Books: 'Coalition research'

1

Center for Hazardous Waste Management (IIT Research Institute). Coalition on Superfund research report. Chicago, Ill: The Center, Illinois Institute of Technology, IIT Research Institute, 1989.

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2

Center for Hazardous Waste Management (IIT Research Institute). Coalition on Superfund research report: Submitted to Coalition on Superfund. Chicago, Ill. (10 W. 35th St., Chicago 60616-3799): Center for Hazardous Waste Management, Illinois Institute of Technology/IIT Research Institute, 1989.

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3

Blados, W. Global change information support: A north-south coalition. [Washington, DC]: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Scientific and Technical Information Office, 1993.

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4

Riches, Graham. Policy research and community action: The Regina Child Hunger Coalition. Regina: Social Administration Research Unit, Faculty of Social Work, University of Regina, 1991.

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5

Gustafson, H. Wayne. A survey of coalition logistics issues, options, and opportunities for research. Santa Monica, CA (1700 Main St., P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica 90406): Rand, 1990.

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6

Academy, Canadian Defence, ed. A new coalition for a challenging battlefield: Military and veteran health research. Kingston, Ont: Canadian Defence Academy Press, 2012.

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7

Wintersgill, Cathy. What would make services good?: Quality standards in services for people with learning disabilities : a user perspective : [research summary for the Leeds Coalition]. [Leeds]: [Leeds Coalition], 1996.

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8

National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund (U.S.). Shaping the future of biomarker research in breast cancer to ensure clinical relevance: National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund Strategic Consensus Report : November 13th-15th, 2005, Philadelphia, PA. [United States?]: National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund, 2006.

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9

National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund (U.S.). Shaping the future of biomarker research in breast cancer to ensure clinical relevance: National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund Strategic Consensus Report : November 13th-15th, 2005, Philadelphia, PA. United States?]: National Breast Cancer Coalition Fund, 2006.

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10

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Government Reform. Subcommittee on National Security, Veterans Affairs, and International Relations. Gulf War veterans' illnesses: Health of coalition forces : hearing before the Subcommittee on National Security, Veterans Affairs, and International Relations of the Committee on Government Reform, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, January 24, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.

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11

Alexander, Elsie. Women in Botswana: [a profile of women in Botswana produced by the Botswana Women's NGO Coalition and the Women in Development Southern Africa Awareness (WIDSAA) Programme of the Southern African Research and Documentation Centre (SARDC). Harare, Zimbabwe: SARDC, Southern African Research and Documentation Centre, 2005.

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12

Bjørn, Gustavsen, Colbjørnsen Tom, and Pålshaugen Øyvind, eds. Development coalitions in working life: The "enterprise development 2000" program in Norway. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub., 1998.

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13

Sozialstrukturelle Cleavages bei Bundestagswahlen in Theorie und Empirie: Persistenz, Realignment oder Dealignment? Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1999.

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14

Global change information support: A north-south coalition. [Washington, DC]: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Scientific and Technical Information Office, 1993.

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15

Bergman, Torbjörn, Gabriella Ilonszki, and Wolfgang C. Müller, eds. Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844372.001.0001.

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Coalitions among political parties govern most of Europe’s parliamentary democracies. Traditionally, the study of coalition politics has been focused on Western Europe. Coalition governance in Central Eastern Europe brings the study of the full coalition life-cycle to a region that has undergone tremendous political transformation, but which has not been studied from this perspective. The volume covers Bulgaria, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. It provides information and analyses of the cycle, from pre-electoral alliances to coalition formation and portfolio distribution, governing in coalitions, the stages that eventually lead to a government termination, and the electoral performance of coalition parties. In Central Eastern Europe, few single-party cabinets form and there have been only a few early elections. The evidence provided shows that coalition partners in the region write formal agreements (coalition agreements) to an extent that is similar to the patterns that we find in Western Europe, but also that they adhere less closely to these contracts. While the research on Western Europe tends to stress that coalition partners emphasize coalition compromise and mutual supervision, there is more evidence of ‘ministerial government’ by individual ministers and ministries. There are also a few coalition governance systems that are heavily dominated by the prime minister. No previous study has covered the full coalition life-cycle in all of the ten countries with as much detail. Systematic information is presented in 10 figures and in more than one hundred tables.

