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Maguire, Geoffrey William. "Political postmemory : childhood, memory and politics in Argentina's post-dictatorship generation (2003-2013)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709107.
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Daley, Shawn T. "Centralia, Collective Memory, and the Tragedy of 1919." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2576.
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The Centralia Tragedy of 1919 has been represented in numerous works over the course of the past 100 years. The vast majority of them concern the events of the day of the Tragedy, November 11, 1919, and whether a small group of Wobblies – members of a union group known as the International Workers of the World (I.W.W.) – opened fire on a group of parading American Legionnaires. This particular element, whether or not the Wobblies opened fire on the Legionnaires or the Legionnaires actually charged the hall where the Wobblies were staying, has generated significant concern in academic and popular literature since it occurred.
This study is less concerned with the events of the day itself, accepting that the full truth might not ever be known. It is instead focused on the collective remembering of that event, and how those recollections splintered into several strands of memory in the nearly 96 years since. It categorizes those strands into three specific ones: the official memory framework, the Labor countermemory framework, and the academic framework.
Each strand developed from early in the Tragedy’s history, starting with authors and adherents in the days after a 1920 trial. That trial, which declared the Wobblies guilty of the deaths of four Legionnaires while not holding anyone accountable for the lynching of Wobbly Wesley Everest, generated ample discord among Centralians. This lack of closure prompted the various aggrieved parties to produce books, pamphlets, speeches, protests and even a famed statue in Centralia's main park. Over time, the various perspectives congealed into the distinct strands of memory, which often flared up in conflict between 1930 and the present day.
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Kerseboom, Simone. "Pitied plumage and dying birds : the public mourning of national heroines and post-apartheid foundational mythology construction." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019884.
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The original contribution of this thesis is the examination of the official construction of a post-apartheid foundation myth through the analysis of the dead body politics of five iconic South African women that spans the three presidencies that have defined South Africa’s democratic era. This thesis examines the death and funeral of Albertina Sisulu, the return and burial of Sara Baartman, and the commemoration of Charlotte Maxeke, Lilian Ngoyi, and Helen Joseph. Sisulu, Baartman, Maxeke, Ngoyi, and Joseph have been constructed as heroines and as foundational figures for the post-apartheid nation in official rhetoric. It will contend that the dead body politics of these women not only informs a new foundational mythology, but also features in the processes of regime legitimation when the ANC-dominated government faces strong societal criticism. Although such official expressions of nationalism may appear exhausted, this thesis will show that nationalism remains a powerful and dangerous force in South Africa that attempts to silence opposition and critical analysis of perceived failing government policies or inaction. This thesis will indicate that as women’s bodies and legacies are appropriated for nationalist projects they are subsumed in discourses of domestic femininity in official rhetoric that dangerously detract from women’s democratic rights and their ability to exercise responsible and productive citizenship in the post-apartheid state. It will argue that women’s historic political activism is contained within the meta-narrative of ‘The Struggle’ and that women are re-subsumed into the patriarchal discourses of the past that are inherited in the present. This thesis approaches this topic by considering a top-to-bottom construction of post-apartheid nationalism through applying feminist critical discourse analysis to official rhetoric articulated at the public mourning and commemorative rituals of these five women.
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Morenkova, Eléna. "Mémoire et politique. Les représentations du passé soviétique en Russie." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020019/document.
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Le présent travail met en lumière la dialectique des relations entre mémoire et politique par l’étude des processus de construction, négociation, diffusion, adoption et reproduction des représentations du passé soviétique dans la Russie postsoviétique. S’appuyant sur la multitude de sources hétérogènes véhiculant les représentations du passé soviétique, le travail révèle les raisons et les mécanismes de l’évolution de la mémoire du passé soviétique en Russie, ainsi que son rôle politique et social. Le travail démontre que la mémoire du passé soviétique a joué un rôle important dans la légitimation symbolique du pouvoir de Boris Eltsine et de Vladimir Poutine et dans la construction identitaire de la société russe postcommuniste, tout en soutenant le glissement progressif de la Russie vers un régime autoritaire. En effet, malgré des oppositions marquées entre les différents régimes politiques qui se sont succédé, la tradition d’un usage politique du passé perdure, le passé soviétique restant un enjeu de pouvoir majeur en Russie. Aussi bien à la fin de l’époque soviétique qu’au début des années 2000, le passé national a été entièrement réinterprété et reconstruit. Toutefois, la mémoire collective du passé soviétique représente également un cadre contraignant qui limite les choix institutionnels et les décisions du pouvoir. Dans la mesure où la mémoire est porteuse de références politiques, économiques et sociales, elle crée des effets de dépendance au sentier, favorisant la reproduction de schémas de fonctionnement politiques, économiques et sociaux hérités du passé soviétiqueThe present work lays the emphasis on the dialectic relations between memory and politics by studying the processes of construction, negotiation, broadcasting, adoption and reproduction of the representations of the Soviet past in post-Soviet Russia. Based on various and heterogeneous sources conveying the images of the Soviet past, this work throws light upon the reasons and the mechanisms of the evolution of collective memory in the Soviet past as well as its political and social role. This work argues that the memory of the Soviet past played an important role in symbolically legitimating Boris Yeltsin's and Vladimir Putin's regimes as well as in forging post-Soviet identity, while strengthening the gradual shift toward an authoritarian regime. Despite numerous oppositions between the successive political regimes, making a political use of the past is an enduring tradition, the Soviet past remaining a major issue for those in office in Russia. Both in the late Soviet era and the early years 2000, the national past was entirely reinterpreted and reconstructed. However the collective memory of the Soviet past is also a binding framework restricting the institutional choices and the political decisions of political actors. Since collective memory is the expression of political, economic and social references, it produces path dependency effects, thereby fostering the reproduction of political, economic and social frameworks deep-rooted in the Soviet past
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Renaudot, Myriam. "Construction difficile d’une mémoire commune de la RDA dans l’Allemagne unifiée (1990-2006) : traitement public du passé à l’occasion de commémorations." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LYO20072.
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Le présent travail a pour objet le traitement du passé de la RDA dans l’espace public à l’occasion des commémorations du 17 juin 1953, du 9 novembre 1989 et du 3 octobre 1990, dans les discours officiels et dans la presse. Son objectif est d’étudier le processus de construction d’une mémoire commune de ce passé, mémoire qui participe à l’élaboration d’une identité allemande commune. L’analyse porte d’une part sur les commémorations en tant qu’initiatives politiques de traitement du passé dans l’espace public. Elle met en évidence le traitement « anhistorique » du passé de la RDA dans les discours officiels prononcés lors de ces commémorations. L’étude de leur couverture par la presse montre le rôle de ce média dans le traitement du passé de la RDA.Les commémorations correspondent d’autre part à une focalisation de l’espace public sur le passé de la RDA. L’étude du traitement du passé par la presse à ces occasions met en évidence les réactions de citoyens de l’ancienne RDA à la mémoire « officielle ». Elle révèle la pluralité des mémoires de la RDA telles qu’elles s’expriment dans la presse. Le caractère particulier de la presse régionale est-allemande dans ce traitement du passé est également analysé, à travers l’exemple de la Sächsische Zeitung. Il se dégage de la confrontation et interprétation des sources une nette fragmentation de la mémoire de la RDA en Allemagne, qui s’articule en particulier autour d’une opposition entre mémoire « d’en haut » et mémoire « d’en bas ». Cette opposition souligne la nécessité de négociations entre responsables politiques et citoyens pour passer d’une mémoire événementielle à une mémoire culturelle de la RDAThe present study explores how the GDR’s past is remembered on the occasion of the commemorations of 17th June 1953, 9th November 1989 and 3rd October 1990, in official speeches and in the press. Its purpose is to investigate the construction of a common memory of this past, which participates in the elaboration of a common German identity.First, it analyses commemorations as a voluntary act of the political management of memory in the public space. It points out how “ahistorical” the official memory of the GDR expressed in official commemoration speeches is. The way the press covers these speeches indicates the role of this media in dealing with the GDR’s past.But commemorations are also an opportunity for discussing and debating about the past in the public space. Citizens of the former GDR react against the “official” memory imposed by politicians through commemorations, which explains why commemorations reveal other types of memories. The thesis examines different aspects of collective memory expressed in the press. Specificities of the East German local press (especially the Sächsische Zeitung) in these processes are also analysed.The confrontation and the interpretation of different sources highlight the fragmentation of GDR memory in Germany, especially the opposition between a memory coming “from the top” (politicians) and a memory coming “from the bottom” (citizens). This opposition underlines the necessity for negotiations in order to operate a transition from an event-oriented memory of the GDR to a cultural one
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Samwanda, Biggie. "Postcolonial monuments and public sculpture in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006825.
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The study critically examines public art in postcolonial Zimbabwe‘s cities of Harare and Bulawayo. In a case by case approach, I analyse the National Heroes Acre and Old Bulawayo monuments, and three contemporary sculptures – Dominic Benhura‘s Leapfrog (1993) and Adam Madebe‘s Ploughman (1987) and Looking into the future (1985). I used a qualitative research methodology to collect and analyse data. My research design utilised in-depth interviews, observation, content and document analysis, and photography to gather nuanced data and these methods ensured that data collected is validated and/or triangulated. I argue that in Zimbabwe, monuments and public sculpture serve as the necessary interface of the visual, cultural and political discourse of a postcolonial nation that is constantly in transition and dialogue with the everyday realities of trying to understand and construct a national identity from a nest of sub-cultures. I further argue that monuments and public sculpture in Zimbabwe abound with political imperatives given that, as visual artefacts that interlace with ritual performance, they are conscious creations of society and are therefore constitutive of that society‘s heritage and social memory. Since independence in 1980, monuments and public sculpture have helped to open up discursive space and dialogue on national issues and myths. Such discursive spaces and dialogues, I also argue, have been particularly animated from the late 1990s to the present, a period in which the nation has engaged in self-introspection in the face of socio-political change and challenges in the continual process of imagining the Zimbabwean nation. Little research focusing on postcolonial public art in Zimbabwe has hitherto been undertaken. This study addresses gaps in this literature while also providing a spring board from which future studies may emerge.Microsoft� Word 2010
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Smith, Brian Andrew. "Nostalgia, memory and decline at the dawn of modern political thought." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436214574/viewonline.
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Barklis, Robin. "Together in Time: Historical Injustice, Collective Memory, and the Boundaries of Membership." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20453.
