material objects representing the mass politics. The comparative analysis of material objects presented in the two museums is supplemented by the observations derived from memoirs of “the ordinary” people. It helps to reconstruct the stories that might be triggered by the objects at display, and to reveal some lacunas and inconsistencies in the expositions. The expositions of SCMCHR and MBY are evidently different, which is determined by their missions and narratives. SCMCHR presents a broader spectrum of political and social perspectives and pays more attention to the negative aspects of the 1990s. The exposition of MBY is focused on the figure of Russia’s first president, who is presented as the leader who brought people freedom. This allows the authors of the exhibition to provide less space for the voices of “ordinary people” and emphasizes positive aspects of the 1990s. In spite of the differences, both expositions provide multidimensional stories that go beyond the stereotypes exploited in political discourses. They illustrate not only the economic difficulties and political turbulences of the 1990s, but also the mass support for the expected changes and new opportunities for social activities. This is particularly true for the case of mass politics, as both expositions provide evidence of political freedoms incomparable to that in Putin’s Russia.
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Lobova, Alisa A. "The Concept of Liberty in the Yan Fu’s Works." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-549-557.
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The article undertakes the analysis of the receptions of liberty in China on a sample of the translation of John Stuart Mill's “On Liberty” by Yan Fu. It is shown that in the Yan Fu' interpretation of liberty undergoes fundamental semantic changes in accordance with the ideological Chinese traditions, in particular with neo-Confucianism. Yan Fu puts collective liberty above the individual one, views the citizen only as part of a united nation. To understand the process of adaptation the new European concept, it is important to bear in mind that the translation and understanding of European thought were conducted within the framework of power relations between China as a colony and Western countries as metropolises. The linguistic aspects of the reception of liberty do not simply reflect the cultural and political realities of China in the late XIX - early XX centuries; it also changes them. Yan Fu tried to combine different types of European and Chinese ideas, in order to change the collective Chinese identity and process the collective memory.
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Batsleer, Janet. "Re-Assembling Anti-Oppressive Practice (1): The Personal, the Political, the Professional." Education Sciences 11, no. 10 (October 14, 2021): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci11100645.
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This essay offers a broken narrative concerning the early history of anti-oppressive practice as an approach in the U.K. to youth and community work and the struggles over this in the context of UK higher education between the 1960′s and the early 2000’s. Educating informal educators as youth and community workers in the UK has been a site of contestation. Aspects of a genealogy of that struggle are presented in ways which link publicly available histories with personal memories and narratives, through the use of a personal archive developed through collective memory work. These are chosen to illuminate the links between theory and practice: on the one hand, the conceptual field which has framed the education of youth and community workers, whose sources lie in the academic disciplines of education and sociology, and, on the other hand, the social movements which have formed the practice of informal educators. Six have been chosen: (1) The long 1968: challenging approaches to authority; (2) the group as a source of learning; (3) The personal and political: experiential learning from discontent; (4) Paolo Freire and Critical Praxis; (5) A critical break in social education and the reality of youth work spaces as defensive spaces; (6) New managerialism: ethics vs. paper trails. The approach taken, of linking memory work with present struggles, is argued to be a generative form for current critical and enlivening practice.
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Vanzan, Anna. "The Holy Defense Museum in Tehran, or How to Aestheticize War." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no. 1 (May 13, 2020): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01301004.
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Abstract In September 2013 the Iranian authorities inaugurated the Holy Defense Museum (Muzeh-i Dafa’-i Moqaddas) in the capital Tehran that also hosts a Martyrs’ Museum (Muzeh-i Shuhada) built in the early 1980s and later renovated. The new museum is part of a grandiose project to commemorate the sacrifice of Iranians during the war provoked by the Iraqi regime (1980–1988). The museum encompasses various aspects of the arts (visual, cinematic, photographic, literary, etc.) shaped to remember and celebrate the martyrs of that war. The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the following Iran-Iraq War produced an enormous amount of visual material; works produced during this crucial period that disrupted the balance of power, both regionally and internationally, constitute an important part of Iran’s recent history. Visual materials produced in that period not only constitute a collective graphic memory of those traumatic years, they also revolutionized Iranian aesthetics. The Islamic Republic of Iran (hereafter IRI) establishment has a long experience in molding contemporary art for political purposes and the Holy Defense Museum represents the zenith of this imposing project. In this paper, I present an analytic and descriptive reading of the museum in light of my direct experience visiting the museum, and I explore its role in maintaining the collective memory of the Iran-Iraq conflict, in celebrating the revolution and in aestheticizing war.