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16

Fermann, Gunnar. Coping with Caveats in Coalition Warfare: An Empirical Research Program. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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17

Fermann, Gunnar. Coping with Caveats in Coalition Warfare: An Empirical Research Program. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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18

Chaisty, Paul, Nic Cheeseman, and Timothy J. Power. Minority Presidents in a Coalitional World. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817208.003.0010.

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This chapter summarizes the main parameters of coalitional presidentialism and the key concepts, definitions, explanatory frameworks, indicators, and propositions. It summarizes our understanding of coalitional presidentialism; the distinction between coalition formation and maintenance; the definition of coalitions; the multidimensional understanding of coalition management (the ‘presidential toolbox’); and an analytical framework that emphasizes the motivation of presidents to achieve cost minimization under constraints determined by system-level, coalition-level, and conjunctural factors. It also summarizes our main empirical findings: (1) the characteristics of presidential tools, (2) the substantive patterns of their deployment, (3) the factors that shape the costs of using these tools, (4) the actual (observed) costs of using them, and (5) the potential for imperfect substitutability of these tools. Finally, it concludes with some reflections on the current state of the research on comparative presidentialism.

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19

Tomlinson, Mary R. Looking to the local: Local governments and low-cost housing delivery (Research report). Centre for Policy Studies, 1998.

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20

US GOVERNMENT. Gulf War Veterans' Illnesses: Health of Coalition Forces: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on National Security, Veterans Affairs, and International. Government Printing Office, 2003.

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21

Breaking the Language Barrier: An Emergentist Coalition Model of Word Learning (Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development). Blackwell Publishing Limited, 2000.

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22

Chaisty, Paul, Nic Cheeseman, and Timothy J. Power. Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817208.001.0001.

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This book provides the first cross-regional study of an increasingly important form of politics: coalitional presidentialism. Drawing on original research of minority presidents in the democratizing and hybrid regimes of Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine, it seeks to understand how presidents who lack single party legislative majorities build and manage cross-party support in legislative assemblies. It develops a framework for analysing this phenomenon, and blends data from MP surveys, detailed case studies, and wider legislative and political contexts, to analyse systematically the tools that presidents deploy to manage their coalitions. Paul Chaisty, Nic Cheeseman, and Timothy J. Power focus on five key legislative, cabinet, partisan, budget, and informal (exchange of favours) tools that are utilized by minority presidents. They contend that these constitute the ‘toolbox’ for coalition management, and argue that minority presidents will act with imperfect or incomplete information to deploy the tool or tools that provide(s) the highest return of political support with the lowest expenditure of political capital. In developing this analysis, the book assembles a set of concepts, definitions, indicators, analytical frameworks, and propositions that establish the main parameters of coalitional presidentialism. In this way, Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective provides crucial insights into this mode of governance.

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23

Van Dyke, Nella. Movement Emergence and Resource Mobilization. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.18.

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This chapter explores women’s movement emergence, and the role of organizations, leadership, and coalitions in women’s mobilizations. It begins by discussing the factors that influenced the emergence of the first and second waves of feminist organizing. The chapter also presents debates around organizational structure within the women’s movement and the contributions that both informal and formal organizations make to women’s movement mobilization and success. The next section examines the important roles that women have played as leaders in a range of movements, critical in mobilizing support, developing movement strategies and frames, and sustaining women’s mobilizations over time. Finally, the chapter discusses factors facilitating women’s coalition formation, and the social movement communities of which these coalitions are a part. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of how future research can further increase understanding of how resources, organization, and leadership influence the dynamics of women’s mobilization.

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24

(Editor), Joanne Kilgour Dowdy, and Joan T. Wynne (Editor), eds. Racism, Research, & Educational Reform: Voices From The City (Counterpoints: Studies in the Postmodern Theory of Education). Peter Lang Publishing, 2005.

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25

Cairney, Paul. Paul A. Sabatier, “An Advocacy Coalition Framework of Policy Change and the Role of Policy-Oriented Learning Therein”. Edited by Martin Lodge, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.013.24.