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How, if at all, should we remember the histories of injustice and atrocity that haunt most modern states? Since World War II, it has become commonplace to suggest that properly responding to injustices requires societies to remember them, and to remember the experiences of those they touched. But what specific value might memory in this sense constitute in or contribute to the lives and societies of those coping with troubled history?
This question raises two issues. The first is ontological: what does it mean to say that a society should remember in the first place? Is it to say that the individuals who make up society should each privately remember, or is to say that the society as a whole should somehow create or maintain a collective memory that is not reducible to the sum of individual cognitive processes? The second issue is normative: what exactly can memory so conceived do to ameliorate the undesirable legacies that historical injustices leaves on the world? How might remembering help us to move forward, or help us to lessen the pains we can’t leave behind?
This study takes on both of these issues. On the first, I suggest that when we speak of societies remembering, we’re speaking of irreducibly social processes, by which individual memories are translated into publicly available traces of the past, which can then inform recollection by others, perhaps at some distance from the original event. On the second, I suggest that this sort of remembering can be valuable in the wake of injustice as a way of combating the legacies of persistent harm and exclusion that sometimes follow victims long after an injustice is over, and challenge their abilities to stand, participate, and identify as full members of the political community. Memory in this sense is crucial for re-negotiating the boundaries of membership, and for rebuilding a more inclusive public world.
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Dinc, Pinar. "Collective memory and competition over identity in a conflict zone : the case of Dersim." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3459/.
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Nations are not becoming conflict-free zones as once envisioned. They remain zones of conflict and of competition. It has been argued that competition over the memory of foundational events or of national identity can strengthen national identities. In some cases, however, competition brings more competition, leading only to fragmentation. When such competition continues without producing a definite outcome, the question remains: why is there continuous competition? This thesis answers this question through a case study, that of Dersim in the Turkish Republic. Despite appearing from the outside to be a unified zone of insurgent conflict against the Turkish state, Dersim is, in fact, a contested ground and a zone of conflict where multiple insurgent movements struggle not only against the state but also against each other. Why is it that Dersim remains a conflict zone in which the number of conflicting groups simply increases? Why do we not see a victorious or dominant movement but, rather, continuous competition that does not strengthen the nation but engenders new, ‘sub-nation(alism)s’? This thesis does two things. Firstly, it explains why there is this incessant competition. Secondly, it maps out the arenas in which this competition takes place, tracing its origins further back than the 1990s. I argue that competition continues because nationalist movements impose concepts of ethnicity and nationalism on the region in order to homogenise what remains a heterogeneous community. The outcome of this competition may not be ‘nation-building’ nor ‘strong collective identity,’ but neither does Dersim totally fragment. On the one hand, Dersimlis have been torn apart particularly by ethno-linguistic definitions of their collective identity that are unsuitable for the type of community it is. On the other, such is the tradition of resistance to the central authority in Ankara, that Dersimlis exhibit the same degree of solidarity that one finds in more cohesive nationalist movements.
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Ottman, Esta T. "History’s Wound: Collective Trauma and the Israel/Palestine conflict." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17398.
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In considering the Israel-Palestine conflict, focus has remained on conventional major issues: borders, settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian refugee rights and water. Should there be one binational state, or two states for two peoples? Yet this is a conflict that is sustained by factors more profound than the dispute over limited resources or competing nationalisms. The parties’ narratives, continually rehearsed, speak of a cataclysmic event or chain of events, a collective trauma, which has created such deep suffering and disruption that the rehearsers remain ‘frozen’ amid the overarching context of political violence.
This study offers a critical analysis of the concept of collective trauma together with the role of commemorative practices, including core contemporary canonical days of memory, and asks to what extent they may hinder progress in the resolution of an intractable conflict, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict. Without addressing the powerful traumatic current that underpins a chronic conflict, no amount of top-down formal peace-making is likely to be sustainable.
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Chan, Shuen-yan, and 陳旋茵. "History and memory in Hou Hsiao-hsien's A City of Sadness and Tian Zhuangzhuang's The Blue Kite." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951843.
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Battiston, Simone, and SBattiston@groupwise swin edu au. "History and Collective Memory of the Italian Migrant Workers� Organisation FILEF in 1970s Melbourne." La Trobe University. School of European and Historical Studies, 2004. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20070823.143852.
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This doctoral dissertation seeks to investigate the reasons that lay behind the rise, success and
decline of the Italian-run migrant workers� organisation FILEF during the 1970s in
Melbourne by reviewing and discussing some significant historical events. It does so in light of the existing literature, archival data and a string of oral accounts gathered from former and current key FILEF members and collaborators. It is hereby offering a better understanding of an otherwise poorly researched area of the Italian-Australian left-wing grassroots organisations in post-war Australia. The thesis has been divided into two parts, including introduction and conclusion. Part One (Chapters 1-5) reviews the historical and political background (in both Italy and Australia) that favoured the establishment of FILEF in Australia, including Melbourne, in the early 1970s; Part Two (Chapters 6-9) presents an
analysis of the historical development and socio-political role of FILEF Melbourne between 1972 and 1980.
Chapter One reviews the theoretical context, the representation of the history of FILEF in
previous publications, primary and secondary sources, the research strategy and methodology. Chapters Two and Three anchor the history of FILEF Melbourne to their respective background in Italy and Australia. That is, Chapter Two examines the post-war Italian emigration and its politicising by the Italian Left; Chapter Three focuses on the postwar emigration of Italians to Australia and outlines a profile of the Italian-Australian community. Chapter Four maps the route of the Italian-Australian Left in the 1950s and 1960s, that is from Italia Libera to the Lega Italo-Australiana. Chapter Five reviews the circumstances that led the establishment of the PCI in Australia respectively.
Chapter Six examines the origins and grassroots activism of FILEF in Melbourne in the 1970s, especially by looking at three areas of activity: migrant press, migrant welfare and
migrant politics. Chapter Seven researches the vulnerability of FILEF to the pressures of
conservative quarters by recounting the �Italian communist move in� (1975) and the federal
funding cut (1976) episodes. Chapter Eight, thoroughly revisits the Salemi case (1977), while
Chapter Nine explores the effects of the case and Salemi�s deportation on FILEF towards the
end of the 1970s.
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Chan, Wai-ling Jenny, and 陳慧玲. "The labor politics of market socialism: a collective action in a global workplace in South China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37229631.
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Nicol, Tracy-Lee. "Aspects of memory in the sculptural work of Jane Alexander 1982-2009." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002213.
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Over three decades of research has shown that memories have significant effect on the behaviour, attitudes, beliefs, and identities of individuals and collectives, revealing also how experiences of trauma and acts of narrativisation have pertinence to the ways in which memories are stored and reconstructed. In this thesis a link is developed between memory, trauma, narrativisation processes and the interpretation of works by Jane Alexander, a contemporary artist whose work is informed by observations about South African life. Alexander’s sculptures are revealed to be not only important vessels of collective memories and experiences, but also evocations of individuals’ countermemories and traumas that remain unarticulated and invisible. Through an exploration of the workings of memory and its relation to her art, it is revealed how the past continues to exert its influence on many of South Africa’s present sociopolitical concerns and interpersonal dynamics. Indeed constantly changing memories have a significant effect on future generations’ perceptions of, and connectedness to, the past. While theories about memory have been deployed in Art History as well as the Humanities in general, Alexander’s work has not previously been considered in light of the influence of these ideas. This thesis thus contributes a new dimension to literature on the artist.
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Yuen, Wai Yee. "Strategic use of collective memory in advertising : the case of Cathay Pacific Airways' 60th anniversary ads." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1189.
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Oliveira, Antônio Leal de. "O direito à memória como um dos fundamentos da dignidade humana : memória política e a justiça para as vítimas do progresso." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100074/document.
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L'idée principale qui sous-tend cette thèse est que la façon dont un peuple construit, absorbe et travaille son mémoire, compris dans sa dimension socio-politique, est essentiel pour la caractérisation, la reconnaissance et la définition de l'espace de politique, sociale et, par conséquent, juridique. Chaque mémoire, chaque oubli, chaque histoire racontée en public par un peuple a le pouvoir d'influencer l'espace politique vécue par ces personnes et leurs promesses en fin de compte le lien pour l'avenir. Avant le scénario brésilien (nettement inégale, injuste, oppressive), cette thèse a été construit à partir d'une réflexion basée sur les questions suivantes: les effets et les conséquences d'un travail de mémoire collective dans cette réalité politique et sa projection pour l'avenir; la reconnaissance du passé, afin de rétablir la justice sociale et la réhabilitation des victimes, en offrant une visibilité et un rôle social; le rôle du récit (en particulier du point de vue de la victime) dans leur dimension politique et éthique; la reconnaissance de la tradition qui a été reçu et le rejet dans l'avenirThe central idea underlying this thesis is that the way a people constructs, absorbs and works their memory, understood in its socio-political dimension, is fundamental for the characterization, recognition and definition of the space of political, social and Consequently, legal in this community. Every memory, every forgetfulness, every history narrated in public by a people has the power to condition the political space experienced by these people and ends up by linking their promises for the future. In view of the Brazilian scenario (markedly unequal, unjust, oppressive), the present thesis was constructed based on a reflection based on the following questions: the effects and consequences of collective memory work on the present political reality and its projection for the future; The recognition of the past, in order to restore the social rehabilitation and justice of the victims, allowing their visibility and social protagonism; The role of the narrative (especially from a perspective of the victim) in its political and ethical dimension; The recognition of the tradition that was received and the liberation for the future
A ideia central, que subjaz essa tese, é de que a forma como um povo constrói, absorve e trabalha sua memória, entendida em sua dimensão sócio-política, é fundamental para a caracterização, reconhecimento e definição do espaço das relações políticas, sociais e, consequentemente, jurídicas desta comunidade. Toda lembrança, todo esquecimento, toda história narrada em público por um povo tem o poder de condicionar o espaço político vivenciado por esse povo e acaba por vincular suas promessas para o futuro. Diante do cenário brasileiro (marcadamente desigual, injusto, opressor), a presente tese foi construída a partir de uma reflexão pautada nas seguintes questões: os efeitos e consequências de um trabalho de memória coletiva na realidade política presente e na sua projeção para o futuro; o reconhecimento do passado, de forma a restituir a reabilitação social e a justiça das vítimas, possibilitando sua visibilidade e protagonismo social; o papel da narrativa (especialmente desde um olhar da vítima) em sua dimensão política e ética; o reconhecimento da tradição que foi recebida e a libertação para o futuro
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Anagnostou, Panagiota. "Les représentations de la société grecque dans le rebetiko." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00881019.