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Feldman-Savelsberg, Pamela, Flavien T. Ndonko, and Song Yang. "Remembering ‘The Troubles’: Reproductive Insecurity and the Management of Memory in Cameroon." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.10.
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AbstractThe ‘time of troubles’, a period of a radical nationalist movement (the UPC) and state reprisals sometimes called the Bamileke Rebellion, rocked Cameroon during the years surrounding its Independence in 1960. At the time, Bamileke women related their political and economic tribulations to numerous reproductive difficulties. They continue to do so today, linking perceived threats to their ethnic distinctiveness and survival to a sense of reproductive vulnerability. In this paper we explore the management of collective memories of the troubles as part of the social and cultural context of reproduction in a high-fertility society. Building upon extensive fieldwork among the Bamileke since the 1980s, we use data from participant observation, intensive interviews, and a two-round social network survey in six Bamileke women's associations in Yaoundé. Envisioned as a complement to a meaning-centred ethnographic approach, we are interested in several interrelated aspects of how urban Bamileke women manage their repertoire of memory. First, we explore how the ‘time of troubles’ and its memories are referenced in women's images of reproductive threat in three periods of Cameroonian history (the troubles themselves, the aftermath of a regime change, and the ‘crisis’ at the turn to the new millennium). Second, we seek to understand the social structuring of memory in network terms. Who are the carriers of memories of ‘the troubles’? And through which social ties are these memories transmitted and negotiated? Finally, drawing upon Mannheim's insights regarding generations and collective memory, we analyse cohort effects on the content of memories.
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Roque, Rosemarie O. "Artsibo at Sineng Bayan: Pagpapanatili ng Kolektibong Alaala at Patuloy na Kolektibong Pagsalungat sa Kasinungalingan at Panunupil." Plaridel 15, no. 2 (December 2018): 71–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.52518/2018.15.2-03roque.
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Sineng Bayan (People’s Cinema) is a salient part of Philippine alternative cinema, which is in stark contrast to the dominant commercial cinema. It is an important aspect in the pursuit of a more serious Philippine cinema. Political film collectives that arose in the early 1980s and flourished during the Marcos dictatorship gave way to Sineng Bayan. This article focuses on the archival audiovisual works of AsiaVisions Media Foundation (AVMF), a non-government organization which primarily utilized film documentaries in its propaganda-education work, and Alternative Horizons (AlterHorizons), the first media cooperative in the country. This study on Sineng Bayan and the Archives forwards the discourse on film as an effective cultural weapon of the Filipino people in their struggle for national freedom and genuine democracy. Capturing the people’s experiences and struggles through audio-visual presentations, videos, and films, the works of these political film collectives are part of the collective memory and documentary heritage of the country.
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Islam, Gazi, and Macabe Keliher. "Leading through ritual: Ceremony and emperorship in early modern China." Leadership 14, no. 4 (January 9, 2017): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715016685917.
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Ritual performance is well understood in organizational maintenance. Its role in leadership and processes of change, however, remains understudied. We argue that ritual addresses key challenges in institutionalizing leadership, particularly in fixing the relation between a charismatic leader and formal governance structures. Through a historical case study of the institutionalization of the emperor in Qing China (1636–1912), we argue that the shaping of collective understandings of the new emperor involved structural aspects of ritual that worked through analogical reasoning to internalize the figure of the leader through focusing attention, fixing memory, and emotionally investing members in the leader. We argue that data from the Qing dynasty Board of Rites show that ritual was explicitly designed to model the new institutional order, which Qing state-makers used to establish collective adherence to the emperorship. We further discuss the implications of this case for understanding the symbolic and performative nature of leadership as an institutional process.