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This chapter focuses on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), a highly influential approach to public policy that has been adopted in the United States and many other developed countries. The ACF first emerged in the 1990s, seeking to produce a general theory of policy-making based on the idea that people engage in politics to translate their beliefs, rather than their simple material interests, into action. In addition to representing an approach to the study of contemporary public policy, the ACF offers a set of ideas about how scientific enquiry should be conducted. The chapter examines how the ACF’s proponents, especially Paul Sabatier, have influenced the discussion of public policy as a discipline and a branch of science. After providing a summary of the ACF and its ideas, the discussion turns to its expansion and revision and how it has shaped thinking and research on public policy.

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26

Hess, Nicole H. Informational Warfare. Edited by Maryanne L. Fisher. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199376377.013.15.

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Evolutionary scholars often emphasize the strategic benefits of coalitions in male aggression and warfare. Evolutionary theories of human female coalitions, however, have not recognized any competitive function for coalitional behavior and instead emphasize mutual nurturing and help with child care. This focus is despite the fact that a significant body of research has shown that coalitions in nonhuman female primates do serve competitive functions. This essay argues that coalitional relationships among human females—like those among human males and those among female nonhuman primates—serve aggressive functions in reputational competition. It further argues that, for either sex, competition via gossip and coalitional gossip is usually a better strategy than physical aggression when it comes to within-group competition. Finally, the essay proposes that, because human females might face more within-group competition than human males, women and girls might engage in more gossip than men and boys.

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27

Saito, Hiro. The Coexistence of Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism, 1997–2015. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824856748.003.0005.

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Between 1997 and 2015, the history problem became more complex due to changes in both domestic and international situations of the three countries. The LDP returned to power, but it had to form a coalition government with other small parties. Various new actors also entered the field, including the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform that promoted “healthy nationalism” in history education. At the same time, historians and educators in the three countries began organizing joint historical research and education projects to promote the logic of cosmopolitanism, and even the LDP-led coalition government launched bilateral joint historical research projects with South Korea and China to prevent a further escalation of the history problem. Thus, nationalist commemorations in the three countries continued to fuel the history problem, but they came to coexist, in a complex manner, with mutual cosmopolitan commemoration initiated by the governmental and nongovernmental joint projects.

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28

(Editor), Bjorn Gustavsen, Tom Colbjornsen (Editor), and Oyvind Palshaugen (Editor), eds. Research and Development Coalitions (Dialogues on Work & Innovation). John Benjamins Publishing Co, 1997.

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29

Schlumberger, Oliver. Authoritarian Regimes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935307.013.18.

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This article first discusses the term “authoritarian regimes” and makes a claim for studying such regimes. An overview of the young but burgeoning research on authoritarian regimes structures the field in eight thematic clusters: (1) typological efforts and regime characteristics such as coalition formation and origins, (2) institutionalist approaches, (3) state-society relations beyond formal institutions, (4) repression, (5) political economy approaches, (6) international dimensions, (7) performance, and (8) linking the concepts of regimes and states. Although this wave of research has been extremely prolific, it still remains unsystematic and disparate in various regards. It is therefore necessary for this field of research to consolidate and thereby to contribute to genuine knowledge accumulation.

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30

Fagan, Abigail A., J. David Hawkins, David P. Farrington, and Richard F. Catalano. Communities that Care. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190299217.001.0001.

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Evidence-based, prevention-oriented, and community-driven approaches are advocated to improve public health and reduce youth behavior problems, but there are few effective models for doing so. This book advances knowledge about this topic by describing the conditions and actions necessary for effective community-based prevention. The chapters review the ways in which communities can promote readiness to engage in prevention among local stakeholders; build and maintain diverse, well-functioning prevention coalitions; conduct local needs and resource assessments; collectively decide on prevention priorities; select evidence-based interventions that are a good fit with prioritized community needs, resources, and context; and implement evidence-based interventions (EBIs) with fidelity and sustain them over time. The Communities That Care (CTC) prevention system is described in detail to illustrate effective community-based prevention. CTC is a coalition-based prevention system shown to promote healthy youth development and reduce youth behavior problems community wide. It does so by assisting communities to: (1) increase awareness of and support for EBIs; (2) encourage positive interactions between community residents and youth; (3) conduct local needs assessments and collectively decide on priorities to target with EBIs; (4) implement EBIs that are matched to prioritized needs; and (5) ensure that EBIs are coordinated across community organizations, implemented with fidelity, widely disseminated, and evaluated. The book describes the development and evaluation of the CTC system, including how its developers used community-based participatory research to ensure that CTC could be feasibly implemented and employed rigorous research methods to assess the degree to which use of the system reduced adolescent behavior problems.