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Cette recherche relève de la sociologie politique et aborde la musique, objet peu commun en politologie. Elleexamine le rebetiko, une musique populaire urbaine grecque, en postulant que l'analyse de musiques populairesoffre un accès privilégié aux représentations ambivalentes du pouvoir, à la participation au politique et à salégitimation. La construction d'un cadre théorique dynamique, capable de prendre en compte le changementincessant, tant musical que social, et de faire fusionner forme et contenu, approches extérieures et intérieures,conduit à adopter une méthode plurielle : historique, musicale et sociologique. La première partie propose derevisiter l'histoire du rebetiko, d'examiner ses conditions de production et sa réception pour la période quis'étend de la fin du XIXe à l'aube du XXIe siècle. A travers des articles de presse, je mets en évidence laconstruction et la fluidité de cette catégorie musicale, sa place dans l'ensemble plus large de la musiquepopulaire, ainsi que les processus de son authentification et traditionalisation. Un corpus de vingt-cinq chansons,encore populaires aujourd'hui, est ensuite analysé. Y sont décelés emprunts et appropriations, traces du passé,mais aussi potentiels oublis de réserve. Enfin, j'explore la réception actuelle du rebetiko et interprète différentsrécits tissés sur cette musique, recueillis grâce à la méthode des entretiens collectifs non-directifs enrichie parl'écoute d'extraits musicaux. Tout au long du parcours, des passerelles entre le musical et le social sont établies.Echafaudées à partir et dans le rebetiko, de multiples configurations identitaires et mémorielles dévoilentl'ambiguïté des divisions et des transformations de la société grecque.
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Karlsson, Larm Kristin. "Att skapa minne : En litteraturstudie om hur begreppet minne synliggörs i relation till arkiv som bestånd och institution." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-41556.
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This essay examines the concept of memory through a literature study of articles in three prominent archival journals. The aim of the study is to investigate if, and in that case how, the concept of memory is made visible in relation to archives as an institution and collection in three archival journals. The three archival journals that are under examination are Archival Science, American Archivist and Archivaria, with articles published between the years of 2013 to 2020. My study follows the previous research of Trond Jacobsen, Ricardo L. Punzalan and Margaret L. Hedstrom in the 2013 article Invoking ‘‘collective memory’’: mapping the emergence of a concept in archival science. My essay examines the seven following years; 2013-2020. This essay aims to provide a broader view of memory in archival science as it focuses on the concept of memory instead of “collective memory”. Three themes are found and examined; memory and identity, remembering and forgetting, and the archivist’s role in the establishment of memory. Assmann (2006; 2011) uses four different memory formations to illustrate the complexity of the concept. Jimerson (2009) also gives the study a theoretical framework by explaining the power structure and the relationship between the archivist and the concept of memory. The results show that the concept of memory is complex and that there are multiple definitions and understandings of memory. To use a universal definition of the concept of memory is problematic because of it’s multiple understandings. This thesis agrees with the articles examined in that we need interdisciplinary views on how the concept of memory is made visible in relation to archives as an institution and collection, and that archivists need broader tools of how to understand and problematize the concept of memory.
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Cleland, Cassidy Meredith. "Raising Expectations and Failing to Deliver:The Effects of Collective Disappointment and Distrust within the African American Community." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524502315783214.
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Boon, Kia Meng. "“No Time to Disperse...”: State Violence, Collective Memory and Political Subjects in the Time of Malaysia’s Bersih Protests (2011-12)." Kyoto University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/232399.
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Sommer, Bettina. "Holocaust-Erinnerung und arabisch-israelischer Konflikt : Wechselwirkungen in der israelischen Öffentlichkeit 2000 – 2006." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1863/.
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In der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit wird untersucht, welchen Einfluss kollektive Erinnerung und offizielle Geschichtsschreibung auf die Bildung kollektiver Identitäten haben und speziell auf Israel bezogen, wie und ob aus der Erinnerungskultur an die Shoah Handlungsmotivationen im gegenwärtigen Konflikt abgeleitet und diese mit Bezug auf die Shoah legitimiert werden. Der Focus im theoretischen Bereich der Arbeit liegt in erster Linie auf der Entstehung kultureller Gedächtnisse und kollektiver Identitäten speziell auf den Dynamiken, die sie in Großkollektiven wie Nationen entwickeln, in denen mehrere Erinnerungsdiskurse und Gruppenidentitäten der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Integration bedürfen. Des weiteren wird der Frage nachgegangen in welchem Verhältnis moderne Geschichtswissenschaft und kollektive Erinnerung zueinander stehen. Ist eine echte Trennung von Geschichtswissenschaft und kollektiver Erinnerung in der gelebten Realität einer Gruppe überhaupt möglich, vor allem, wenn ihr Gegenstand eine zentrale Rolle im kulturellen Gedächtnis des Kollektivs einnimmt und exponiert zur Identitätskonstruktion herangezogen wird, wie die Shoah in Israel? Hier schließt sich die Rezeption der Entwicklung der Shoah-Erinnerung in Israel von der Gründung des Staates bis heute an. Untersucht wird hier, welchen Stellenwert die Erinnerung an die Shoah zu den verschiedenen Zeiten im Selbstbild der jüdischen Israelis einnahm und warum sie immer wieder Eingang in tagespolitische Diskurse und Entscheidungen fand. Kommt es in Zeiten der äußeren Bedrohung durch Selbstmordanschläge oder andere außen- und innenpolitischen Unsicherheitssituationen zu einer verstärkten Projektion der Shoah-Erinnerung auf die Gegenwart? Dieser Frage wird im dritten Teil der Arbeit an Hand einer Zeitungsanalyse nachgegangen.This diploma thesis analyses the impact of the collective remembrance and the official historiography on the collective memory. The specific question concerning Israel is asking if the actions in the ongoing conflict are derived and motivated from the cultural remembrance of the Shoah and how are these actions legitimized in reference to the Shoah. The theoretical focus of this paper lies in the genesis of the cultural commemorations and collective identities, specifically on the dynamics that have developed in large groups such as in nations, where different discourses of remembrance and group-identities require integration to society as a whole. Furthermore the question how historical science and collective memory relate to one another is pursued. Is it possible that there is a definite distinction between the historiography and the collective memory of the living group’s reality, particularly when the subject plays a major roll in the cultural recommendation of the collective society, such as the Shoah in modern Israel? This is followed by an analysis of how the remembrance of the Shoah has developed in Israel from its foundation as a state to modern times. The specific subject of interest here is the relative importance of how the remembrance of the Shoah has affected the self-perception of Jewish Israelis and why it consistently penetrates current political affairs and their decisions. Can there be found an increased projection of the Shoah remembrance in the present in situations of inner- and outer political interference, for example by suicide-bombings or in times of external and internal uncertainty? This question is pursued in the last part of this paper through newspaper analysis.
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Collins, Hannah Elisabeth. "An Unrelenting Past: Historical Memory in Japan and South Korea." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1472296289.
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Mercy, Aurelie. "La moralité des autres: déterminants symboliques et matériels du jugement moral et des attitudes dans le conflit intergroupe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209772.
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Déterminants symboliques et matériels du jugement moral dans le conflit intergroupeLes causes du conflit intergroupe sont habituellement envisagées selon deux axes. Selon le premier axe, matériel, le conflit serait causé par une incompatibilité entre les groupes dans leur poursuite d’intérêts liés à des ressources (Sherif & Sherif, 1969 ;Bobo, 1988). Selon une seconde approche, symbolique, le conflit naîtrait de préoccupations identitaires (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Cette dissertation évalue l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces deux axes sont tous deux sous-tendus par une dimension morale. En effet, les préoccupations matérielles et identitaires influenceraient le jugement moral des membres de l’exogroupe et des membres de l’endogroupe. Ce jugement, à son tour, déterminerait les attitudes intergroupes (Leach, Ellemers, & Barreto, 2007 ;Ginger-Sorolla, 2012).
Nous mettons cette hypothèse générale à l’épreuve à travers six études. Les deux premières études investiguent l’influence des principes moraux et des émotions morales sur les attitudes intergroupes dans le cadre du conflit linguistique belge. Ce conflit actuel, opposant Flamands et Francophones, comprend des composantes tant matérielles que symboliques. Ensuite, nous proposons une analyse spécifique des jugements moraux intervenant dans le cadre de conflits essentiellement symboliques. À travers deux études, nous étudions le lien entre identité sociale et jugement moral. La première identifie les déterminants des prises de positions, par des personnes non impliquées dans le conflit israélo-palestinien, en faveur de l’une ou l’autre des deux parties. La seconde étudie la dimension morale des représentations, émotions et attitudes concernant la collaboration en Belgique durant la seconde guerre mondiale. Enfin, les deux dernières études investiguent les jugements moraux intergroupes liés à la dimension matérielle du conflit. À travers deux études expérimentales, l’une en situation réelle, l’autre basée sur des scénarios fictifs, nous étudions dans quelle mesure une répartition (égale ou inégale) de ressources peut influencer les jugements moraux, et déterminer, à travers ceux-ci, les attitudes envers les groupes concernés.
Pour conclure, nous discutons de la notion même de jugement moral appliquée aux relations intergroupes, en proposant une modélisation hiérarchisée des notions morales le sous-tendant.
Doctorat en Sciences Psychologiques et de l'éducation
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Higham, Jon. "The politics of memory in the Austrian province of Carinthia how distinctive are the collective memories of the three main political parties of Carinthia? /." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=26086.
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Ng, Kuok Man. "The collective memories of Macau : from transportation and construction stamps (1949-1999)." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2585604.
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Santos, Phillip. "A political discourse analysis of social memory, collective identity and nation-building in the Sunday Mail and the Standard of Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/41753.