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Rek-Lipczyńska, Agnieszka. "The Space for Preservation and Dilapidation of Historical Houses in Modlimowo Village in the Light of Post-Dependence Studies and Historical Politics after 1945." Arts 10, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10010006.
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The main purpose of this article is to present the results of the research on spatial degradation of Modlimowo village. Modlimowo is an example of a settlement form typical of the Western Pomerania region. Until 1945, half-timbered buildings of Modlimowo village constituted a well-preserved architectural and cultural heritage of this region. Over the past 25 years, changes in the spatial layout of Modlimowo Village irreversibly destroyed the architectural layout of the village, its cultural landscape, and affected its spatial character. The process involved the demolition of around 70% of its historical buildings. The residents, the descendants of post-war settlers, also acted in favor of the rapid degradation. This was typical in the Polish western lands, the area of so-called “Recovered Territories.” The historical memory encapsulated in the village’s spatial structure has been successfully decoded. Spatial degradation of the village of Modlimowo is an example that proves a certain regularity. The processes and mechanisms that govern the devastation taking place in Polish villages of the region of the “Recovered Territories” are subject to extensive analysis in terms of social, economic, cultural, historical, and architectural aspects. There is an ongoing discussion about the reasons for this situation. The political reality of post-war Poland and the persistent traumas of that period have had a significant impact on the actual situation of the Polish countryside. The described research may offer a contribution to the ongoing discussion regarding post-dependence, as it extends the research field typical of architecture to include aspects of the importance of collective memory as well as historical politics. The theoretical model of the conducted research was based on the grounded theory. The author chose this form due to the specific flexibility it offers. An important aspect analyzed in the research was the ability to adapt to the existing conditions. Supplementing the collected data with historical and ethnographic materials proved to be very helpful. The open interview method enabled the collection of the required, standardized data. The conducted research allows to conclude that the language of the historical architectural forms typical for the region was not understood by its new inhabitants. Therefore, newcomers felt free to thoughtlessly demolish whatever previous occupants had left. The analysis of the political context, the trauma of the post-war regime, and post-memory mechanisms can help to diagnose the reality of those times.
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Kundakbayeva, Zhanat, and Didar Kassymova. "Remembering and forgetting: the state policy of memorializing Stalin's repression in post-Soviet Kazakhstan." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 4 (July 2016): 611–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1158157.
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The general perception of Western analysts and observers is that the nation-states created as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union all treat the memory of the dark, repressive aspects of the Stalinist regime in public spaces as a symbolic element in the creation of a new post-Soviet identity [Denison, Michael. 2009. “The Art of the Impossible: Political Symbolism, and the Creation of National Identity and Collective Memory in Post-Soviet Turkmenistan.”Europe-Asia Studies61 (7): 1167–1187]. We argue that the government of Kazakhstan employs non-nationalistic discourse in its treatment of Stalinist victims’ commemoration in a variety of forms, through the creation of modern memorial complexes at the sites of horrific Soviet activity (mass burial places, labor camps, and detention centers), purpose-built museum exhibitions, and the commemorative speeches of its president and other officials. Kazakhstan's strategy in commemorating its Soviet past is designed to highlight the inclusiveness of repression on all peoples living in its territory at that time, not just Kazakhs, thereby assisting in bringing together its multinational and multiethnic society. Thus, the official stance treats this discourse as an important symbolic source of shaping the collective memory of the nation, based on “a general civil identity without prioritizing one ethnic group over another — a national unity, founded on the recognition of a common system of values and principles for all citizens” [Shakirova, Svetlana. 2012. “Letters to Nazarbaev: Kazakhstan's Intellectuals Debate National Identity.” February 7. Accessed July 28, 2015.http://postsovietpost.stanford.edu/discussion/letters-nazarbaev-kazakhstans-intellectuals-debate-national-identity].