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31

Corley, Pamela C. Opinion Writing. Edited by Lee Epstein and Stefanie A. Lindquist. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579891.013.15.

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This chapter reviews the literature on opinion writing, focusing on the United States Supreme Court. It is important to understand the words used, the reasoning employed, and the tests devised by the Court. It is the legal rule extracted from the rationale of the decision that provides guidance for the future. Thus, the opinion of the court matters, not just the vote on the merits, and understanding how the opinion writing process works is essential to understanding the development of the law. This chapter includes a summary of the research on opinion assignment, the influence of law clerks in writing opinions, coalition formation, concurrences and dissents, and research analyzing the content of court opinions.

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32

Collins, Paul M. Interest Groups and the Judiciary. Edited by Lee Epstein and Stefanie A. Lindquist. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579891.013.21.

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Interest groups play an important role in the legal system, participating in a wide array of cases as litigants, sponsors, amici curiae, and intervenors. This chapter provides a critical analysis of academic scholarship on interest group litigation, devoting particular attention to establishing the limitations of the current state of knowledge and providing suggestions for future research. This chapter demonstrates that, while there has been a great deal of research on some facets of social movement litigation, such as amicus curiae participation in the U.S. Supreme Court, others have been relatively unexplored, including investigations of coalition formation, venue selection, and extrajudicial lobbying. Thus, there are ample opportunities for future scholars to contribute to our understanding of planned litigation by organized interests.

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33

Krebs, Timothy B. Local Campaigns and Elections. Edited by Donald P. Haider-Markel. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579679.013.008.

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Despite a substantial increase in the number and quality of studies on local elections and campaigns, the field remains in its infancy. Research on minority and female officials at the local level has given way to a more concerted effort to understand the nature of voter turnout and vote choice in city elections. In this article the author argues that cities and other local governments are inviting places to study given the variety of local political contexts, institutional arrangements, and the presence of multi-racial and multi-gender candidate pools. We know that institutional arrangements, namely At-large systems of representation, hinder the ability of minority groups to achieve success in winning local office, and that coalition building among racial and ethnic groups is often needed to win. We also have some sense that cities’ institutional arrangements influence voter turnout, but there is debate about which features are most important. The author explores these research gaps among other directions for future research.

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34

Billies, Michelle. How/Can Psychology Support Low-Income LGBTGNC Liberation? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190614614.003.0002.

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Findings from a participatory action research project conducted by the Welfare Warriors Research Collaborative (WWRC) are used to explore the questions of whether and what kind of psychology can support racially and ethnically diverse, low-income lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and gender nonconforming (LGBTGNC) liberation. Such issues cannot be understood through lenses of gender and sexuality alone and mainstream psychology—as well as the larger LGBT movement—has tended to ignore the formative ways oppressions are made to work together. Intersectionality and homonationalism are necessary concepts in a psychology of low-income, racially and ethnically diverse LGBTGNC liberation as well as an understanding of “resistance” that broadens to include building community among individuals as well as solidarity and coalition with sister social movements. Freedom of movement and the right to housing are explored as human rights relevant for a low-income LGBTGNC psychology of liberation.

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35

Ward, Artemus. Law Clerks. Edited by Lee Epstein and Stefanie A. Lindquist. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579891.013.14.