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Although much effort has been expended on studying many sites of social memory, little attention has been directed at the media’s work of memory, especially in post-colonial Africa. The media’s work of memory is important because of its social standing as a communicative and cultural institution, and because social memory is imbricated in processes of both collective identity formation and nation-building which partly shape patterns of economic distribution, recognition, and representation in society. It is in this context that this study shows how Zimbabwe’s The Sunday Mail and The Standard newspapers used social memory to construct the country’s national identity between 1999 and 2013 in the context of a socio-economic and political crisis for the country’s poly-racial, and poly-ethno-linguistic communities. The study also explores how these newspapers worked as memory sites through their construction of Zimbabwe’s national identity during the period under study. It achieves these tasks by analysing how these newspapers reported on such issues as Zimbabwe’s colonial history, the country’s narrative of decolonisation, the Gukurahundi narrative, the land reform process, elections and independence celebrations. The study takes a critical realist approach to qualitative research, and uses Fairclough and Fairclough’s (2012) method of political discourse analysis as well as Aristotle’s approach to rhetoric for a close reading of the sampled newspaper articles. It is informed by Nancy Fraser’s Theory of Justice, Chantal Mouffe’s Model of Agonistic Pluralism, and Jurgen Habermas’s Discourse Ethics Theory. The study concludes that these two newspapers actively use social memory to construct versions of national identity for specific socio-political and economic ends. Editorials and opinions from The Sunday Mail, which construct Zimbabwean-ness in nativist terms represent the hegemonic appropriation of social memory to construct a sense of Zimbabwean nationhood. In contrast, The Standard uses social memory to construct Zimbabwean-ness in modernist terms with citizenship as the core organising principle of belonging. The political discourse analysis of The Sunday Mail’s and The Standard’s evocation of social memory shows that the two newspapers reflect the tension between indigenist and universalist imaginaries of belonging in Zimbabwe. But the newspapers’ construction of belonging in Zimbabwe is informed by justice claims as seen from each of their political standpoints. As such, their respective definitions of Zimbabweans’ justice claims in terms of their political standpoints, also propose how those justice claims should be addressed and who stands to benefit from them.
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Mattiasson, Nazar Alexander. "Place, youth and memory as resistance : An ethnographic case study of discussions about impunity at Londres 38,espacio de memorias." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-171553.
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” You don’t talk about politics or football around the dining table” is a Chilean expression that well describes how the dictatorship (1973–1990) is attached to the societal soul, with people’s diversifiedrelationships to its legacy. For the outside world, Chile is a thriving democracy that got out of Pinochet’s iron grip, but for many Chileans, the transition to democracy has excluded demands for justice and a real influence. How is it to be born into democracy and grow up in a society where the struggle for memory is a struggle for the future? Where you did not live the terrible years but live with its consequences? This study is interested in how the younger generation breaks a generational silence and actively participates in politicizing memory. With a political-ethnographic approach and a customized discourse analytical tool, these processes are captured through an extensive case study of the memory site Londres 38, espacio de memorias. In conversations about impunity with the memory site’s young representatives and the school and university class’s diversified reflections on the subject during participating visits, present research shows how the place becomes a democratic deliberative platform, in contrast to prevailing power relations, giving voice and perspective to a new generation.
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Oliveira, Ramon Luiz Zago de. "Imagens do êxodo: sentidos políticos de Jeca." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-15012015-090832/.
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O texto é a dissertação de mestrado de Ramon Zago sobre os sentidos políticos do personagem Jeca Tatu, na obra que leva o mesmo nome, protagonizada por Amácio Mazzaropi (1960). Os sentidos políticos do Jeca foram interpretados e analisados segundo a constituição da consciência política e da memória coletiva pertinente ao personagem e sua trajetória política na obra de referência. O Jeca assume sentidos relevantes para a formação da identidade nacional, pensada a partir das referencias paulistas do caipira, de modo a ancorar suas características nos estereótipos caricaturais impressos desde sua criação, por Monteiro Lobato. O sujeito político formatado pelo cineasta está imerso nos mecanismos de operação política do coronelismo, incorpora em seu comportamento e estruturas de comando político coronelista, evidencia os estereótipos e estranhamentos entre universos urbano e rural. Ao ritualizar o comportamento caipira em suas caricaturas, o cineasta evidencia os conflitos de gênero e de classes. Apesar de retratar as problemáticas, não assume postura contrária a ordem vigente, o que possibilita apropriações diversas dos sentidos políticos. A ascensão sociopolítica de Jeca é correlata ao desejo proletário das metrópoles brasileiras, de tornar-se parte da classe dominante, sem mudar a condição de seus pares, tão pouco, as estruturas de poder. O ornitorrinco que funde os setores arcaicos da política com setores modernos da economia, em uma conjuntura institucional instável e de exceções. Onde as regras do jogo são ditadas pelo peso do legado coronelista.The text is the master\'s thesis Ramon Zago about the political meaning of the character Jeca Tatu, the work that bears the same name, starring Amácio Mazzaropi (1960). The political meaning of Jeca were interpreted and analyzed according to the constitution of the political awareness and the relevant collective memory to the character and his political career in the reference work. The Jeca assumes relevant way for the formation of national identity, thought from the São Paulo references the rustic, to anchor its features cartoonish stereotypes in print since its creation, by Monteiro Lobato. The political subject formatted by filmmaker is immersed in the political operation of coronelismo mechanisms, incorporated in their behavior and landowner political command structures, shows the stereotypes and estrangement between urban and rural worlds. To ritualize the rustic behavior in their caricatures, filmmaker highlights the conflicts of gender and class. Although portray the problem, assumes position contrary to established order, which enables various appropriations of political senses. The socio-political rise of Jeca correlates with proletarian desire of Brazilian cities, to become part of the ruling class, without changing the condition of their peers, so little power structures. The platypus that fuses the archaic sectors of the political with modern sectors of the economy, an unstable institutional environment and exceptions. Where the rules are dictated by the weight of coronelista legacy.
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Capelli, C. "Memoria comunista e memoria del comunismo in Italia dopo il 1989. Il caso dei militanti bolognesi." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/155483.
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The main issue addressed by this research is the relationship between collective memory, identity and political culture. In particular, it focuses on the importance of the activity of interpretation and reconstruction of the past which is constitutive of processes of social and political change where specific collective actors are involved. The research is based on a case study: the theoretical issues are discussed through the empirical investigation of the memory of the historical and cultural experience of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as it is kept by those who remained party members until the moment of its transformation, between 1989 and 1991, into a new political actor, identified by a new symbol and a new name. A group of 40 former militants were selected and interviewed in the city of Bologna, capital of one of the Italian regions – Emilia Romagna – whose history has always been closely tied to the history of the PCI. The analysis of the militants’ memories will thus tell us something about the transformation of what is still remembered as the most important left-wing subculture of western Europe.
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Reis, Bruno Miguel Carriço dos. "De la dictadura a la democracia: recuerdos y olvidos de la transición política española - medios de comunicación y reconstrucción de la(s) memoria(s) colectiva(s) en España." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2978.
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During the last years, collective memory has become a relevant issue in the Spanish media and politics. In particular, because of the law 52/2007 being approved in the Congress that recognizes and extends rights as well as establishes measures in favor of the victims of persecutions and violence during the civil war and dictatorship. We began this research in 2003, before that decisive moment, studying the preponderance of memories of the dictatorship and democratic transition on the political and social consciousness of Spanish citizens. Especially, we focused the attention on the role of media in the meaning reconstruction process of the past within the public sphere. This study is divided in six chapters identifying the dynamics of media construction of the collective memory(ies) in Spain. The first three chapters describe the theoretical framework, whereas the following two chapters focus on the methodological explanation and empirical analysis of the study cases. The final chapter gathers the conclusions of this thesis. The first chapter presents the theoretical bases of the collective memory, reconstructed by a certain group or community. At the same time, it sets out and discusses the main concepts, describing the state of the art and covering the main problems from different theoretical approaches. The second chapter discusses how the paradigm of modernity, within the society of information, set out new challenges to understand our past and history. In other words, we studied how new technologies created new sociabilities and an increasing fragmentation of the social industry, becoming privileged spaces of socialization and symbolic/identity meaning of the past. On the other hand, in the third chapter we noticed an increasing proliferation of collective memories within a meaning of conflictive past, seen from the canonical perspective of history. Moreover, we reflected on how critical historiography recognizes this new reality and proposes a change of paradigm, gathering all that valuable testimonial information. Beyond the mere facts, what is important here are the testimonies created by those facts. In the same way, we explained how the representation of the past created by the media, as information or fiction, constructs a representation of reality that we define as media memory. In the fourth chapter we analyzed how the media construction of history promote the public debate, creating media memories negotiated by the audience. We constructed the methodological bases in order to understand how Spanish society perceives the representations of the past about the dictatorship/transition. We choose the television series Cuéntame cómo pasó because of its popular representation of the late Franco regime and democratic transition. The series analyzed in this research was used as stimulating for 32 natural discussion groups, already socially constructed and representing a certain collective memory. These groups were the result of an initiative of the Political Communication students in the Rey Juan Carlos University (URJC). On one hand, the inclusion of the discussion groups improved the empiric level of this research; on the other hand, it permitted to verify similarities in the debate and set out, through the Weberian ideal types, eight typologies of collective memories in Spain, defined by the sociopolitical context, generation and level of politicization. In the fifth chapter we described, analyzed and interpreted nine natural discussion groups corresponding to the ideal typologies developed in this study. Thus, the debates of the groups are the result of their interpretation of the dictatorship/transition starting from the media stimulus. On the other hand, we used a comparative method connecting the different discourses in order to emphasize more precisely the differences and the similarities of the various collective memories and describe the distinctive characteristics of each one. These methodological approaches (description, analysis, interpretation and comparison) were useful to determine the most common characteristics of the Spanish collective memories, according to the ideal typology presented in the sixth chapter, as conclusions of this PhD dissertation