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De Rouen, Aynur. "Imagine Home: Making a Place in Binghamton." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/243.
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Since the early 1990s, Iraqi Kurds have been relocating to the greater Binghamton area in New York State. This study focuses on the growing diasporic Kurdish community in and around Binghamton and their quest to imagine the homeland they left behind as a result of social, economic, and political hardships. The production of this diasporic space has emerged as an attempt to reconstruct their culture and collective identity in the absence of physical and territorially specific aspects of their homeland. Kurdish refugee narratives articulate how collective memory gives voice to the shared Kurdish past, how Kurdish refugees appropriated the space according to their traditional example and kinship structure, and how memories and narratives of the past shape the migrants’ identities, kinship, and everyday practices. The production of diasporic space within the imaginations of these refugees is portrayed here to show their attempt to reconstruct Kurdish culture while lacking the physical characteristics of their homeland. Their successfully reinvented images of homeland and reconstructed culture in diaspora are evidence of the resilience and fluidity of Kurdish culture.
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Nash, Joshua. "Folk Toponymy and Offshore Fishing Ground Names on the Dudley Peninsula, Kangaroo Island, South Australia." Island Studies Journal 5, no. 1 (2010): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.239.
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This paper analyses data on two aspects of unofficial place-naming or folk toponymy on the Dudley Peninsula, the eastern peninsula of Kangaroo Island, South Australia, namely (1) local unofficial toponyms, and (2) offshore fishing ground names. These place-name categories reflect naming patterns that embody specific local events, history and land use in the island’s colourful past, and represent an important element of the collective memory of the area. It argues that a deeper analysis of various taxa of folk toponymy, especially in remote island locations with brief histories, can help toponymists and linguists understand broad principles involved in place-naming. Furthermore, it suggests island toponymy in Australia is an under-researched field, which deserves greater prominence in Australian place-name studies.
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von Hodenberg, Christina. "Of German Fräuleins, Nazi Werewolves, and Iraqi Insurgents: The American Fascination with Hitler's Last Foray." Central European History 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000046.
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Many aspects of the German-American encounter during the Second World War remain deeply engraved in the American mind. One of them is the story of the German “werewolves,” Hitler's last underground fighters, who challenged the occupying armies in the war's closing months. The werewolf threat made a lasting impression on American troops and media at the time, and on American collective memory up to today. This article traces how the Nazi insurgents became part of an older mythical narrative that continues to infuse not only American popular culture, but even contemporary elite and political discourse. One of the more recent examples is Condoleezza Rice and Donald Rumsfeld's effort to compare the Nazi werewolves with the Iraqi insurgents whose attacks have plagued the occupied country since the American invasion.
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Machado, Andressa Da Silva. "Desventuras do Pós-independência em Moçambique: nacionalismo, guerra civil e memória coletiva." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, no. 9 (January 8, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i9.19540.
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O presente artigo apresenta as principais contradições do projeto político nacional da Frelimo, em sua tentativa de construção de uma consciência nacional no pós-independência em Moçambique. É possível identificar alguns aspectos que interagiam e moldaram a memória coletiva do povo moçambicano com relação à guerra civil, como no romance Ventos do Apocalipse de Paulina Chiziane, onde a autora enuncia, de forma crítica ao governo socialista e unipartidarista em Moçambique, uma narrativa literária que pode ser analisada como fonte histórica.Palavras-chaves: Moçambique. Nacionalismo. Guerra civil. Literatura.Abstract This paper presents the main contradictions of Frelimo's national political project, in its attempt to build a national consciousness post-independence in Mozambique. It is possible to identify some aspects that interacted and shaped the collective memory of the Mozambican people in relation to the civil war, as in the novel Ventos do Apocalipse by Paulina Chiziane, where the author critically enunciates the socialist and unipartisan government in Mozambique, a literary narrative that can be analyzed as a historical source. Keywords: Mozambique; Nationalism; Civil war; Literature; History of Africa
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Özdemi̇r, Bülent. "Making History to/as the Main Pillar of Identity: The Assyrian Paradigm." Belleten 76, no. 276 (August 1, 2012): 631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2012.631.