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Law clerks are central to the judicial process. Yet questions persist about whether they exercise undue influence. Clerkships are prestigious and clerk selection is driven by increasing competition. Hired for a single year, clerks take on considerable responsibility. At the agenda-setting stage, clerks screen incoming cases to help judges determine those that are worthy of review. Law clerks do research, prepare their judges for oral argument, and suggest how cases ought to be decided. Clerks take part in opinion writing by drafting the initial opinions that explain their judges’ positions. Clerks assist judges in the coalition formation process by discussing the cases and negotiating with other clerks. Post-clerkship career paths can not only be lucrative but also provide opportunities for former clerks to continue to influence their former bosses. Ultimately, research shows that while clerks necessarily influence the judicial decision-making process, they have not usurped judicial authority.

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36

Ringe, Nils, Jennifer Nicoll Victor, and Wendy Tam Cho. Legislative Networks. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.19.

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Legislatures are naturally interactive institutions. Creating laws, engaging in representation and oversight, and serving constituents are social processes. Legislators have many connections with each other, some preexisting or natural and some created while in office. This chapter explores various ways to understand legislative politics through a relational lens. Legislators rely on networks for a variety of functions, including collaboration, information diffusion, policy coordination, coalition building, and voting. Relationships are a fundamental aspect of how legislators, and those who interact with them, function. The chapter examines the history of how networks have been studied in legislatures and describes various challenges this field of study has recently overcome, as well as other challenges yet to be solved in studying legislative politics using networks. It relays the dominant existing applications and methods in this subfield and suggests several fruitful avenues for future research.

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37

Pneuman, Roy W. Building small church coalitions: Learnings from the Northern Neck project (Special papers and research reports). Alban Institute, 1994.

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38

Eaton, Kent. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800576.003.0006.

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The final chapter concludes the book in two ways. First, it summarizes the central claim that structural significance, institutional capacity, and coalitional dynamics together explain whether subnational officials can advance successful subnational policy challenges. This part of the chapter also assesses the more general theoretical implications of the research findings for each causal variable (structure, capacity, and coalitions). Whereas most of the book examines how decentralization has empowered territorial actors to shape ideological conflicts, the second half of the conclusion reverses this focus by exploring how ideological conflict over the market also shapes territorial outcomes, most significantly through the redistribution of authority and resources between levels of government. The chapter ends with representative examples of recentralization in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru; these show how ideological conflict over the market has led national governments in each country to recentralize authority and resources in the attempt to undercut subnational policy challenges.

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39

Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Harald Schoen, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf, eds. Zwischen Polarisierung und Beharrung: Die Bundestagswahl 2017. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845287607.

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The Bundestag election was a choice between polarisation and insistence. The parties in the grand coalition had to accept massive losses of votes. Nevertheless, the black-red government under Angela Merkel remained in power. The AfD was the first right-wing populist party to enter the Bundestag. Based on data collected within the framework of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), the most comprehensive research project to date on German elections, this volume offers a comprehensive analysis of the Bundestag elections. It follows on from the two studies on the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections and updates the longstanding electoral history of the Federal Republic of Germany from the perspective of empirical electoral research. Written in a scientifically based and understandable manner, the volume analyses the development of politics and public opinion since the Bundestag elections in 2013. It discusses election campaigns, election results and voter behaviour in detail as well as the formation of the government in 2017, which, at that time, had lasted longer than ever before.

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40

(Editor), Bjorn Gustavsen, Tom Colbjornsen (Editor), and Oyvind Palshaugen (Editor), eds. Development Coalitions in Working Life: The 'Enterprise Development 2000' Program in Norway (Dialogues on Work and Innovation, Vol 6). John Benjamins Publishing Co, 1998.

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41

(Editor), Susan Scherffius Jakes, and Craig C. Brookins (Editor), eds. Understanding Ecological Programming: Merging Theory, Research and Practice. Haworth Press, 2004.

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42

Lee, Ji-Young. China's Hegemony. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231179744.001.0001.

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Many have viewed the tribute system as China's tool for projecting its power and influence in East Asia, treating other actors as passive recipients of Chinese domination. China's Hegemony sheds new light on this system and shows that the international order of Asia's past was not as Sinocentric as conventional wisdom suggests. Instead, throughout the early modern period, Chinese hegemony was accepted, defied, and challenged by its East Asian neighbors at different times, depending on these leaders' strategies for legitimacy among their populations. Focusing on China-Korea-Japan dynamics of East Asian international politics during the Ming and High Qing periods, Ji-Young Lee draws on extensive research of East Asian language sources, including records written by Chinese and Korean tributary envoys. She offers fascinating and rich details of war and peace in Asian international relations, addressing questions such as: why Japan invaded Korea and fought a major war against the Sino-Korean coalition in the late sixteenth century; why Korea attempted to strike at the Ming empire militarily in the late fourteenth century; and how Japan created a miniature tributary order posing as the center of Asia in lieu of the Qing empire in the seventeenth century.