Nos últimos anos a memória coletiva converteu-se num tema de enorme relevância mediática e política em Espanha. Em particular pelo congresso de deputados ter aprovado a lei 52/2007, pela que se reconhecem, ampliam direitos e se estabelecem medidas a favor de quem padeceu perseguição o violência durante a Guerra Civil ou a ditadura . O presente estudo antecipou-se a este momento importante, já que desde o ano de 2003 indagamos sobre a preponderância das memórias, da ditadura e a transição, na consciência política e social da cidadania espanhola, com especial atenção ao papel que joga a mídia na reconstrução e no significado do passado na esfera publica. Estruturamos o nosso trabalho em seis capítulos centrados em identificar os mecanismos que constroem mediaticamente às memórias(s) coletivas(s) em Espanha. Os três primeiros capítulos expõem o marco teórico e os dois seguintes centram-se na explicação metodológica e na analise empírica do nosso caso de estudo. O ultimo recolhe as conclusões desta tese. O primeiro capitulo apresenta as bases teóricas para o tema da memória coletiva, ou seja, como se constroem as lembranças de um grupo o comunidade determinada. Descrevemos e detalhamos os principais conceitos, a par que elaboramos um amplio estado da questão que abarca as temáticas mais relevantes abordadas desde distintos prismas teóricos. Num segundo capitulo discutimos como o paradigma da modernidade, desde a Sociedade da informação , propôs novos desafios para entender o passado e a historia. Estudamos a forma em que o atual cenário mediático produz novas sociabilidades e uma crescente fragmentação do tecido social, constituindo-se como espaço privilegiado de socialização e de significação simbólico / identitaria do passado. Por outro lado, no capitulo três damos eco de uma crescente proliferação das memórias coletivas significadas de soslaio desde a visão canônica da disciplina histórica. Refletimos sobre como a historiografia critica reconhece esta nova realidade e propõe uma mudança de paradigma, que permita recolher toda a valiosa informação da era do testemunho como fonte para construir o relato histórico. Expomos por sua vez como a representação do passado elaborado desde a mídia, com uma intenção informativa ou de ficção, nutre os públicos de uma memória mediática. No capitulo quarto realizamos uma aproximação a forma pela que a historia mediática potencia o discurso publico sobre o passado, dando lugar as memórias midiatizadas, aquelas que os públicos podem negociar. Construímos as bases metodológicas para indagar como a sociedade espanhola assimila as representações do passado sobre a ditadura/transição. Tomamos como recurso a serie Cuéntame cómo pasó pela sua reconstrução social e política do franquismo e da transição. Esta serie foi utilizada como estimulo no trabalho desenvolvido com 32 grupos de discussão naturais, aqueles que já estão socialmente construídos e que expressam uma determinada memória coletiva. Um recordar juntos. Estes grupos foram auto-convocados por moderadores externos, os alunos de comunicação política da Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid. A inclusão de tantos grupos de discussão, neste trabalho não só o enriqueceu a nível empírico, como ainda permitiu verificar similitudes discursivas e construir através dos tipos ideais weberianos oito tipologias que corresponderam em igual numero as memórias coletivas em Espanha. Memórias estas que estavam marcadas pelo contexto geográfico, pela a geração e o grau de politização. No capitulo cinco descrevemos, analisamos e interpretamos nove grupos de discussão naturais. Que corresponderam às análises das tipologias ideais construídas neste estudo desde os 32 grupos naturais prévios. Assim os discursos produzidos nos grupos são o resultado da sua interpretação da ditadura/transição a partir do estímulo mediático. Por outro lado, para sustentar sobre uma base mais solida, tanto as diferenças como as similitudes entre as distintas memórias coletivas, traçamos os rasgos de cada uma e por via de um método comparativo relacionamos uns discursos com outros. Estes recursos metodológicos (descrição, análises, interpretação e comparação) serviram para determinar os rasgos mais comuns das memórias coletivas espanholas segundo a tipologia ideal que apresentamos no capítulo seis, como conclusão desta tese de doutoramento
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Ghilani, Djouaria. "The Coming Past: A social psychological approach of the uses of historical analogies and their effects in political contexts." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/284096.
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Cette thèse a pour but d’examiner comment les individus utilisent des comparaisons entre des situations actuelles et des situations passées dans des contextes politiques. L’utilisation de telles analogies historiques a longtemps été documentée, en particulier au sein des sciences politiques, en histoire et dans les champs concernés par l’argumentation. Ces littératures ont mis en évidence la fréquence avec laquelle les responsables politiques et autres personnages publics utilisent les analogies dans des buts de délibération et de persuasion. Malgré leur omniprésence supposée, peu d’études en psychologie sociale se sont penchées sur ce processus. Les trois volets de cette thèse ont tenté de combler cette lacune en recourant à diverses méthodologies. Plusieurs études expérimentales nous ont d’abord permis d’investiguer si l’exposition à des analogies historiques influence les prédictions que posent les participants concernant des situations réelles incertaines. Les résultats montrent que l’effet, bien que de faible taille, tend à devenir plus fort à mesure que diminuent les connaissances actuelles des individus. Dans un second volet, au lieu de sélectionner a priori les analogies historiques, nous avons donné la possibilité aux répondant.e.s de générer leurs propres analogies et d’expliquer leurs choix dans des questionnaires récoltés en France, en Belgique et en Allemagne à la suite des deux attaques de 2015 en France. L’analyse des réponses ouvertes montre non seulement une grande diversité dans les manières de mettre en correspondance le présent et le passé – même lorsqu’il s’agit d’analogies avec le « même » événement (e.g. l’attaque du 11 septembre 2001) ;mais les participant.e.s utilisent de plus ces analogies pour formuler des arguments, plus ou moins implicites, par rapport à des débats actuels. Cette dimension argumentative dans l’usage des analogies historiques a été explorée plus avant dans un 3e volet. En analysant les articles du mois de mars 2014 relatifs à la crise de Crimée au sein de quatre journaux belges, nous avons relevé comment les individus s’y prennent pour établir des liens entre le passé et le présent, et comment ils procèdent pour les contester. Ensemble, les trois volets de cette thèse suggèrent que les personnes ordinaires, tout comme leurs homologues plus « experts », ne sont pas passives en utilisant les analogies historiques, mais participent activement, par leur biais, au processus éminemment politique de construction et de contestation des passé(s), présent(s) et futur(s).Doctorat en Sciences psychologiques et de l'éducation
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Costelian, Mihaela Irène. "Mythes et images du leader postcommuniste – Le cas roumain." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40003.
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L’avènement de la démocratie de type libérale a entraîné un reconditionnement des mythes et images du leader politique, en Roumanie. Les événements de 1989 ont entraîné un besoin endémique de créer une nouvelle scène et un véritable imagier des figures politiques roumaines. Cependant, la communication des leaders politiques postcommunistes est soumise à l’héritage de leur passé communiste et des traces laissée par Nicolae Ceausescu dans l’imaginaire collectif. Tributaire de ce lourd héritage, les leaders politiques roumains répondent à un mécanisme qui semble contradictoire au premier abord : ces leaders construisent le terrain politique de la Roumanie contemporaine en même temps qu’ils se construisent eux-mêmes. En cela, ils sont le produit d’une société dont ils semblent être, eux-mêmes, les architectes. Cette double participation à la vie du pays rend donc le cas des leaders politiques roumain très particulier. Toutefois, l’instrumentalisation des mythes et des images permet aux représentants politiques de forger l’archétype du leader démocrate roumain et contribuent à la construction d’un espace politique stable en Europe Centrale et OrientaleIn Romania, the rise of democracy has contributed to modifying political leaders’ myths and images. The 1989 events have led to the vital necessity of creating both a new political landscape and a new set of images attached to political leaders. However, political communication has been influenced and shaped by the Communist past of the current political leaders as well as by the image of Nicolae Ceausescu in collective memory. At first sight, such a heavy legacy seems to have had a contradictory influence on political leaders who have been constructing themselves while building Romania’s contemporary political area. They are both the products and architects of Romanian society. This dual involvement in the country’s life has placed them in a very complex situation. However, the instrumentation of myths and images has given them the possibility not only of building the archetype of Romania’s democratic leaders but also of creating a steady political environment in Central and Oriental Europe
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Jančis, Mindaugas. "Černobylio kaip socialinės ir ekologinės katastrofos atgarsiai: grėsmės suvokimas XXI a." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110606_114046-92669.
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Šiame darbe siekiama kompleksiškai pažvelgti į Černobylio pasekmes, aktualias XXI amžiuje per socialinės atminties, diskursų, ekologinės sąmonės perspektyvą. Tokio pobūdžio darbų per pastaruosius penkerius metus Lietuvoje praktiškai nėra atlikta.
Darbo problema – kokį, kokio dydžio poveikį ir kokioms grupėms padarė Černobylio katastrofa, kurios padariniai jaučiami iki šiol. Tas iki galo nėra nustatyta, nes koncentruojamasi į politinius (energetinio saugumo, grėsmių), sveikatos tyrimus, kompleksiškai nenagrinėjama kaip Černobylis paveikė ekologinę sąmonę, sociopolitinius diskursus, socialinę atmintį ir grėsmės suvokimą.
Objektas: aktualus Černobylio ekologinis, politinis ir socialinis poveikis grėsmės suvokimo kontekste.
Tikslas: Ištirti aktualų Černobylio ekologinį, politinį ir socialinį poveikį grėsmės suvokimo kontekste.
Darbo aktualumas garantuoja 2011 m. kovo 11 d. įvykiai Fukušimoje, paskatinę iš naujo įvertinti atominės energetikos grėsmes ir Černobylio palikimą. Lietuvai uždarius IAE, svarstant dėl VAE, Baltarusijai ir Rusijai planuojant statyti savo jėgaines kyla ne tik energetinio saugumo, bet ir grėsmės suvokimo klausimas. Ar mes gyvename rizikos, ar dvigubos rizikos visuomenėje?
Darbas suskirstytas į tris dėstymo dalis. Pirmoji skirta socialinei atminčiai ir diskursų analizei, antroji – ekologinės sąmonės tyrimams ir trečioji – Černobylio ir Fukušimos avarijų atgarsiai užsienio ir Lietuvos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje.
Darbe taikytas analitinis, kritinis... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The theme of this study is the impact of the Chernobyl atomic power plant disaster (seen as a deterrent and a threat at the same time), on the socio-political discourse, collective memory and ecological consciousness. The problem raised in this study is deals with the ways to describe how and what kind of impact did Chernobyl have and who has felt it the most. The problem is still a topical issue considering the fact that most of the studies made by the Lithuanian scholars are concerned with one exact aspect of this complex theme. Thus the object of this study is the social, political and ecological impact seen in the light of the menace perception. The object implies the aim of this study – to seek out the ways this three-folded impact reveals itself. This study has a great significance because of the late events in Japan which lead many to the rethinking of nuclear policy, especially after the protests had erupted. As in Lithuania, the situation has not changed much as no new social movements started and people remain quite indifferent to the broader consequences of the energetic problems Lithuania now faces. The methods used in this study are the following: analytical, critical, comparative and descriptive while giving a strong emphasis on a theoretical basis needed for a successful understanding of such complex theme. The conclusions of this study would be that the Fukushima accident helped to rethink nuclear policy in many countries and ensure the goal of... [to full text]
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Anderson, Heath M. "Architect of the New South: The Life and Legacy of William Mahone." VCU Scholars Compass, 2019. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5887.