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In the 20th century Assyrians living in Diaspora have increased their search of identity because of the social and political conditions of their present countries. In doing so, they utilize the history by picking up certain events which are still kept fresh in the collective memory of the Assyrian society. World War I, which caused a large segment of the Assyrians to emigrate from the Middle East, has been considered as the milestone event of their history. They preferred to use and evaluate the circumstances during WW I in terms of a genocidal attack of the Ottomans against their nation. This political definition dwarfs the promises which were not kept given by their Western allies during the war for an independent Assyrian state. The aspects of Assyrian civilization existed thousands of years ago as one of the real pillars of their identity suffer from the artificially developed political unification around the aspects of their doom in WWI presented as a genocidal case. Additionally, this plays an efficient role in removal of existing religious and sectarian differences for centuries among Assyrians. This paper aims at showing in the framework of primary sources how Assyrian genocidal claims are being used pragmatically in the formation of national consciousness in a very effective way. Not the Assyrian civilization but their constructed history in WWI is used for the formation of their nation definition.
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Koski, Pirkko. "National Trauma on a Foreign Stage." Nordic Theatre Studies 32, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v32i2.124346.
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This article surveys the performance of the play Departure (Lähtö in Finnish, Minek in Estonian) by Estonian Rein Saluri at the Finnish National Theatre in 1988 during the last few years of the Cold War. The play depicts the deportation of an Estonian family to Siberia in the fall of 1946. The Finnish National Theatre invited Estonian Mati Unt to act as the director. The actors were Finnish, as were the audience, apart from a few individual spectators and during a short visit when Departure was performed in Estonia. The aim is to analyze how a theatre performance connected with an aspect of Estonian traumatic history and national memory was understood and felt by a country with a different historical and contemporary background. The performances of Departure show the ways in which repetition, memory, and re-appearance work and function in the theatre. Departure as theatre had power over history in its ability to reshape the image of the past through physical presence and affection. It increased in Finland the knowledge of and empathy toward Estonia and the presence of Estonian culture before the great political upheavals. However, the Finnish audience constructed the meanings of the play without the interaction between the collective memory, that is, the Finnish “memory” was historical and theatrical. Concerning national collective memory, it was not possible to cross the border.
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WILSON, KIM. "The Past Re-imagined: Memory and Representations of Power in Historical Fiction for Children." International Research in Children's Literature 1, no. 2 (December 2008): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2008.0001.
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This article argues that historical fiction functions as a collective memory: it provides a social framework for recollections that speak of a national agenda often through personal experiences. Taking as its examples three Australian and New Zealand fictions for children and young adults, from the late twentieth and early twentieth-first century, the article examines texts that focus on how we remember the past and what aspects of that past should be remembered: Memorial (1999), a picture book by Gary Crew (author) and Shaun Tan (illustrator), The Divine Wind (1998) by Garry Disher, and The Swap (2004) by Wendy Catran. Close analysis of these texts suggests that, like memory itself, historical fiction tends to eulogise the past. In historical fiction, for children especially, whilst power relations of cultural significance can be perpetuated, they can also be re-positioned or re-invented in order to re-imagine the past. Shifts in the present understanding of past power relationships contribute towards the reinvention of race relations, national ideologies and the locus of political dissent. The article concludes that historical fiction, because of its simultaneous claim to fact and imagination, can be a powerful and cunning mode of propaganda.
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Šutinienė, Irena. "Sovietmečio atmintis šiuolaikinėje Lietuvoje: ambivalentiškumas ar nostalgija?" Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2013.1.1845.