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43

Delaney, Douglas E. The Imperial Army Project. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198704461.001.0001.

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How did British authorities manage to secure the commitment of large dominion and Indian armies that could plan, fight, shoot, communicate, and sustain themselves, in concert with the British Army and with each other, during the era of the two world wars? This is the primary line of inquiry for this study, which begs a couple of supporting questions. What did the British want from the dominion and Indian armies and how did they go about trying to get it? How successful were they in the end? Answering these questions requires a long-term perspective—one that begins with efforts to fix the armies of the British Empire in the aftermath of their desultory performance in South Africa (1899–1903) and follows through to the high point of imperial military cooperation during the Second World War. Based on multi-archival research conducted in six different countries on four continents, Douglas E. Delaney argues that the military compatibility of the British Empire armies was the product of a deliberate and enduring imperial army project, one that aimed at ‘Lego-piecing’ the armies of the empire, while, at the same time, accommodating the burgeoning autonomy of the dominions and even India. At its core, this book is really about how a military coalition worked.

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44

Ó Briain, Lonán. Voices of Vietnam. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197558232.001.0001.

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On September 2, 1945, Ho Chi Minh read the Declaration of Independence over a makeshift wired loudspeaker system to thousands of listeners in Hanoi. Five days later, Ho’s Viet Minh forces set up a clandestine radio station using equipment brought to Southeast Asia by colonial traders. The revolutionaries garnered support for their coalition on air by interspersing political narratives with red music (nhạc đỏ). Voice of Vietnam Radio (VOV) grew from these communist and colonial foundations to become one of the largest producers of music in contemporary Vietnam. In the first comprehensive English-language study on the history of radio music in mainland Southeast Asia, Lonán Ó Briain examines the broadcast voices that reconfigured Vietnam’s cultural, social, and political landscape over a century. Ó Briain draws on a year of ethnographic fieldwork at the VOV studios (2016–17), interviews with radio employees and listeners, historical recordings and broadcasts, and archival research in Vietnam, France, and the United States. From the Indochinese radio clubs of the 1920s to the 75th anniversary celebrations of the VOV in 2020, Voices of Vietnam offers a fresh perspective on this turbulent period by demonstrating how music production and sound reproduction are integral to the unyielding process of state formation.

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45

Ovodenko, Alexander. Downstream Consumers and Climate Change Mitigation in the Airlines and Shipping Industries. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190677725.003.0002.

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The chapter contrasts multilateral negotiations on energy efficiency in the airlines and shipping sectors to explain the importance of consumer demand in the politics of multilateral negotiations on climate change mitigation. Since the analysis focuses on how governments have handled the same issue over the same time span but across two different sectors, both of which are oligopolistic, it is possible to isolate the impacts of downstream markets on the politics of emissions mitigation. The research design examines the impacts of price elasticity, product substitution, and asset requirements among consumers on the economics of emissions mitigation, referencing the differential outcomes in the multilateral negotiations. The findings show that consumer preferences in the airlines industry have made the economics of emissions mitigation unfavorable for building large coalitions in support of global regulation, in contrast to the more traditional coalitions formed around maritime emissions.

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46

Zavella, Patricia. The Movement for Reproductive Justice. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479829200.001.0001.