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In Virginia following the Civil War, white and black people formed complex and shifting alliances based on their own self-interests that cut across the lines of established political parties. In this turbulent atmosphere, William Mahone forged a new biracial political coalition called the Readjuster Party in order to transform Virginia’s economy so that it would be competitive in the years to come. Chapter One argues that Mahone’s experience as a soldier and railroad man gave him the political clout needed to enter politics and an industrial vision for Virginia’s future that was markedly different from many of his contemporaries. Chapter Two argues that William Mahone’s leadership of the Readjuster Party, and its advocacy of universal male suffrage and economic reform, created a new political center in Virginia and demonstrates that the actions of both white and black people cannot be viewed as a monolith in the postwar era. Chapter Three demonstrates how William Mahone’s political career was excluded from white Virginians’ narrative of Reconstruction following his death because it provided a historical example of African American suffrage and an attempt to establish fair elections that clashed with Virginia’s established white supremacist social order.
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Sippel, Elizabeth. "The role of memory, museums and memorials in reconciling the past : the Apartheid Museum and Red Location Museum as case studies." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005773.
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When South Africa became a democracy, many of its cultural institutions were tainted by the stigma of having been tools for the production and propagation of apartheid ideology. This thesis examines two key facets of post-apartheid museums and memorials. Firstly, how they have repositioned themselves as institutions of cultural and social standing. Secondly, their role as tools of nation building, social change, and creators of national collective memory within the new democratic South Africa. Through an analysis of cultural memory theory pertaining to museology, this study elaborates on the methods employed by museums to incorporate memory into their narratives and in turn, transfer collective memory to their viewers. This thesis provides a comparative study of the architectural, memorial and museological strategies of two post-apartheid museums; the Red Location Museum and the Apartbeid Museum. It examines the contributions of both museums to the introduction of new museological strategies for the successful creation and transmission of South African collective memory. Through this analysis, both the invaluable contributions and the drawbacks of post-apartheid museums as tools for the promotion of new democratic ideologies and philosophies are considered. This thesis does not resolve the arguments and questions which have surfaced regarding cultural institutions as tools for the promotion of reconciliation and the construction of national collective memory within South Africa. As the current climate of memorialisation is one of change and paradox, it is presently impossible to fully quantify post-apartheid museums' roles within South Africa's move toward reconciliation and social change. However, the examination of both the Red Location Museum and the Apartheid Museum reveals the extraordinary change that South African cultural institutions have undergone in addition to their potential to become institutions which facilitate active reconciliation as well as social and cultural growth.
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Andrade, Valdália Alves de. "Capuchinhos lombardos no Maranhão: suas práticas comunicativas na Cidade de Imperatriz (1922-1979)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20139.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This research looks for identify communicative practices of Lombard Capuchins friars from Imperatriz during prelacial time (1922 – 1979). Enhancing prelacies are specific territories administrated by a bishop, reaching different municipals still inaccessible to bishopric. With this temporal cut, we intend to understand how Italian missionaries articulate their communication in a way to spread Roman Catholicism in a city that the past is constantly investigated by researchers as a hostile location, placed on Maranhense southwest. This work adhere to systematized sources in documents and illustrated periodicals produced by the Order and obtained on the archives of Museu da Igreja do Carmo, in São Luís, capital of the state. Another methodological communicational support is oral sources that, narrating experiences related to the past of Imperatriz brings the dimensions of capuchins‟ traces on the city. The theoretical perspective establishes a dialogue between Jerusa Pires Ferreira and Paul Zumthor, putting together the theme memory on the communicational axis. At this same line, we extend the approach in a dialogue between Gourevitch and Halbwachs. On the side of these reflections, appears the archive as a collection of signs that preserves the past, by the conception of Fausto Colombo. Authors like João Fagundes Hauck, José Oscar Beozzo and Riolando Azzi are references to understand the history of Catholic Church in Brazil. The research remarks channels used by Capuchins for the pontifical clamors would be assimilated by the community studied here promoted intense movements made by the catholic institution in Imperatriz, reinforced, mainly, on sacraments practices on a panorama of doctrinaire reaffirmation created by Trento‟s Council. On the end, the research overarches the wish of renovation defined by Vatican‟s II Council that created historical conditions to implement a new way to pastoral acts on the Church of the city from experiences with the Communities Eclesia de Base
A pesquisa busca identificar as práticas comunicativas dos frades capuchinhos lombardos na cidade de Imperatriz durante o período prelazial (1922- 1979). Ressalta-se que as prelazias são territórios específicos administrados por um bispo, alcançando diversos municípios ainda inacessíveis às dioceses. Com este recorte temporal, pretende-se compreender como os missionários italianos articulavam a comunicação de forma a difundir o catolicismo romano em uma cidade cujo passado é constantemente investigado pelos pesquisadores sob o ponto de vista de um lugar inóspito, localizado no sudoeste maranhense. O trabalho adere a fontes sistematizadas em documentos e periódicos ilustrados produzidos pela Ordem e obtidos nos Arquivos do Museu da Igreja do Carmo na capital, São Luís. Outro suporte comunicacional metodológico são fontes orais que, ao narrarem experiências ligadas ao passado de Imperatriz, trazem à luz dimensões das marcas capuchinhas na cidade. A perspectiva teórica que fundamenta a pesquisa estabelece um diálogo entre Jerusa Pires Ferreira e Paul Zumthor, aproximando o tema memória do eixo da comunicação. Nesta mesma linha, expandimos a abordagem em diálogo com Gourevitch e Halbwachs. Ao lado destas reflexões, surge oarquivo como uma coleção de signos a preservar o passado, na concepção de FaustoColombo. Autores como João Fagundes Hauck, José Oscar Beozzo e Riolando Azzi são referenciais para compreender a história da Igreja Católica no Brasil. A pesquisa assinala que os canais utilizados pelos capuchinhos para que os brados pontifícios fossem assimilados na comunidade em estudo promoveram movimentos intensos da instituição católica em Imperatriz, reforçados, principalmente, na prática dos sacramentos dentro de um panorama de reafirmações doutrinárias elaboradas pelo Concílio de Trento. Ao final, a pesquisa perpassa os anseios de renovação, definidos pelo Concílio Vaticano II, que criou condições históricas para implementar um novo agir pastoral da Igreja no município, a partir da experiência com as Comunidades Eclesiais de Base
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Van, Zyl Stefan Daniel. "The diplomacy of multinational corporations (MNCs) : bargaining with developing states." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50137.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment investigates the bargaining relationship between multinational corporations (MNCs) and developing countries. The units of analysis of this study in Global Political Economy are MNCs (non-state actors) and nation-states. In the contemporary global production structure the 'balance of power' between MNCs and developing countries has shifted in favour of MNCs. Descriptive secondary sources were used to illustrate the MNC-State bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the contemporary global economy nation-states only rarely still compete for territory, but rather for wealth-creating activities to be located within their borders. Important changes in the global production structure have resulted in the increased mobility and economic power of MNCs. These developments have affected the strategic relationship between MNCs and nation-states and the former have used their advantage to gain preferential treatment in the bargaining process. The nation-states are also competing amongst themselves for the investment and technology and knowledge transfers from these firms. Privatisation programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa have substantially increased MNC participation on the continent, which has been historically marginalised from global foreign direct investment receipts. Research has shown that MNC participation in infrastructure service provision is more efficient than government ownership. However, this does not constitute a loss of sovereignty, but rather emphasises the changing role of nation-states as facilitators of global market relations. On examination, the distinct bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation clearly illustrates the dependence of Sub-Saharan African countries on technologically advanced MNCs. Thus, the 'balance of power' has shifted more to MNCs in the global political economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingswerkstuk ondersoek die bedingingsverhouding tussen multinasionale korporasies (MNKs) en ontwikkelende lande. Die ondersoekeenhede in die studie van die Globale Politieke Ekonomie is MNKs (nie-staatrolspelers) en regeringstate. In die huidige globale produksiestruktuur het die mag tussen MNKs en ontwikkelende lande verander sodat die MNKs nou die magsoorwig het. Beskrywende sekondêre bronne is gebruik om die MNK-regeringstaat se bedingingsverhouding in telekommunikasie privatisering in Sub-Sahara Afrika te illustreer. In die teenswoordige globale ekonomie kompeteer regeringstate selde met mekaar om territoriale mag, maar oorwegend om welvaartskeppende bedrywe binne hul grense aan te moedig. Belangrike veranderings in die globale produksiestruktuur het MNKs se mobiliteit en ekonomiese mag verhoog. Hierdie ontwikkelinge het die strategiese verhouding tussen MNKs en regeringstate verander. MNKs gebruik hierdie invloed om voordeel te trek uit regeringstate wat kompeteer vir belegging en die tegnologie- en kennisoordrag van hierdie korporasies. Privatiseringsprogramme in Sub-Sahara Afrika het MNK-deelname op die kontinent verhoog, wat histories gemarginaliseer is van buitelandse direkte belegging. Navorsing dui daarop dat MNKs se deelname in infrastruktuurdienslewering meer doeltreffend is, as wanneer dit onder staatsbeheer is. Dit lei egter nie tot 'n verlies aan soeweriniteit nie, maar beklemtoon die regeringstaat se veranderde rol as fasiliteerder van globale markverhoudinge. Die ondersoek na die uitsonderlike bedingingsverhouding in die privatisering van telekommunikasie beklemtoon Sub-Sahara Afrika se afhanklikheid van tegnologies-ontwikkelde MNKs. Die magsbalans het gevolglik na die MNKs oorskuif in die globale politieke ekonomie.
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Kay, William. "Living stones : the practice of remembrance at Lincoln Cathedral, (1092-1235)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4463.
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This thesis analyses four different aspects of devotional life at one of England's largest and wealthiest medieval cathedrals between the years 1092 and 1235. Each of these is associated with the remembrance of the dead. It is an area of religious practice that was subject to momentous change over the course of the period. These changes would have a profound effect on the organization of Christian worship for centuries to come. The thesis assesses how contrasting approaches to the practice of remembrance were able to enhance and shape the composition of the church, and explores what they reveal about the distinctive fellowship of a secular cathedral.