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Santrauka. Straipsnyje, remiantis kiekybinio sociologinio tyrimo duomenimis, analizuojamos sovietinio laikotarpio interpretacijos Lietuvos gyventojų kolektyvinėje atmintyje. Analizuojant gyventojų atmintyje vyraujančių požiūrių į sovietmetį spektrą, siekiama parodyti šių požiūrių ambivalentiškumą: atskirdami ir neigiamai vertindami politinius buvusios sovietinės sistemos aspektus, žmonės tuo pat metu teigiamai prisimena ir vertina kai kuriuos sovietmečio kasdienybės reiškinius, traktuodami juos kaip „nepolitinius“. Požiūrių į sovietmetį ryšiai su dabarties kontekstais – demokratizacijos rezultatų vertinimais ir socialiniais-demografiniais kontekstais – atskleidžia, kad požiūrius į sovietmetį dideliu laipsniu lemia žmonių amžius, taip pat teigiami (tarp jų ir nostalgiški) požiūriai į sovietmetį iš dalies susiję su socialiniais-ekonominiais ir subjektyviais marginalizacijos kontekstais. Ryšių su socialiniais dabarties kontekstais ir požiūriais į dabartį silpnumas rodo, kad sovietmečio atmintis yra tik dalinai nostalgiška ir galimai yra susijusi su daugeliu konkrečių, tarp jų individualių kontekstų.Pagrindinės sąvokos: sovietmetis, kolektyvinė atmintis, nostalgija.Key words: Soviet era, collective memory, nostalgia.ABSTRACT THE MEMORIES OF SOVIET ERA IN CONTEMPORARY LITHUANIA: AMBIVALENCE OR NOSTALGIA?The collective memories of Soviet era of Lithuanian adult population are analysed in the article. The analysis is based on the data of representative sociological survey, conducted by company „Baltijos tyrimai“ in 2012. The analysis reveals the ambivalence of the memories of Soviet era prevailing in popular memory: people express positive attitudes towards many aspects the Soviet era everyday life and simultaneously evaluate negatively political aspects of the Soviet regime. The Soviet era everyday is presented in people‘s memories as „apolitical“ and separated from political domain. The connections between attitudes towards Soviet past and contemporary contexts (attitudes towards the outcomes of democratization and indicators of social and economical position) reveal, that the memories of Soviet era are structured by generations in a great degree; there are also slight relations between positive (and nostalgic) memories of Soviet past and the social contexts of marginalization as well as feelings of marginalization. The slight relations of the memories of Soviet era to the contemporary social contexts and attitudes towards outcomes of democratization indicate, that positive memories of Soviet past are only partly nostalgic and are influenced by many other, among them individual, factors.Pastaba. Straipsnis parengtas vykdant Lietuvos mokslo tarybos finansuojamą projektą „Demokratizacijos procesų Lietuvoje reprezentacijos individualioje sąmonėje“, sutartis Nr. SIN-03/2012
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Drnovšek Zorko, Špela. "Cultures of risk: On generative uncertainty and intergenerational memory in post-Yugoslav migrant narratives." Sociological Review 68, no. 6 (June 2, 2020): 1322–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120928881.
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The disintegration of Yugoslavia not only marked the end of a decades-long socialist multinational project, but also reorganised former Yugoslavs’ possibilities for imagining certain futures. This article examines intergenerational narratives of rupture amongst migrant families living in Britain, showing how uncertain pasts produce distinctly diasporic post-Yugoslav cultures of risk. Unlike sociological accounts of risk that foreground the conditions of late Western modernity, this approach to risk is grounded in collective experiences of late socialism, violent state collapse, and unexpected migration, as well as intergenerational experiences of migration and settlement in Britain. The article puts forth two main arguments. On the one hand, British-born children of former Yugoslav migrants ‘inherit’ and re-narrate their families’ stories of rupture, which transform the specific events of the 1990s into narratives of potentially universal existential uncertainty. While future uncertainty cannot be avoided, it can be partly mitigated by focusing on the present. On the other hand, both parents and children invoke the more positive aspects of risk when they imagine optimistic mobile futures for the younger generation. Here young people’s diasporic hybridity, another inheritance of post-Yugoslav migrations, is favourably contrasted with the postsocialist ‘stuckedness’ that characterises much of the post-Yugoslav space. By focusing on the multi-temporal and generative qualities of narrative uncertainty, the article proposes that intergenerational stories of rupture can contribute valuable interpretive resources for dealing with open-ended futures, both within and beyond migrant communities.