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Working on behalf of women of color, the movement for reproductive justice incorporates intersectionality and human rights to advocate for women’s right to bear children free from coercion or abuse, terminate their pregnancies without obstacles or judgment, and raise their children in healthy environments as well as the right to bodily autonomy and gender self-identification. The movement for reproductive justice takes health advocacy further by pushing for women’s human right to access health care with dignity and to express their full selves, including their spiritual beliefs, as well as policies that address social inequalities and lead to greater wellness in communities of color. The evidence is drawn from ethnographic research with thirteen organizations located throughout the United States. The overall argument is that the organizations discussed here provide a compelling model for negotiating across differences within constituencies. This movement has built a repertoire of “ready-to-work skills” or methodology that includes cross-sector coalition building, storytelling in safer spaces, and strengths-based messaging. In the ongoing political clashes in which the war on women’s reproductive rights and targeting of immigrants seem particularly egregious and there are widespread questions about whether “the resistance” can maintain its cohesion, the movement for reproductive justice offers a model for multiscalar politics in opposition to conservative agendas and the disparagement of specific social categories. Using grassroots organizing, culture shift work, and policy advocacy, this movement also offers visions of the strength, resiliency, and dignity of people of color.

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Leifeld, Philip. Discourse Network Analysis. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.25.

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Political discourse is the verbal interaction among political actors, who make normative claims about policies conditional on each other, rendering discourse a dynamic network phenomenon. The structure and dynamics of policy debates can be analyzed by combining content and dynamic network analysis. After annotating statements of actors in text sources, networks can be created from these structured data, such as congruence or conflict networks at the actor or concept level, affiliation networks of actors and concept stances, and longitudinal versions of these networks. The resulting network data reveal important properties, such as the structure of advocacy coalitions or discourse coalitions; polarization and consensus formation; and underlying endogenous processes like popularity, reciprocity, or social balance. The advantage of discourse network analysis over survey-based policy network research is that policy processes can be analyzed from a longitudinal perspective. Inferential techniques for understanding the micro-level processes governing political discourse are being developed.

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Dryfoos, Joy G., Jane Quinn, and Carol Barkin, eds. Community Schools in Action. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195169591.001.0001.

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A community school differs from other public schools in important ways: it is generally open most of the time, governed by a partnership between the school system and a community agency, and offers a broad array of health and social services. It often has an extended day before and after school, features parent involvement programs, and works for community enrichment. How should such a school be structured? How can its success be measured? Community Schools in Action: Lessons from a Decade of Practice presents the Children's Aid Society's (CAS) approach to creating community schools for the 21st century. CAS began this work more than a decade ago and today operates thirteen such schools in three low-income areas of New York City. Through a technical assistance center operated by CAS, hundreds of other schools across the country and the world are adapting this model. Based on their own experiences working with community schools, the contributors to the volume supply invaluable information about the selected program components. They describe how and why CAS started its community school initiative and explain how CAS community schools are organized, integrated with the school system, sustained, and evaluated. The book also includes several contributions from experts outside of CAS: a city superintendent, an architect, and the director of the Coalition for Community Schools. Co-editors Joy Dryfoos, an authority on community schools, and Jane Quinn, CAS's Assistant Executive Director of Community Schools, have teamed up with freelance writer Carol Barkin to provide commentary linking the various components together. For those interested in transforming their schools into effective child- and family-centered institutions, this book provides a detailed road map. For those concerned with educational and social policy, the book offers a unique example of research-based action that has significant implications for our society.

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Earle, Buckley, and Louisiana Sea Grant College Program., eds. HabTech 2000: Building northern Gulf of Mexico coalitions for technological advances in coastal habitat enhancement and restoration : a conference report, June 26-28, 2000, Pennington Biomedical Research Center, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Baton Rouge, La: Louisiana Sea Grant College Program, 2001.

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Häusermann, Silja, and Bruno Palier. The Politics of Social Investment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790488.003.0031.

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Recent research on the development of social investment has demonstrated reform progress not only in different regions of Europe, but also in Latin America and South-East Asia. However, the specific substance of the social investment agendas varies strongly between these regions. Why have social investment ideas and policies been more developed in some regions and countries than in others? Building on the theoretical framework of this volume, our chapter suggests that the content of regional social investment agendas depends on policy legacies in terms of investment vs consumption-oriented policies and their interaction with structural pressures. In a second step, we argue that the chances of social investment agendas to be implemented depend on the availability of political support coalitions between organizational representatives of the educated middle classes and either business or working-class actors. We illustrate our claims with reference to family policy developments in France, Germany, and Switzerland.

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Books on the topic 'Coalition research'

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