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Rosa, Sandra. "Hacer memoria, hacer resistencia. : Un análisis de la representación de la memoria individual y colectiva en Amuleto (1999) de Roberto Bolaño." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-95565.
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En este trabajo vamos a analizar la representación de la memoria, individual y colectiva, en la novela Amuleto (1999) del novelista y poeta chileno Roberto Bolaño, con la finalidad de mostrar la importancia de la memoria para la construcción de la novela. La investigación está dividida principalmente en dos apartados: un análisis narratológico y un análisis sobre teorías de la memoria. En la primera parte del análisis se colocarán los diferentes actantes en un esquema actancial para evidenciar sus respectivas funciones e importancia dentro del texto. En la segunda parte se analizarán más en profundidad algunos apartados de la novela a partir del esquema actancial, con la ayuda principalmente, de las teorías e ideas sobre la memoria de Maurice Halbwachs, Paul Ricoeur y Márcio Seligmann-Silva. Hemos llegado a la conclusión de que Auxilio, la protagonista de la novela, construye, con la ayuda de su memoria individual, una representación histórica de México de los años sesenta y setenta. A partir de ello, la novela de Bolaño se presenta como una narración importante, puesto que está en contraste con otras versiones de un hito en la historia mexicana.In this paper we will analyse the representation of memory, individual and collective in the novel Amuleto (1999) by Chilean novelist and poet Roberto Bolaño, with the intention of showing the importance of memory for the construction of the novel. The investigation is primarily divided into two parts: a narratological analysis and an analysis of theories regarding memory. In the first part the different actants will be placed in an actancial model to evidence their function and importance in the text. In the second part we will do an in-depth analyses of some passages of the novel, according to the actancial model with the help of theories on memory presented by among others Maurice Halbwachs, Paul Ricoeur, Márcio Seligmann-Silva and Héctor Schmucler. We have come to the conclusion that Auxilio, the protagonist of the novel, constructs a representation of the history of Mexico in the sixties and the seventies. Accordingly, the novel by Bolaño is an important narration seeing that it represents a contrast to other versions of a milestone in Mexican history.
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Sanjurjo, Liliana Lopes 1981. "Sangue, identidade e verdade : memórias sobre o passado ditatorial na Argentina." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279974.
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Orientador: Bela Feldman BiancoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese trata do campo de ativismo político das organizações de direitos humanos argentinas integradas por familiares de desaparecidos da última ditadura militar (1976-1983). O objetivo é compreender os processos sociais que levam essas organizações a assumirem o lugar de protagonistas na construção das memórias sobre o passado ditatorial, bem como analisar as disputas que envolvem a consolidação de uma memória pública sobre a ditadura nesse espaço nacional. Partindo de uma perspectiva histórica e processual da cultura, o intuito é analisar como os familiares de desaparecidos, ancorados nas relações de parentesco com as vítimas da repressão, atribuem sentido às suas próprias experiências e identidades, ao passo que encontram legitimidade social para suas demandas e ações políticas. Exploro assim como noções sobre política, parentesco, sangue, identidade e verdade atravessam os embates pelas memórias da ditadura na Argentina
Abstract: The thesis deals with the political activism of the Argentinean human rights organizations composed of the families of the disappeared people in the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). The goal is to understand the social processes that lead these organizations to play a major role in the construction of the memories concerning the dictatorial past, as well as analyzing the disputes over the definition of a public memory about the dictatorship in this national space. From a historical and procedural perspective of the culture, the intention is to analyze how the family members of the disappeared people, anchored in the kinship relations with the victims of the repression, give meaning to their own identities and experiences, whilst finding social legitimacy for their political actions and demands. Therefore, I explore how the notions concerning politics, kinship, blood, identity and truth integrate the disputes over the memories from the dictatorship in Argentina
Doutorado
Antropologia Social
Doutor em Antropologia Social
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Ingelbrecht, Suzanne. "Sorry : a play in two acts ; Shame and apology in the nation-state : reflections and remembrance ; We're ready (short story)." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2012. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/491.
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"Sorry" is a play in two acts, exploring how collective memory of the past, including traumatic memory of being taken from one's family, affects the present in complex and surprising ways. The Stolen Generations' episode of Australian history, when mixed heritage Aboriginal Australians were taken from their families as a result of governmental policy, casts its shadow over four generations of Almadi Paice Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage family members. Against a thematic backdrop of shame, apology and (hoped for) forgiveness, the 'living' family members struggle for empowerment and agency against the forces of government bureaucracy, the Law and their own emotional demons.
"Shame and Apology in the Nation-State: Reflections and Remembrance" is an exegesis which explores theoretical concepts related to collective memory, shame, performative apology and forgiveness, interlinked with Jan Patočka's notion of individual responsibility towards action. Using reciprocal interview material with a number of Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage participants, who have either had direct experience of being "stolen" or who are related to "stolen" family members, this exegesis explores alternative modes of remembering their past and present in creative art works. In addition, I theorise that in our contemporary "age of apology" political apology to particular wronged groups of national communities may be problematic not only for their ubiquity and their tendency to alibi but because they do not address other important issues such as reparation and guarantees against repetition; nor do they deny the sovereignty of the nation-state apparatus to ‘do’ apology in a manner and at a time of its own choosing. The exegesis explores the importance of national commemoration, such as ANZAC Day, in promoting national collective memory, and theorises that a collective annual commemoration on behalf of the nation’s "stolen" people would be a much more compelling reconciliatory act than a single apology by a particular prime minister. My short story, "We’re Ready", which immediately follows the exegesis is my creative attempt to demonstrate the towards action and towards national reconciliation gestured by annual commemorative performance.
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Yang, Jing. "Construction and representation of identities in football museums : a comparative study." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6275.
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This thesis aims at providing a cross-cultural study of how football museums represent and construct identities, both collective and personal. The research is based on a multi-sited ethnography at selected football museums in the UK, Germany, and China, employing participant observation, photographic recording and online research methods. This investigation sharpens an anthropological awareness of constructions of multiple layered identities by examining football museums' exhibiting practices and activity programmes, as well as their built environments and cultural settings. The research also offers a perspective on museum visitors, who consume football museums with diverse personal and collective identity claims. Looking into the largely under-explored terrain of football museums, this research joins continuing anthropological efforts to understand identity work while also exploring continuing tensions inherent in a marriage between museums and football. The thesis contributes to the research field of football/sports museums with an ethnographic emphasis and a cross-cultural range.
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Dedryvère, Laurent. "Culture politique du nationalisme allemand en Autriche. Les associations de défense nationale et leurs almanachs illustrés [1880 -1918 ]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030042.
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En analysant les almanachs illustrés et les autres publications associatives [1880-1918], on tente de cerner la culture politique propre au milieu national-allemand d'Autriche. On étudie tout d'abord les lieux de mémoire mis en avant par les intellectuels et les leaders nationalistes, tels qu'ils se manifestent dans la liturgie politique et dans les grandes narrations historiques. On s'emploie à montrer que suivant leur degré de radicalité, les militants ne leur donnent pas le même éclairage et n'établissent pas la même hiérarchie entre les référents historiques. On montre également que les activistes observent très attentivement les organisations rivales [tchèques, slovènes, italiennes] et s'approprient leurs lieux de mémoire, tout en leur donnant une interprétation radicalement di é- rente. On montre ensuite que les leaders associatifs cherchent à mettre le sentiment d'appartenance locale au service du sentiment national. Pour ce faire, la jeune discipline de la Volkskunde [ethnologie nationaliste] leur apparaît comme un instrument adéquat, parce qu'elle théorise l'insertion des individus dans des cercles concentriques [famille, lignée, communauté linguistique, etc.]. On s'intéresse donc aux collections des petits musées locaux créés par les antennes locales des associations, au catalogue de leurs bibliothèques, qui ont toujours pour mission de sensibiliser les visiteurs aux spécificités de leur environnement géographique immédiat, et de leur montrer que ce dernier s'insère harmonieusement dans la grande nation allemandeWorking from an analysis of illustrated almanacs and other publications by nationalist organizations established in Austria between 1880 and 1918, this study attempts to outline the political culture of the German-national milieu in Austria. It focuses first on the significant landmarks of historical memory which nationalist intellectuals and leaders called attention to and which were highlighted in the political commemorations and the grand historical narratives which they upheld. Our work shows that depending on their degree of radicalization, activists did not regard these landmarks in the same way, and they didn't establish the same hierarchy between them. It also reveals that activists observed rival [czech, solvene or italian] organizations very closely, and that they appropriated their signi cant "realms of memory", albeit with radically different interpretations. This study then attempts to explore how organization leaders sought to make the sentiment of local belonging serve the feeling of national belonging. With this aim in view, the new discipline known as Volkskunde [nationalist ethnology] was perceived as an adequate tool, because it provided a theoretical frame inserting individuals into a series of concentric circles [family, genealogical line, linguistic community, etc.]. This work looks at the collections of small local museums created by local branches of organizations, and at their library catalogues, whose mission was always to make visitors aware of the specificities of their immediate geographical surroundings and to show them how these surroundings were a part of the overall harmony of the great German nation
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Dirickson, Perry. "School Spirit or School Hate: The Confederate Battle Flag, Texas High Schools, and Memory, 1953-2002." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5467/.
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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.
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Fattūḥ, Sirīn. "La création à l'épreuve des guerres et de leurs effets : quelques aspects de l'art contemporain libanais." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010568.