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Sekulic, Nada. "Gender aspects of public urban space: Analysis of the names of Belgrade streets." Sociologija 56, no. 2 (2014): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1402125s.
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The street city network and the street names represent structural public symbolic system which is characterized by readability. This readability gives identity; the city is clearly divided in significant and less significant zones used for different purposes with different levels of communicativity. It is explicitly connected with public memory evocation-with collective memory and the state ideology. Having that in mind, the names of streets in Belgrade given by female names will be analyzed. It is analyzed how it is in structural manner the street network in Belgrade on symbolic level (through the names of streets and their distribution in the street network structure) expresses gender based distribution of power in the public space-using relation between the center and periphery in certain municipalities and the city as a whole. Investigating different city zones, it can be showed ?rationalization of political domination? - the parts of the city where the residencies of foreign countries, embassies and consulates are situated, representative and private, as well as zones which belong to different social stratums - higher and lower layers, which are also the zones of different communicative capacity (determinated by the structure of street network). This analysis clearly points out on distinctive, even though implicitly inherited difference in power distribution and gender based standings in social organization of the space. Streets which got the name by women are very few and they occupy marginal positions in the street network structure - they are mostly peripheral, smaller streets, which are in high percent dead end streets. In the same time, the dynamics of the change of the street names in the last decade is not in favor of the names from National Liberation Army (NOB). Street name change affirms historical females characters from XIX century, expressing on the direct way the ideological change and the need of classes and stratums which tend to establish their social position today and their influence on the changing the view on history in order to consolidate their own legitimization.
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Ivan O., Peshkov. "“ANTIGONES” FROM TRANSBAIKALIA. THE SPECIFICITY OF WOMEN’S COUNTER-MEMORY IN THE BORDER REGIONS OF INNER ASIA." Human research of Inner Asia 2 (2021): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/2305-753x-2021-2-28-38.
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Stalinist mass violence led to the dispersion of Transbaikalian Cossacks, the loss of their material and cultural base, the decrease of their population and the disintegra-tion of the group. The reaction of the ex-Cossack transborder society in the USSR, China and Mongolia were the counter-memory building practices including the glori-fication of anticommunist uprisings and great respect for the local warlord Ataman Semenov (being the symbol of resistance). These re-remembering practices of the ul-tra male-oriented and dominated community reveal essential gender aspects. Para-doxically, the Transbaikalian Cossack counter-memory is a mostly women project. The Socialist modernization trauma confronted Cossack women with the so-called Antigone dilemma of the choice between the family (memory) and the state (forced forgetting). This article aims at showing the specificity of Cossack womens memory-building practices from the perspective of the character of women’s memories (con-nected with their family life, religious experiences and local social network), the dif-ference between the sexes as regards the social experience in Transbaikalian villages and women’s role in the Cossack tradition (telling the truth). The empirical founda-tions of this investigation are based on the field work and archive research conducted in Russia, Mongolia and China. The theoretical basis is the assumption of the mostly epistemological presence of the Past and the dependence of memory on the current social and cultural situation. Thus, that proves the active social role of memory and the impossibility of the purely autonomous collective memory in the conditions of isolation and mass political indoctrination. Nonetheless, the analyzed case has also shown the possibility of transforming ideological patterns into private mythology and the women’s legends about the ancestors’ glory, crucial for the cultural survival of the community.
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Głowacka-Grajper, Małgorzata. "Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (June 24, 2018): 924–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418757891.
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This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.