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Cette thèse explore les conséquences des guerres libanaises de 1975-1989 et de l’amnistie (1991) sur la production artistique de deux générations d’artistes libanais. Durant les premières années de l’après-guerre, l’amnistie institutionnelle a imposé un silence tacite chez la population libanaise, ce que les artistes de la première génération, ceux qui étaient adolescents pendant les guerres, ont contourné en interrogeant leur passé proche (celui des guerres) ainsi que leur présent, à travers leurs œuvres. Ils ont sondé leur mémoire, celle de leur pays et de ses habitants afin de déjouer les vérités officielles du pouvoir étatique. La particularité de leurs œuvres réside dans leur approche critique où les deux régimes esthétiques, celui du réel et celui du fictif, avoisinent. La deuxième génération d’artistes, qui étaient enfants pendant les guerres et dont je fais partie, ont quant à eux suivi les pas de leurs aînés en abordant dans leurs œuvres les mêmes problématiques, afin de tenter d’élucider leur passé fragmentaire, mais également pour s’en affranchir. Les œuvres des artistes de la première et deuxième génération de l’après-guerre questionnent l’histoire du Liban à travers l’utilisation de la forme du témoignage, celle du documentaire, de la narration, mais également par la fiction ou par des documents d'archives inventées. L’approche des artistes consiste à semer le doute chez leurs spectateurs par les intrusions du réel dans le fictif ou celles du fictif dans le réelThis thesis explores the consequences of the 1975-1989 Lebanese wars and the 1991 amnesty on the artistic production of two generations of Lebanese artists. In the post-war early years, institutional amnesty imposed a tacit silence on the Lebanese population. Artists of the so-called first generation, those who were teenagers during the wars, bypassed this silence by questioning their recent past (the one of war) and their present through their art. They probed their memory, that of their country and its people, to foil official truths of state power. The peculiarity of their work is their critical approach where both the aesthetic regimes of the real and the fictitious are proximate. Meanwhile, the second generation of artists, those who were children during the wars, including myself, have followed the footsteps of their elders addressing the same issues, in an attempt to unravel their fragmentary past, but also in order to emancipate from it. The art of both the first and the second generation artists questions the Libanon’s history through different forms of testimony, namely the documentary, the narrative, but also fiction or by invented archival documents. In order to encourage their audience to grasp Lebanon’s incomplete history, these artists’ approaches consist to sow doubt among viewers by intrusions of reality into the fictional or fiction into the real
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Donot, Morgan. "La pratique discursive post-péroniste, au fondement d'une nouvelle identité partisane ou nationale. Les cas de Carlos Menem (1989-1995) et de Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030130.
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Le péronisme reste la première force politique de l’Argentine. Ce mouvement politique, qui se caractérise par l’absence d’une idéologie propre et une faible institutionnalisation, ne peut se comprendre, s’analyser qu’au regard des trajectoires des leaders qui l’ont incarné au cours du temps, chacun le transformant et le personnalisant de telle sorte que chaque courant qui a représenté le Parti justicialiste est aujourd’hui caractérisé par le nom de son leader du moment ; ainsi en est-il du péronisme, du ménémisme, du duhaldisme, du kirchnérisme et dorénavant du cristinisme. L’objectif de ce travail est de dresser un portrait des deux post-péronistes qui se sont succédé depuis la transition à la démocratie en 1983, à travers une comparaison de l’usage de la parole politique par ses principales figures représentatives que sont Carlos Menem (1989-1995) et Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). Les thématiques clés des discours de ces deux hommes politiques, ainsi que leurs formes spécifiques de mise en discours, doivent être étudiées conjointement, afin de pouvoir comprendre le processus de légitimation énonciative qui leur a permis de se positionner en tant que leader, dans une certaine conjoncture, de la scène politique argentine. Ainsi, l’objet de cette recherche correspond à une analyse des discours de Carlos Menem et de Néstor Kirchner en tant que discours antagonistes en lutte pour la définition d’un même objet, d’une même réalité : la nation argentine. Quelles sont les valeurs de l’argentinité que ces deux figures politiques ont cherché à incarner ? Quels sont les modèles et les projets de société qu’ils ont proposés et tenté de construire discursivement afin de consolider leur légitimité et de fonder une identité, proprement ménémiste ou kirchnériste ? Quelles sont les valeurs qu’ils ont prônées et qu’ils ont réussi à instituer comme garantes et représentatives d’un nouvel ordre politique ? En se basant sur des antagonismes fondateurs, ces deux présidents ont donné naissance à de nouveaux imaginaires qui sont aujourd’hui liés et investis du sens qui leur a été attribué lors de leur émergence dans l’espace discursif post-péroniste et dont les multiples significations ne peuvent être abordées en dehors d’une analyse approfondie de la parole politique de ces deux leaders. Le discours de Carlos Menem et le discours de Néstor Kirchner se présentent donc comme des espaces énonciatifs concurrents, en lutte pour le sens de la réalité et de l’histoire argentinesThe Peronism remains the first political force in Argentina. Characterised by a lack of a proper ideology and a weak institutionalisation, this political movement can only be understood and analysed in the light of the political trajectory of its leaders. Each of its leaders transformed and personalised it in such a way that each mainstream within the Justicialist Party is today characterised by the name of the then-leader: Peronism, Menemism, Duhaldism, Kirchnerisms and henceforth Cristinism. The goal of this work is to produce a clear picture of the two post-peronists, who succeeded since the democratic transition in 1983, by comparing the use of political speech of its main leading figures: Carlos Menem (1989-1995) and Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). The main themes as well as the specific structure of the speeches of both politicians need to be examined jointly in order to understand the enunciative legitimation process that allowed them to position themselves as leaders on the political scene in Argentina. Therefore, the objective of this research corresponds to a discourse analysis of the speeches of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner as antagonistic ones struggling for a definition of the same object, the same reality: the Argentinian nation. What were the values of the Argentinian nation those two politicians were seeking to incarnate? What are the models and projects of society they proposed and tried to construct through their speeches in order to consolidate their legitimacy and create a menemist or kirchnerist identity? What are the values they praised and they succeeded in establishing as pillars and representatives of a new political order? Starting from the founding antagonisms, those two presidents gave rise to new collective imaginations which are nowadays linked and filled with the sense they were given during their emergence in the post-peronist discursive space. Their multiple meanings can only be addressed in a sound analysis of the political speech of these two leaders. The discourse of Carlos Menem and the one of Néstor Kirchner thus come across as competing enunciative spaces struggling for the sense of reality and of the Argentinian history
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Smith, Lauren. "The Politics of the Visitor Experience: Remembering Slavery at Museums and Plantations." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1587733890900649.
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Tala, Diaz Denise. "Living Through the Chilean Coup d’Etat: The Second-Generation’s Reflection on Their Sense of Agency, Civic Engagement and Democracy." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch159302076798197.
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Breindl, Yana. "Hacking the law: an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
Full textAbstract:
Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Mouren, Renan. "E-médiations territoriales : modélisation et mise en ressources numériques : entre espace informé et espace géographique." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080100/document.
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Entre espace informé et espace géographiqueNous observons une grande diversité des champs d’application, statuts, fonctions, usages de la e-médiationterritoriale, selon les contextes socio-économiques, politiques, géographiques ou écologiques. Cette hétérogénéitérévèle l'existence d'un lien épistémologiquement fécond entre numérique, espace informé et espace géographique.Cette thèse circonscrit et approfondit ces dimensions complexes, articulées, parfois divergentes, mais qui sont desparamètres essentiels de l’action et du développement territorial. Face aux grands enjeux, socio-économiques,écologiques, sociétaux et multiculturels qui pèsent aujourd’hui plus ou moins uniformément sur le monde, cesdimensions sont essentielles à la construction de modèles de développement spécifiques dans lesquels le numériquetient une place décisive. Plus la e-médiation territoriale se subordonne à la logique fonctionnaliste du branchementdu global vers le local, plus elle favorise l’usage de données territoriales tracées, capturées et marchandisées. Cettestratégie internationale de définition, d’homogénéisation, d’analyse et de traitement massif (big data) des donnéesnumériques territoriales, produit un appauvrissement qualitatif de ces données, induit de nouvelles normativitéspolitiques, limite les recherches théorico-pratiques d’innovations sociales et d’usages, conduisant à unrefroidissement numérique des territoires. La notion centrale de e-médiation, « objet frontière » entre les disciplines,fonctionne dans cette thèse comme une matrice d’interprétation du territoire à partir de laquelle s’élabore un canevasthéorico-pratique. Cette thèse rassemble, analyse et référence des articles, documents, publications, travauxthéoriques, contributions professionnelles, politiques et pratiques, explore ce lien entre espaces informé,géographique et numérique, qui déplace le centre de gravité d’interprétation théorique des territoires, à la mesuredes mutations et des représentations auxquelles ils sont confrontés. Ce canevas, nous l’expérimentons avec leterritoire de la Seine-Saint-Denis sur la base d’un schéma d’intervention numérique qui combine acteurs et actions,innovation technologique et innovation sociale afin de donner du sens aux différentes modalités d’actions dans laperspective du développement durable et du bien commun. Des territoires très éloignés et de cultures différentespourraient, sous certaines conditions méthodologiques, utiliser un tel schéma d’intervention afin d’exprimer etexpérimenter des modèles de développement, et des e-médiations autoriseraient alors des comparaisons inter et intraterritoriales, des analyses fines des contextes historiques, géographiques et sociaux d’émergence, des observationsdétaillées de certains traits ou solutions locales comme globalesBetween informed space and geographical spaceWe observe a wide range of territorial e-mediation’s concrete fields, statutes, functions and uses, according to socioeconomics,political, geographical or ecological contexts. This diversity reveals an epistemologically productivelink between digital, geographical and informized spaces. This thesis aims to circumscribe and deepen thosearticulated, sometimes divergent, complex dimensions, keys parameters of action and territorial development.Indeed, in the face of the major issues, socio-economic, ecological, societal and multicultural that weigh more orless uniformly today on the world, these dimensions of digital territorial mediation, are essential and necessary tobuild specific development models in which digital is one of the most significant. Moreover the higher the territoriale-mediation obeys a logic of branching, from the global to the local, the more it favors the use of territorial data thatare easy to track, capture, analyze and merchandise by the Data-Broker. This relative homogenization and thisqualitative impoverishment of the numerical data available on the territories, can induce new political normativities,limit the theoretical-practical researches on the social and usages innovations and lead to a numerical cooling of theterritories. This central notion of territorial e-mediation, is a « Boundary Objects » operates in this thesis as a amatrix for interpreting territories from which a theoretical-practical frameworks is designed. This thesis collect,analyse, reference, documents, publications, theoretical works, professional contributions, policies and practices onthis link between digital, geographical and informized spaces that is shifting the centre of gravity of territoriestheorical interpretations, proportionate to mutations and représentations that are facing them. For a number of yearswe experiment this framework with the Seine-Saint-Denis (Paris) territory, based on an interventions outline whichcombines stakeholders and actions, technical an social innovations in order to give meaning to the various forms ofaction, in view of sustainable development and common good. Distant territories and from different cultures couldunder certain methodological conditions through e-mediations, use this kind of framework to experiment andexpress their developpment models, comparisons, detailed analysis, the context of emergence, detailed comments,« traits » or solutions.Those mediations would permit